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Complete  list  of  Loeb  titles  can  be 
found  at  the  end  of  each  volume 

(Historia  Augusta)  A  collection  of  bio- 
graphies (most  of  them  in  chronological 
order)  of  Roman  emperors  and  claimants 
and  heirs  presumptive  and  colleagues 
from  Hadrian  to  Numerianus  (A.D.  117- 
284)  compiled  by  six  writers  (learned 
men,  possibly  secretaries  or  librarians 
with  much  knowledge  of  law)  apparently 
of  the  period  A.D.  285-335.  Their  names 
may  be  fictitious,  and  their  work  seems  to 
have  been  added  to  by  later  interpolations. 
Their  model  is  Suetonius,  their  style  plain, 
their  attitude  uncritical  and  courtly  but 
honest,  their  method  the  anecdote  without 
care  for  arrangement  or  much  regard 
for  the  importance  or  the  background 
of  general  events.  Their  considerable 
historical  value  depends  on  their  sources. 
The  earlier  lives  rely  on  two  undis- 
tinguished authors  and  possibly  a  third 
much  better  historian ;  the  later  are  based 
more  on  public  records,  a  fact  which 
enhances  their  value,  in  spite  of  strong 
evidence  of  forgery.  The  object  of  the 
whole  strange  collection  has  been  much 
discussed  in  recent  times. 





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G.  P.  GOOLD 

T.  E.   PAGE  E.   CAPPS 

W.  H.   D.   ROUSE  L.  A.   POST 



LCL  139 







First  published  1921 
Reprinted  1930,  1953,  1960,  1967,  1979,  1991 

ISBN  0-674-99154-0 

Printed  in  Great  Britain  by  St  Edmundsbury  Press  Ltd, 

Bury  St  Edmunds,  Suffolk,  on  acid-free  paper. 
Bound  by  Hunter  6-  Foulis  Ltd,  Edinburgh,  Scotland. 




EDITORIAL  NOTE  (1991)  xxxviii 














IN  the  preparation  of  this  book  others  have  laboured 
and  I  have  entered  into  the  fruits  of  their  labours. 
Their  co-operation  has  been  of  inestimable  service. 

The  translation  of  the  biographies  from  Antoninus 
Pius  to  Pescennius  Niger  and  from  the  Maximini  to 
Maximus  and  Balbinus  inclusive  has  been  furnished 
by  my  friend  Mr.  Ainsworth  O'Brien- Moore.  In  the 
translation  of  the  other  lives  also  his  fine  taste  and 
literary  discrimination  have  been  responsible  for  many 
a  happy  phrase.  But  for  the  promise  of  his  collabora- 
tion the  task  of  preparing  this  edition  had  not  been 

The  Latin  text  of  the  first  six  biographies  has  been 
supplied  by  Miss  Susan  H.  Ballou  of  Bryn  Mawr 
College,  who  had  in  mind  the  preparation  of  a  new 
text  of  these  biographies,  based  on  her  study  of  the 
manuscripts.  Unfortunately,  however,  other  interests 
have  claimed  her  time  and  her  efforts  and  she  has 
been  unable  to  complete  the  work  for  this  edition. 
It  is  to  be  earnestly  hoped  that  she  will  yet  publish 
a  critical  text  of  the  entire  series. 

In  the  lack  of  Miss  Ballou's  text  I  nave  been 
forced  to  base  this  edition,  from  the  Commodus 



onward,  on  the  text  of  Hermann  Peter,  for  the  long- 
promised  edition  by  Dr.  Ernst  Hohl  has  not  yet 
appeared.  Its  aid  would  have  been  invaluable. 
While  only  too  well  aware  of  the  inadequacies  of 
Peter's  text,  I  have  not  felt  able  to  introduce  many 
changes.  The  suggestions  offered  bv  various  scholars 

O  -     v  * 

since  the  appearance  of  Peter's  second  edition  have 
been  carefully  considered,  and  a  few  have  been 
adopted.  The  text,  therefore,  is  that  of  the  Codex 
Palatinus  (P),  with  the  introduction  of  a  few  emen- 
dations and  whatever  changes  in  punctuation  and 
spelling  might  seem  in  accordance  with  modern 
usage.  All  the  more  important  variations  from  P, 
as  well  as  the  most  significant  of  the  variant  readings 

™  O 

afforded  by  the  later  correctors  of  the  manuscript, 
and,  in  ad'ditiou,  the  divergencies  from  the  text  of 
Peter  have  been  entered  in  the  critical  notes. 

In  the  Introduction  I  have  sought  to  give  a  brief 
account  of  the  Historia  Augusta,  the  authors,  their 
method  and  style,  and  a  summary  of  the  study  ex- 
pended on  it  from  the  close  of  the  classical  period  to 
the  present  and  its  use  by  later  historians.  A  dis- 
cussion of  its  authorship  an.l  sources  and  of  the 
theories  which  have  found  in  it  a  work  of  the  late 
fourth  or  early  fifth  century  has,  for  reasons  of  space, 
been  reserved  for  the  second  volume. 

The  somewhat  voluminous  commentary  has  seemed 
necessary  on  account  of  the  obscurity  of  the  narrative 
and  the  abundance  of  technical  terms.  In  the  pre- 
paration of  it  I  have  tried  to  keep  in  mind  not  only 
the  needs  of  the  general  reader  but  also  those  of  the 
student  of  Roman  History,  and  it  is  for  the  benefit 
of  the  latter  that  some  of  the  more  technical  material 
has  been  included. 



A  list  of  the  books  and  articles  to  which  I  am  in- 
debted would  fill  many  pages.  The  greatest  amount 
of  aid  has  been  furnished  by  Lessing's  Lexicon, 
Mommsen's  Romisches  Staatsrecht,  the  Prosopographia 
Imperil  Romani,  and  the  admirable  articles  on  the 
various  Emperors  that  have  appeared  in  the  Real- 
Encyclopadie  of  Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll.  In  the  com- 
mentary to  the  biography  of  Hadrian  valuable 
assistance  has  been  rendered  by  Wilhelm  Weber's 
Untersuchwigen  zur  Geschickte  des  Kaisers  Hadrian. 
A  complete  bibliography  will  be  included  in  the 
second  volume. 

Of  the  work  as  a  whole,  perhaps  it  can  be  said  : 
"Sunt  bona,  sunt  quaedam  mediocria,  sunt  mala  plura, 
quae  legis  hie  ". 


15th  June,  1921. 




OF    THE 


AMONG  the  remnants  of  Roman  literature  preserved 
by  the  whims  of  fortune  is  a  collection  of  biographies 
of  the  emperors  from  Hadrian  to  Carinus  —  the  Vitae 
Diversorum  Principum  et  Tyrannorum  a  Divo  Hadriano 
usque  ad  Numerianum  Diversis  compositae,  as  it  is  en- 
titled in  the  principal  manuscript,  the  Codex  Palatinus 
of  the  Vatican  Library.  It  is  popularly  known,  ap- 
parently for  convenience'  sake,  as  the  Hutoria  Augusta, 
a  name  applied  to  it  by  Casaubon,  whereas  the  original 
title  was  probably  de  Vita  Caesarum  or  Vitae  Caesarum.1 
The  collection,  as  extant,  comprises  thirty  biographies, 
most  of  which  contain  the  life  of  a  single  emperor, 
while  some  include  a  group  of  two  or  more,  classed 
together  merely  because  these  emperors  were  either 
akin  or  contemporary.  Not  only  the  emperors  who 
actually  reigned,  the  "  Augusti,"  but  also  the  heirs 

Mommsen,  Hermes,  ziii.  (1878),  p.  301  =  Gesammelte 
Schriften,  vii.  p.  301. 



presumptive,  the  "  Caesares/'  and  the  various  claim- 
ants to  the  empire,  the  <x  Tyranni,"  are  included  in  the 

According  to  the  tradition  of  the  manuscripts  the 
biographies  are  the  work  of  six  different  authors  ; 
some  of  them  are  addressed  to  the  Emperor 
Diocletian,  others  to  Constantine,  and  others  to  im- 
portant personages  in  Rome.  The  biographies  of 
the  emperors  from  Hadrian  to  Gordian  are  attributed 
to  four  various  authors,  apparently  on  no  principle 
whatsoever,  for  not  only  are  the  lives  of  successive, 
or  even  contemporary,  princes  ascribed  to  different 
authors  and  those  of  emperors  widely  separated  in 
time  to  the  same  writer,  but  in  the  case  of  two  of 
the  authors  some  lives  are  dedicated  to  Diocletian 
and  some  to  Constantine. 

In  the  traditional  arrangement  the  biographies  are 
assigned  to  the  various  authors  as  follows : 

I.  Aelius  Spartianus  :  the  vitae  of  Hadrian,  Aelius, 
Didius  Julianus,  Severus,  Pescennius  Niger,  Caracalla, 
and  Geta.  Of  these,  the  Aelius,  Julianus,  Severus, 
and  Niger  are  addressed  to  Diocletian,  the  Geta  to 
Constantine.  The  preface  of  the  Aelius1  contains 
mention  of  the  Caesars  Galerius  Maximianus  and 
Constantius  Chlorus,  and  from  this  it  may  be  inferred 
that  the  vitae  of  the  Diocletian  group  were  written 
between  293,  the  year  of  the  nomination  of  these 
Caesars,  and  305,  the  year  of  Diocletian's  retirement. 
In  the  same  preface2  Spartianus  announces  that  it  is 
his  purpose  to  write  the  biographies,  not  only  of  the 
emperors  who  preceded  Hadrian,  but  also  of  all  the 
princes  who  followed,  including  the  Caesars  and  the 

lAel.,u.  2. 


II.  Julius  Capitolinus  :    the   mlae  of  Pius,  Marcus 
Aurelius,  Verus,  Pertinax,  Clodius  Albinus,  Macrinus, 
the    Maximini,    the     Gordiani,    and     Maximus    and 
Balbinus.     Of  these,  the  Marcus,  Verus,  and  Macrinus 
are  addressed  to  Diocletian,  while  the  Albinus,  the 
Maximiui,    and     the     Gordiani     are     addressed     to 
Constantine,  evidently  after  the  fall  of  Licinius  in 
324.1      Like    Spartianus,  Capitolinus    announces    his 
purpose  of  composing  an  extended  series  of  imperial 

III.  Vulcacius    Gallicanus :    the    vita   of  Avidius 
Cassius,  addressed  to  Diocletian.      He  too  announces 
an  ambitious  programme 3 — the  composition  of  bio- 
graphies of  all  who  have  worn  the  imperial  purple, 
both  regnant  emperors  and  pretenders  to  the  throne. 

IV.  Aelius  Lampridius :    the   vilae  of  Commodus, 
Diadumenianus,  Elagabalus,  and  Severus  Alexander. 
Of  these,  the  last  two  are  addressed  to  Constantine  ; 
according  to  the  author,  they  were  composed  at  the 
Emperor's  own  request,4  and  they  were  written  after 
the  defeat  of  Licinius  at  Adrianople  in  323. 5     Lam- 
pridius claims  to  have  written  the  biographies  of  at 
least  some  of  the  predecessors  of  Elagabalus  and  to 
cherish   the   plan   of  composing  biographies  of  the 
emperors  who  reigned  subsequently,  beginning  with 
Alexander  and  including  in  his  work  not  only  Dio- 
cletian  but    Licinius  and   Maxentius,   the   rivals    of 

1  Gord.,  xxxiv.  5 ;  see  H.  Peter,  Die  Scriptores  Historiae 
Augustae  (Leipzig,  1892),  p.  35. 

2  Max.,  i.  1-3  ;  Gord.,  i.  1-5. 

3  Av.  Cass.,  iii.  3. 
*Heliog.,  xxxv.  1. 

6Heliog.,  vii.  7 ;  see  Peter,  Scri2)tores,  p.  32. 
.,  xxxv. ;  Alex.,  Ixiv.  1. 

•  •  • 



V.  Trebellius    Pollio :    the    vitae   from    Philip    to 
Claudius ;    of   his    work,  however,   the   earlier    part, 
containing  the  biographies  from  Philip  to  Valerian, 
has  been  lost  from  the  collection/  and  we  have  only 
the  vitae  of  the  Valerian!  (in  part),  the  Gallieni.  the 
Tyranni  Triginta,  and  Claudius.      Pollio's  biographies 
were  dedicated,  not  to  the  emperor,  but  to  a  friend, 
apparently  an  official  of  high  degree.     His  name  has 
been  lost,  together  with  the  preface  which  must  have 
preceded  the  vita  of  Philip.     The  only  clue   to   his 
id-entity  is  a  passage  in  which  he  is  addressed  as  a 
kinsman  of  an  Herennius  Celsus,  a  candidate  for  the 
consulship.2      The  extant  biographies  were   written 
after  Constantius'  nomination  as  Caesar  in  293, 3  and, 
in  the  case  of  the   Tyranni  Triginta,  after  the  com- 
mencement of  the  Baths  of  Diocletian  in  298. 4     The 
collection  was  finished,  according  to  his  successor  and 
continuer  Vopiscus,  in  303. 5 

VI.  Flavius  Vopiscus  :  the  vitae  of  Aurelian,  Tacitus, 
Probus,   Firmus   and    his    three    fellow-tyrants,    and 
Carus  and  his  sons.     These  biographies,  like  those  of 
Pollio,   are   not    dedicated  to  any   emperor,   but    to 
various  friends  of  the   author.     Vopiscus   wrote,   he 
declares   in   his   elaborate    preface,6    at    the    express 
request    of  his    friend   Junius   Tiberianus,   the   city- 
prefect.     Tiberianus  was  city-prefect  for  the  second 
time    in    303-4, 7  and,   even  granting   that   his   con- 
versation with  the  author  as  well  as  his  promise  of 

1  These  biographies  were  included  in  the  collection  by  Pollio ; 
see  Aur.,  ii.  1. 

*Tyr.  Trig.,  xxii.  12. 

3 Gall.,  vii.  1  and  elsewhere. 

4  Tyr.  Trig.,  xxi.  7 ;  see  Peter,  ticriptores,  p.  36  f. 

6  Aur.,  ii.  1.  *Aur.,  i.-ii. 

7  B.  Borghesi,  Oeuvres  Comytttex  (Paris,  1862-97),  ix.  p.  392. 



the  documents  from  Trajan's  library  are  merely 
rhetorical  ornaments/  this  date  is  usually  regarded 
as  marking  the  beginning  of  Vopiscus'  work.  It  is 
confirmed  by  an  allusion  to  Constantius  as  imperator2 
(305-306)  and  to  Diocletian  as  iam  privatus  (after 
305). 3  This  collection  was  completed,  according  to 
internal  evidence,  before  the  death  of  Diocletian  in 
316, 4  perhaps  even  before  that  of  Galerius  in  31 1.5 
The  series  written  by  Vopiscus  has  been  preserved  in 
its  entirety,  for  it  was  his  intention  to  conclude  his 
work  with  the  lives  of  Carus  and  his  sons,  leaving  to 
others  the  task  of  writing  the  biographies  of  Dio- 
cletian and  his  associates.6 

The  plan  to  include  in  the  collection  not  only 
"August!,"  but  also  "Caesares"  and  "  Tyranni,"  has 
resulted  in  a  double  series  of  biographies  in  that 
section  of  the  Historia  Augusta  which  includes  the 
emperors  between  Hadrian  and  Alexander.  To  the 
life  of  a  regnant  emperor  is  attached  that  of  an  heir- 
presumptive,  a  colleague,  or  a  rival.  In  each  case 
the  minor  vita  stands  in  a  close  relationship  to  the 
major,  and,  in  many  instances,  passages  seem  to  have 
been  transcribed  bodily  from  the  biography  of  the 
"  Augustus  "  to  that  of  the  "  Caesar  "  or  "  Tyrannus  ". 

In  the  composition  of  these  biographies  the  model 
used  by  the  authors,  -according  to  the  testimony  of 
two  of  them,7  was  Suetonius.  The  Lives  of  Suetonius 
are  not  biographies  in  the  modern  sense  of  the  word, 
but  merely  collections  of  material  arranged  according 

1  Peter,  Scnptores,  p.  39. 

*Aur.,  xliv.  5.  3Aui.,  xliii.  2. 

4  Car.,  xviii.  5;  see  Peter,  Scriptores,  p.  45  f. 

5  Car.,  ix.  3. 

6Prob.,  i.  5;  Bonos.,  xv.  10. 

1  Max. — Balb.,  iv.  5;  Prob.,  ii.  7;  Firm.,  i.  2. 



to  certain  definite  categories,1  and  this  method  of 
composition  is,  in  fact,  employed  also  by  the  authors 
of  the  Historia  Augusta.  An  analysis  of  the  Pius,  the 
most  simply  constructed  of  the  series,  shows  the 
general  sciieme  most  clearly.2  This  vita  falls  natur- 
ally into  the  following  divisions:  ancestry  (i.  1-7); 
life  previous  to  his  accession  to  the  throne  (i.  8 — v.  2) ; 
policy  and  events  of  his  reign  (v.  3 — vii.  4) ;  personal 
traits  (vii.  5 — xii.  3)  ;  death  (xii.  4-9)  ;  personal 
appearance  (xiii.  1-2);  honours  after  death  (xiii. 

A  fundamental  scheme  similar  to  this,  in  which 
the  several  sections  are  more  or  less  clearly  marked, 
serves  as  the  basis  for  all  the  biographies.  The  series 
of  categories  is  compressed  or  extended  according 
to  the  importance  of  the  events  to  be  narrated  or  the 
material  that  was  available,  and  at  times  the  prin- 
ciple of  composition  is  obscured  by  the  elaboration  of 
a  particular  topic  to  an  altogether  disproportionate 
length.  Thus  the  mention  of  the  peculiar  cults  to 
which  Commodus  was  addicted  (the  category  religioner) 
leads  to  a  long  and  detailed  list  of  acts  of  cruelty,3 
while  nearly  one  half  of  the  life  of  Elagabalus  is  de- 
voted to  an  enumeration  of  instances  of  his  luxury 
and  extravagance,4  and  in  the  biography  of  Severus 
Alexander  the  fundamental  scheme  is  almost  unre- 
cognizable as  a  result  of  the  confused  combination 
of  various  narratives.6 

1  Proposita  vitae  eius  velut  summa  paries  singillatim  neque 
per  tempora  sed  per  species  exsequar ;  Suetonius,  Aug.,  ix. 

-  Peter,  Scriptores,  p.  106  f. ;  F.  Leo,  Die  Griechisch- 
Romische  Biographie  (Leipzig,  1901),  p.  273  f. 

3  Com.,  ix.  6 — xi.  7. 

*Heliog.,  xviii.  4 — xxxiii.  1. 

5  Leo,  p.  280  f . 



It  was  also  characteristic  of  Suetonius  that  he 
amplified  his  biographies  by  means  of  gossip,  anec- 
dotes, and  documents,  but  nowhere  in  his  Lives  are 
these  used  as  freely  as  in  certain  of  the  vitae  of  the 
Hisloria  Augusta.  The  authors  take  a  peculiar  de- 
light in  the  introduction  of  material  dealing  with  the 
personality  of  their  subjects.  Not  content  with 
including  special  divisions  on  personal  characteristics, 
in  which  are  enumerated  the  individual  qualities  of 
an  emperor,1  they  devote  long  sections  to  elaborate 
details  of  their  private  lives,  particularly  before  their 
elevation  to  the  throne.  For  this  more  intimate 
detail  there  was  much  less  material  available  than 
for  the  narration  of  public  events.  The  careers  of 
short-lived  emperors  and  pretenders  afforded  little 
of  public  interest,  and  consequently  their  biographies 
were  padded  with  trivial  anecdotes.  In  fact,  a  com- 
parison between  a  major  vita  and  its  corresponding 
minor  biography  shows  that  the  latter  contains 
little  historical  material  that  is  not  in  the  former. 
The  rest  is  made  up  of  amplifications,  anecdotes, 
speeches,  letters  and  verses,  and  at  best  these  minor 
vitae  represent  little  more  than  a  working  over  of  the 
material  contained  in  the  major  biographies  with  the 
aid  of  rhetorical  expedients  and  literary  embellish- 

The  model  for  the  emphasizing  of  the  private  life 
of  an  emperor  seems  to  have  been  not  so  much 
Suetonius  as  Marius  Maximus,  the  author  of  a  series 
of  imperial  biographies  from  Nerva  to  Elagabalus  or 
Severus  Alexander.  Not  content  with  the  narration 

1  e.g.  in  the  Pius,  liberalitas  et  dementia  (viii.  5 — ix.  5) ; 
auctoritas  (ix.  6-10) ;  pietas  (x.  1-5) ;  liberalitas  (x.  6-9) ; 
civilitas  (xi.) ;  see  Peter,  Scriptores,  p.  157. 



of  facts  in  the  manner  of  Suetonius,  Maximus  sought 
to  add  interest  to  his  biographies  by  the  introduction 
of  persona]  material.  His  lives  are  cited  by  the 
authors  of  the  earlier  vitae  of  the  Historia  Augusta 
as  their  sources  for  gossip,  scandal,  and  personal 
minutiae,1  and  he  is  probably  justly  referred  to  as 
homo  omnium  verbosissimus  qui  et  myihistoricis  se  vol- 
uminibus  implicavit.2  In  gossip  and  search  after 
detail,  however,  Maximus  seems  to  have  been  out- 
done by  Aelius  Junius  Cord  us,  cited  in  the  vitae  of 
Albinus,  Maximinus,  the  Gordiani,  and  Maximus  and 
Balbinus.  He  made  it  a  principle  to  describe  the 
emperor's  appearances  in  public,  and  his  food  and 
clothing,3  and  the  citations  from  him  include  the 
enumeration  of  the  amounts  of  fruit,  birds  and  oysters 
consumed  by  Albinus.4  Readers  who  desire  further 
information  011  trivial  or  indecent  details  are  scorn- 
fully referred  to  his  biographies.5 

The  manner  of  Marius  Maximus  and  Cordus  is 
most  clearly  reproduced  in  the  lives  attributed  to 
Vopiscus.  The  more  pretentious  biographies  of 
Aurelian  and  Probus  especially6  contain  a  wealth  of 
personal  detail  which  quite  obscures  the  scant  his- 
torical material.  After  an  elaborate  preface  of  a 
highly  rhetorical  nature,  there  follows  a  description 
of  the  character  of  the  emperor  in  which  the 
emphasis  is  laid  on  his  noble  deeds  and  his  virtues. 
These  are  illustrated  by  anecdotes  and  attested  by 
"documents,"  much  to  the  detriment  of  the  narration 

1  Hadr.,  ii.  10;    xxv.  3;     AeL,  v.  4;   Avid.  Cass.,  ix.  9; 
Heliog.,  xi.  6. 

2  Firm.,  i.  2.  3  Macr.,  i.  4. 

4  Cl.  Alb.,  xi.  2-3. 

5  Cl.  Alb.,  v.  10 ;  Max.,  xxix.  10  ;  Gord.,  xxi.  3. 
R  Leo,  p.  291  f. 



of  facts.  No  rhetorical  device  is  neglected  and  the 
whole  gives  the  impression  of  an  eulogy  rather  than  a 

The  method  employed  by  Marius  Maximus  and 
Cordus  was,  however,  productive  of  a  still  more 
detrimental  element  in  the  Historia  Angus! a — the 
alleged  documents  which  are  inserted  in  many  of 
the  vitae.  Suetonius,  as  secretary  to  Hadrian,  had 
had  access  to  the  imperial  archives  and  thus  obtained 
various  letters  and  other  documents  which  he  inserted 
in  his  biographies  for  the  illustration  or  confirmation 
of  some  statement.  His  practice  was  continued  by 
his  successors  in  the  field  of  biographical  literature. 
Thus  Marius  Maximus  inserted  documents,  both 
speeches  and  letters,  in  the  body  of  his  text  and  even 
added  them  in  appendices.1  Some  of  these  may 
have  been  authentic ;  but  since  the  references  to 
them  in  the  Historia  Augusta  indicate  that  they  were 
very  numerous,  and  since  there  is  no  reason  to  sup- 
pose that  Maximus  had  access  to  the  official  archives, 
considerable  doubt  must  arise  as  to  their  genuineness. 
Cordus,  too,  inserted  in  his  biographies  letters  alleged 
to  have  been  written  by  emperors  2  and  speeches  and 
acclamations  uttered  in  the  senate-house,*  but,  to 
judge  from  the  specimens  preserved  in  the  Historia 
Augusta,  these  "documents"  deserve  even  less  cred- 
ence than  those  of  Maximus. 

The  precedent  thus  established  was  followed  by 
some  of  the  authors  of  the  Historia  Augusta.  The 
collection  contains  in  all  about  150  alleged  docu- 
ments, including  68  letters,  60  speeches  and  proposals 

1  Marc.,  xxv.  8 ;  Com.,  xviii.  1 ;  Pert.,  ii.  t> ;  xv.  8 ;  see  Peter, 
Scriptores,  p.  108  f. 

»  Cl.  Alb.,  vii.  2-6;  Max.,  xii.  5.  3  Gord.,  xi. 



to  the  people  or  the  senate,  and  20  senatorial  decrees 
and  acclamations.1  The  distribution  of  these,  how- 
ever, is  by  no  means  uniform.  Of  the  major  vitae 
from  Hadrian  to  Elagabalus  inclusive,  only  the  Corn- 
modus  and  the  Macrinus  are  provided  with  "docu- 
ments," and  these  have  but  two  apiece.2  On  the 
other  hand,  the  group  of  vitae  of  the  Maximini,  the 
Gordiani,  and  Maximus  and  Balbinus  contains  in  all 
26  such  pieces,  and  Pollio's  Valeriam,  Tyranni  Triginta 
and  Claudius3  have  together  27.  It  is,  however, 
Vopiscus  who  heads  the  list,  for  his  five  biographies 
contain  no  less  than  59  so-called  documents  of  various 

In  a  discussion  of  the  genuineness  of  these  docu- 
ments a  distinction  must  be  drawn  between  the 
speeches,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  letters  and  sena- 
torial decrees  and  acclamations  on  the  other.  Since 
the  time  of  Thucydides  it  had  been  customary  for  an 
historian  to  insert  speeches  in  his  history,  and  it  was 
an  established  convention  that  they  might  be  more 
or  less  fictitious.  Accordingly,  none  would  question 
the  right  of  the  biographer  to  attribute  to  the  subject 
of  his  biography  any  speech  that  he  might  wish  to 
insert  in  his  narrative.  With  the  letters  and  decrees, 
however,  the  case  is  different.  Like  those  cited  by 
Suetonius,  these  claim  to  be  actual  documents  and  it 
is  from  this  claim  that  the  question  of  their  authen- 
ticity must  proceed.  In  spite  of  occasional  expressions 
of  scepticism,  the  genuineness  of  these  documents  was 
not  seriously  questioned  until  1870,  when  C.  Czwalina 
published  an  examination  of  the  letters  contained  in 

1  C.  L6crivain,  Etudes  sur  VHistoire  Auguste  (Paris,  1904), 
p.  45  f. 

2  Com.,  xviii.-xix. ;  xx. ;  Macr.,  ii.  4-5;  vi.  2-9, 
8  There  are  none  in  the  Oallienus. 


the  vita  of  Avidius  Cassius.1  He  showed  that  various 
letters,  professedly  written  by  different  persons,  show 
the  same  style  and  tricks  of  expression,  that  they 
were  all  written  with  the  purpose  of  praising  the 
clemency  and  generosity  of  Marcus,  and  that  they 
contain  several  historical  errors.  He  thus  reached 
the  conclusion  that  they  were  forgeries,  but  not  com- 
posed by  the  author  of  the  vita  since  his  comments 
on  them  are  inconsistent  with  their  content.2 

A  similar  examination  of  the  letters  and  documents 
in  the  other  biographies,  particularly  in  those  at- 
tributed to  Pollio  and  Vopiscus,  reveals  the  hand  of 
the  forger  even  more  plainly.3  They  abound  not 
only  in  errors  of  fact  that  would  be  impossible  in 
genuine  documents,  but  also  in  the  rhetorical  bombast 
and  the  stylistic  pecularities  that  are  characteristic  of 
the  authors  of  these  series.  The  documents  cited  by 
Pollio,  moreover,  show  the  same  aim  and  purpose  as 
his  text — the  glorification  of  Claudius  Gothicus  as 
the  reputed  ancestor  of  Constantius  Chlorus  and  the 
vilification  of  his  predecessor  Gallienus, — while  the 
documents  of  Vopiscus  show  the  same  tendency  to 
sentimentalize  over  the  past  glories  of  Rome  and 
over  the  greatness  of  the  senate  that  is  characteristic 
of  his  own  work,  and,  like  those  cited  by  Pollio,  they 
too  have  a  purpose — the  praise  of  Vopiscus'  hero 

An  entirely  different  type  of  spurious  material  is 
represented  by  the  frequent  interpolations  in  the 
text.  These  consist  of  later  additions,  of  passages 

1  De  Epistolarum  Actor unique  quae  a  Scriptoribus 
feruntur  Fide  atque  Auctoritate.      Pars  I.  (Bonn,  1870) ;  see 
also  E.  Klebs,  Rhein.  Mus.,  xliii.  (1888),  p.  328  f. 

2  e.g.  ix.  10  and  xiv.  8 ;  see  Peter,  Scriptores,  p.  197  f. 
:f  Peter,  Scriptores,  p.  156  f. 



introduced  by  editors  of  the  whole  series,  and  of 
notes  added  by  commentators,  presumably  on  the 
margins,  and  subsequently  incorporated  in  the  body 
of  the  work.1  Frequently  they  are  inserted  with 
utter  disregard  to  the  context,  so  that  the  continuity 
of  a  passage  is  completely  interrupted.  They  vary- 
in  size  from  passages  of  several  pages  to  brief  notes 
of  a  few  lines.  The  most  extensive  is  a  long  passage 
in  the  vita  of  Marcus,  which  is  inserted  between  the 
two  main  portions  of  the  biography.2  It  consists  of 
an  epitome  of  the  events  of  the  latter  part  of  his 
reign,  enumerated  again  and  at  greater  length  in  the 
second  main  portion  of  the  vita.  That  this  epitome 
is  an  interpolation  is  evident  not  only  from  the 
double  narrative  of  certain  events,  but  also  from  the 
fact  that  it  agrees  closely  with  the  narrative  of 
Marcus'  reign  which  is  found  in  Eutropius.3 

An  extensive  interpolation  has  been  made  also  in 
the  Vita  Severi.  Here,  however,  the  problem  is  less 
simple.  The  detailed  narrative  of  the  earlier  part  of 
Severus'  reign4  is  followed  by  a  brief  summary  of 
the  events  of  the  whole  period  of  his  rule,5  closing 
with  a  long  address  to  Diocletian.6  This  summary  is 
little  more  than  a  duplicate  of  the  account  of  Severus' 
reign  as  given  by  Aurelius  Victor  in  his  Caemres,1 

1  Peter  has  attempted  in  his  second  edition  of  the  text  to 
distinguish  the  various  types  by  different  kinds  of  parentheses ; 
see  his  Praefatio,  p.  xxxiv. 

2c.  xv.  3.— xix.  12. 

3Breviarium,  viii.  11-14.  Eutropius'  material  is  generally 
supposed  to  have  been  taken  from  an  extensive  history  of  the 
empire,  now  lost,  which  is  usually  termed  the  "Imperial 
Chronicle"  (Kaiserchronik) ;  see  A.  Eumaun,  Eine  Verlorcne 
Geschichte  der  Romischen  Kaiser,  Philologus,  Suppl.  Band  iv. 
(1884),  pp.  337-501. 

4c.  i. — xvii.  4.  8c.  xvii.  5 — xix. 

8  c.  xx.-xxi.  7  Gaes.,  xx.  1-3. 




and  either  it  has  been  taken  directly  from  Victor 
or  it  is  a  parallel  excerpt  from  his  source,  the 
"  Imperial  Chronicle  ".  It,  in  turn,  is  followed  by  a 
section  containing  the  narration  of  single  incidents, 
frequently  repetitions  of  what  has  preceded,  forming 
a  loosely  composed  and  ill  connected  appendix  to  the 

Similar  additions  are  to  be  found  in  the  vita  of 
Caracalla  ; 2  they  contain  repetitions  and  elaborations 
of  previously  narrated  incidents  and  are  evidently 
not  the  work  of  the  writer  of  the  bulk  of  the  life. 
Besides  these  longer  and  more  obvious  interpolations 
there  are  countless  others  of  varying  extent,  consisting 
of  entries  of  new  material  and  corrections  and 
comments  of  later  writers.  Many  of  these  have  been 
inserted  in  the  most  inappropriate  places,  to  the  great 
detriment  of  the  narrative,  and  the  excision  of  these 
passages  would  contribute  greatly  to  the  intelligibility 
of  many  a  vita. 

The  literary,  as  well  as  the  historical,  value  of  the 
Historia  Augusta  has  suffered  greatly  as  a  result  of 
the  method  of  its  composition.  In  the  arrangement 
in  categories  of  the  historical  material,  the  authors  did 
but  follow  the  accepted  principles  of  the  art  of  bio- 
graphy as  practised  in  antiquity,  but  their  narratives, 
consisting  often  of  mere  excerpts  arranged  .without 
regard  to  connexion  or  transition,  lack  grace  and 
even  cohesion.  The  over-emphasis  of  personal 
details  and  the  introduction  of  anecdotal  material 
destroy  the  proportion  of  many  sections,  and  the 
insertion  of  forged  documents  interrupts  the  course 
of  the  narrative,  without  adding  anything  of  historical 
value  or  even  of  general  interest.  Finally,  the 

1  c,  xxii,-xxiv.  2c.  vii.-viii. ;  x.  1 — xi.  4. 



later  addition  of  lengthy  passages  and  brief  notes, 
frequently  in  paragraphs  with  the  general  content  of 
which  they  have  no  connexion,  has  put  the  crowning 
touch  to  the  awkwardness  and  incoherence  of  the 
whole,  with  the  result  that  the  oft-repeated  charge 
seems  almost  justified,  that  these  biographies  are 
little  more  than  literary  monstrosities. 




IN  spite  of  its  defects  in  style,  its  deliberate  falsifica- 
tions, and  the  trivial  character  of  much  of  its  con- 
tent, the  Historia  Augusta  has  always  been  a  subject 
for  scholarly  research  and  an  important  source  for  the 
history  of  the  second  and  third  centuries.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  sixth  century  it  was  used  by  Aurelius 
Memmius  Symmachus,1  the  last  member  of  a  famous 
family,  in  his  Historia  Romana,  the  sole  extant  frag- 
ment of  which  2  cites  at  considerable  length  the  vita 
of  the  Maximini.  Later,  several  selections  from  it 
were  included  in  the  elaborate  Collectaneum*  or  col- 

1  Consul  in  485. 

2  Preserved  in  Jordanes,  de  Rebus  Geticis,  xv.  83. 

3  Preserved  in  a  manuscript  of  the  twelfth  century  in  the 
library  of  the  Hospital  of  S'.  Nicholas  at  Cues,  near  Trier,  to 
which  it  was  bequeathed  by  the  famous  collector  of  manu- 
scripts, Nicholas  of  Cues  (Nicolaus  Cusanus),  on  his  death  in 
1464;  see  L.  Traube,  Abh.  d.  Bayer.  Akad.,  xix.  2  (1891),  p. 
364  f.,   and   S.   Hellman,    Sedulius   Scottus,  in  L.   Traube, 
Quellen  u.  Unters.  z.  lot.  Philol.  d.  Mittelalters,  i.  (1906). 



lection  of  excerpts,  made  at  Liege  about  850  by  the 
Irish  scholar  Sedulius  Scottus,  and  citations  from  the 
Marcus,  the  Maximini,  and  the  Aurelian  are  contained 
in  Sedulius'  Liber  de  Rectoribus  Chrislianis,  written 
about  855. 

During  the  period  in  which  Sedulius  was  compiling 
his  Collectaneum  there  was  copied  at  the  monastery  at 
Fulda  our  chief  manuscript,  the  Codex  Palatinus,  now 
in  the  Vatican  Library  (No.  899).  This  manuscript, 
written  in  the  ninth  century  in  the  Carolingian  min- 
uscule of  that  period,1  represents  a  recension  of  the 
text  which  is  somewhat  different  from  that  of  the 
excerpts  preserved  in  the  Colleclaneum*  As  early, 
then,  as  the  ninth  century  there  were  two  editions  of 
the  Historia  Augusta,  depending,  of  course,  on  a  com- 
mon original,  but  exhibiting  minor  differences  in  the 

Such  was  the  interest  in  Germany  in  the  Historia 
Augusta  that  not  long  after  this  Fulda  manuscript  was 
finished  a  copy  of  it  was  made,  now  preserved  in  the 
library  at  Bamberg,  written  in  Anglo-Saxon  characters 
and  dating  from  the  ninth  or  tenth  century.  About 
the  same  period,  also,  another  manuscript  was"  made 
either  from  the  original  of  the  Fulda  manuscript  or 
from  this  codex  itself.  This  was  contained  in  the 
library  of  the  Abbey  at  Murbach  in  the  eleventh 
century,  in  the  catalogue  of  which  it  is  listed  as  Codex 
Spartiani.  It  was  the  fate  of  this  manuscript  to  be 
sent  to  Erasmus  to  be  used  in  the  preparation  of  the 
Froben  edition  of  the  Hisloria  Augusta,  published  at 

1  H.  Dessau,  Hermes,  xxix.  (1894),  p.  397  f. 

2Th.  Mommsen,  Hermes,  xiii.  (1878),  p.  298  f.  But  for  a 
modification  of  this  view  see  S.  H.  Ballou,  Tlie  Manuscript 
Tradition  of  the  Hist.  Aug.  (Leipzig,  1914),  p,  77  f. 



Basel  in  151 8.1  The  first  half  of  the  biographies, 
however,  had  been  printed  before  its  arrival,  and 
accordingly  it  could  be  used  for  this  portion  only  as 
a  source  for  variant  readings,  while  for  the  later  vitae, 
from  the  Diadumenus  onward,  it  served  as  the  basis 
of  the  text.  Unfortunately,  however,  it  then  dis- 
appeared, and  as  early  as  1738  no  trace  of  it  could 
be  found. 

At  some  time  between  the  latter  half  of  the  tenth 
and  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century  the 
Fulda  Codex  was  taken  to  Italy  and  was  placed  in 
the  library  of  the  Cathedral  of  Verona.'2  Here  it 
was  used  by  Giovanni  de  Matociis  in  the  preparation 
of  his  Historia  Imperialis,  written  at  Verona  at  the 
beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century,  and  in  the  de 
Originibus  Re  rum  of  Guglielmo  da  Pastrengo  of 
Verona.3  Moreover,  excerpts  from  it  were  included 
in  the  so-called  Flores  Mora  Hum  Auctoritatum,  tran- 
scribed in  1329,  and  still  preserved  in  the  Cathedral 

While  in  Verona  the  codex  containing  the  Historia 
Augusta  came  to  the  notice  of  Petrarch,  presumably 
through  Pastrengo,  his  friend  and  correspondent. 
That  it  came  into  the  actual  possession  of  the  great 
humanist  and  formed  part  of  his  library  has  been 
asserted4  and  denied5  with  equal  vehemence.  It  is 
conceded  by  all,  however,  that  he  inscribed  on  its 

1  H.  Dessau,  Hermes,  xxix.  (1894),  p.  415. 

2  See  R.  Sabbadini,  Le  Scoperte  del  Codici  Latini  e  Greci 
ne1  Secoli  xiv.  e  xv.  (Florence,  1905),  p.  2  f.  ;  S.  H.  Ballou, 
p.  38  f. 

;  Sabbadini,  p.  15  f. 

4 See  P.  de  Nolhac,  Petrarque  et  I'Humanisme,  Nouv.  Se*r. 
(Paris,  1907),  ii.  p.  47  f. ;  S.  H.  Ballou,  p.  13  f. 
6E.  Hohl,  Hermes,  li.  (1916),  p.  154  f. 



margins  many  notes  and  comments,  and  that  he  had 
a  copy  of  it  made  at  Verona  in  1356,1  to  which  he 
later  added  many  a  comment  and  correction.  The 
results  of  his  study  of  the  biographies,  furthermore, 
appear  in  his  works.  Thus  in  his  letter  de  Militia 
Veterum^  he  cites  the  Hadrian,  the  Pescennius,  the 
Avidius  Cassius,  the  Maximini,  and  the  Probus  ;  and 
in  the  de  Re  Publica  bene  admiiustranda3  he  quotes 
from  the  Hadrian,  the  Avidius  Cassius,  the  Elagaba/us, 
the  Alexander,  and  the  Aure/ian. 

After  the  death  of  Petrarch,  the  Fulda  Codex,  it 
has  been  maintained,  came  into  the  possession  of 
Coluccio  Salutati,4  and  many  of  the  marginal  correc- 
tions which  it  bears  are  said  to  be  his.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  has  been  asserted  with  equal  vigour 
that  Coluccio  did  not  even  see  this  manuscript.5 
However  this  may  be,  the  Historia  Augusta  was  well 
known  to  Coluccio,  and  his  letters  written  in  the 
years  1381-93  cite  the  vitae  of  Hadrian,  Pius, 
Marcus,  and  Alexander6;  moreover,  the  fact  that  in 
one  letter  he  names  the  six  authors  of  the  Historia 
Augusta  in  the  order  in  which  they  are  contained  in 
the  manuscript7  seems  to  indicate  that  he  had  a 
first-hand  acquaintance  with  the  text. 

1  Codex  Parisinus  5816. 

zEpist.  de  Rebus  Familiaribus,  xxii.  14  (written  in  1360) ; 
see  also  de  Reb.  Fam.,  xx.  4. 

sEpist.  Seniles,  xiv.  1  (1373) ;  see  also  Ep.  Sen.,  ii.  1 ;  xv.  3. 

4H.  Dessau,  Hertnes,  xxix.  (1894),  p.  410,  n.  2;  S.  H. 
Ballon,  p.  30  f. 

5Coluccio's  use  of  this  codex  is  denied  by  Hohl,  I.e.,  p.  158, 
and  Klio,  xv.  (1918),  p.  87  f. 

sEpistolario  di  Coluccio  Salutati,  ed.  by  F.  Novati  (Home, 
1891-6),  vol.  ii.,  pp.  40  f.,  55,  415. 

7  Epistolario  di  Coluccio  Salutati,  ed.  by  F.  Novati  (Rome, 
1891-6),  vol.  ii.,  p.  299. 



In  the  fifteenth  century  the  famous  codex  passed 
into  the  hands  of  the  merchant  and  theologian 
Giannozzo  Manetti  (1396-1459).  His  possession  is 
attested  by  the  presence  of  his  name  on  the  first 
page,1  and  he  too  is  supposed  to  have  shown  his 
interest  in  the  Historia  Augusta  by  inscribing  many 
a  note  on  the  margins.  Later,  probably  in  1587,2 
with  other  of  Manetti's  books,  the  codex  contain- 
ing the  Historia  Augusta  passed  to  the  Palatine 
Library  at  Heidelberg,  there  to  be  known  as  the 
Codex  Palatinus  and  there  to  remain  until,  with  the 
rest  of  that  famous  collection,  it  was  sent  to  Rome 
in  1623  by  Maximilian  of  Bavaria,  and  placed  in  the 
library  of  the  Vatican. 

The  general  interest  in  the  Historia  Augusta  in  the 
fifteenth  century  is  well  attested  by  the  number  of 
manuscripts  that  were  made  in  that  period.3  Among 
them  was  the  copy  of  the  Codex  Palatinus  which  was 
made  by  the  famous  Poggio  Bracciolini  with  his  own 
hand  and  is  still  preserved  in  Florence.  4 

The  same  interest  in  the  Historia  Augusta  that  led 


to  the  multiplication  of  the  manuscripts  was  respons- 
ible for  its  early  appearance  in  printed  form.  One 
of  the  recent  copies  of  the  Codex  Palatinus5  came 
into  the  hands  of  Bonus  Accursius  and  from  this  was 
made  the  Editio  Princeps,  published  in  Milan  in  1475. 
This  was  soon  followed  by  an  Aldine  edition  published 

1  H.  Dessau,  I.e.,  p.  409. 

2  S.  H.  Ballou,  p.  40. 

3  See  Peter's  text,  2nd  Ed.  Praefatio,  p.  xxiii.  f. 

4  The  Codex  Riccardianus  551 ;  see  S.  H.  Ballou,  p.  29. 

5  Usually  supposed  to  have  been  the  Codex  Vaticanus  5301 ; 
see  Dessau,  I.e.,  p.  400  f.     It  has  been  maintained  by  Miss 
S.  H.  Ballou  (p.  82  f.),  however,  that  Accursius  used  Petrarch's 
manuscript,  the  Parisinus  5816. 



at  Venice  in  1516,  and  by  the  more  famous  text 
edited  by  Erasmus,  and  published  by  Froben  in  Basel 
in  1518. 

In  these  early  editions  the  emphasis  had  been  laid 
on  the  Latin  text,  but  in  the  seventeenth  century  the 
work  of  the  editors  included  not  only  textual  emen- 
dation, but  comment  and  illustration.  Of  these 
editions  the  first  was  that  of  Casaubon,  published  in 
1 603.  It  was  not  unnatural  that  these  biographies 
should  have  attracted  the  editor  of  Suetonius  and 
Polybius  and  the  scholar  who  wrote  in  the  preface  to 
his  edition  of  the  Historia  Augusta  that  "political 
philosophy  may  be  learned  from  history,  and  ethical 
from  biography".1 

Casaubon 's  edition  was  soon  followed  by  that  of 
Gruter,  published  at  Hanover  in  l6l  I.  As  professor 
in  Heidelberg,  Gruter  had  access  to  the  Codex 
Palatinm  and  based  his  text  on  this  manuscript.  It  is 
therefore  not  unnatural  that  he  should  have  con- 
cerned himself  most  of  all  with  the  text.  Yet  his 
notes  are  by  no  means  confined  to  a  discussion  of  the 
readings  of  his  manuscript,  but  include  comment  on 
the  narrative  and  the  citation  of  parallels  from  other 
classical  authors.  Yet  his  commentary  lacks  the 
scope  of  Casaubon's,  and  in  many  a  note  he  refers 
the  reader  to  the  work  of  his  great  predecessor, 
arnicissimus  noster,  as  he  calls  him.2 

The  work  of  Casaubon  and  Gruter  was  carried  on 
by  the  great  Salmasius  (Claude  de  Saumaise)  in  his 
edition  published  in  1620.  His  contribution  con- 
sisted, not  in  the  text,  which  was  merely  a  re-publi- 

aM.   Pattison,   Isaac  Casaubon,  2nd  Ed.  (London,  1892), 

p.  440. 

2  e.g.  note  to  Hadr.,  ii.  5. 



cation  of  Casaubon 's,  but  in  his  commentary.  As 
might  be  expected  from  one  of  his  great  learning,  he 
included  in  his  edition  notes  of  wide  scope  and  vast 
erudition,  and  little  was  left  unnoticed  that  the 
knowledge  of  the  age  afforded.1 

So  far,  the  Historia  Augusta  had  been  a  subject  for 
textual  criticism  and  comment  rather  than  a  source 
for  Roman  history.  The  historical  researches  of  the 
humanistic  period  dealt  almost  exclusively  with  the 
Roman  Republic,  or,  at  the  latest,  with  Augustus,2 
and  left  these  imperial  biographies  untouched.  Be- 
sides Giovanni  de  Matociis  and  Guglielmo  da 
Pastrengo,  only  Benvenuto  Rambaldi  da  Imola3  in 
his  Romuleon,  a  compendium  of  Roman  history  from 
the  founding  of  Rome  to  the  period  of  Constantine, 
written  soon  after  1360,  seems  to  have  been  largely 
dependent  on  the  Historia  Augusta  for  the  history  of 
the  second  and  third  centuries.  In  the  later  Renais- 
sance, when  the  interest  of  scholars  concerned  itself 
with  antiquarian,4  rather  than  strictly  historical, 
research,  the  biographies  would  be  valuable  only  for 
incidental  information 5  rather  than  for  historical 
material.  In  the  seventeenth  century,  on  the  other 
hand,  they  received  serious  attention.  The  de 

1  The  notes  of  Casaubon,  Gruter,  and  Salmasius  are  all 
incorporated  in  the  variorum  edition,  published  at  Leyden  in 

2.G.  Voigt,  Wiederbelebung  d.  Class.  Alt.  (Berlin,  1893), 
ii.  p.  490  f. 

3  Used   by    Casaubon    and    erroneously  cited    by  him    as 
Robertus  a  Porta  Bononiensis,  e.g.,  note  to  Hadr.,  i.  1;  see 
E.  Hohl,  Berl.  Philol.  Woch.,  xxxv.  (1915),  221  f. 

4  See  C.  Wachsmuth,  Einleitung  i.  d.  Stud.  d.  Alt.  Gesch. 
(Leipzig,  1895),  p.  7  f. 

5 e.g.,  the  Antiquitates  Romanae  of  J.  Rosinus  (Basel, 
1585  f.),  where  the  vitae  are  frequently  cited. 



Historicis  Romanis  of  G.  J.  Vossius,  published  in  1627, 
devoted  considerable  space  not  only  to  the  six  bio- 
graphers themselves,  their  respective  dates,  and  the 
problem  of  the  distribution  of  the  various  vitae  among 
them,  but  also  to  the  authors  cited  by  them,  especially 
Marius  Maximus  and  Junius  Cordus.1  Of  much  more 
importance,  however,  was  their  use  by  Lenain  de 
Tillemont  in  his  Histoire  des  Empereurs  et  des  autres 
Princes  qui  ont  reg/ie  durant  ies  six  premiers  Siecles  de 
I'Eglise.*  In  spite  of  his  general  denunciation  of  the 
biographers  as  unworthy  of  the  name  of  historian,3 
and  his  occasional  strictures  on  their  self-contra- 
dictions,4 the  chronological  inexactness  of  Spartiaiius,5 
and  the  crime -inspiring  character  of  Lampridius' 
work,6  the  Historia  Augusta  was  a  main  source, 
together  with  Cassius  Dio,  for  that  part  of  his  work 
which  dealt  with  the  second  and  third  centuries. 

Similarly  important  was  the  place  that  the  Historia 
Augusta  occupied  among  the  sources  used  by  Gibbon. 
Although  his  critical  acumen  detected  many  an  in- 
stance of  historical  inaccuracy,  and  although  he  did 
not  hesitate  to  score  single  instances  with  character- 
istic vigour,7  he  accepted  in  general  the  information 
that  it  offered  and  even  the  point  of  view  of  the 

1  See  Lib.  ii.,  cap.  2  f .           2In  five  volumes.    Paris,  1690  f. 

3 16.,  vol.  iii.  p.  217. 

4 e.g.,  ib.,  iii.  p.  447  (Spartiaiius) ;  iii.  p.  489  f.  (Gapitoli- 
nus) ;  iii.  p.  526  (Follio.) 

5 Ib.,  ii.  p.  518 ;  iii.  pp.  448  f.,  459.          6Ib.,  ii.  p.  281. 

1e.g.,  his  contrast  between  Cassius  Dio  who  spoke  "as  a 
senator  who  had  supped  with  the  emperor "  and  Capitolinus 
who  spoke  "  like  a  slave  who  had  received  his  intelligence 
from  one  of  the  scullions  "  ;  Gibbon-Bury,  vol.  i.  p.  99. 

se.g.,  his  erroneous  judgment  on  Gallienus,  due  to  the  vita; 
see  Gibbon-Bury,  vol.  i.  p.  446. 

xx  xi 


In  the  nineteenth  century  the  work  of  the  bio- 
graphers was  still  accorded  respectful,  though  not 
uncritical,  consideration.  Thus  Merivale  held  that 
"we  may  perhaps  rely  upon  them  generally  for  the 
account  of  the  salient  events  of  history  and  their 
views  of  character ;  but  we  must  guard  against  the 
trifling  and  incredible  anecdotes  with  which  they 
abound/'1  and,  true  to  his  principle,  he  constantly 
cites  them  as  sources.  Schiller,  too,  while  observing 
that  the  later  biographies  are  inferior  to  the  earlier 
ones  and  that  the  value  of  their  information  varied 
with  the  source  employed,  regarded  the  material  that 
they  afford  as  useful  for  the  political  history  of  the 
empire,2  and  used  them  as  sources,  considering  them, 
apparently,  as  important  as  Dio  and  Herodian.  Even 
Mommsen  in  his  Romisches  Staalsrecht  does  not  dis- 
dain these  biographies,  but  cites  them  among  his 
authorities  in  his  reconstruction  of  the  public  law  and 
administration  of  imperial  Rome.  It  was  left  for  the 
last  decade  of  the  nineteenth  century  and  the  first 
two  decades  of  the  twentieth  to  bring  the  charge  of 
utter  spuriousness  against  the  Historia  Augusta  and  to 
assort  that  it  is  the  work  of  a  forger  3 — a  charge  which, 
in  return,  has  led  to  a  somewhat  fanciful  attempt  to 
trace  through  many  of  the  biographies  the  purple 
thread  of  an  otherwise  unknown  historian  of  prime 
importance.  4 

1  Hist,  of  the  Romans  under  the  Empire,  4th  Ed.  (American 
reprint,  New  York  1863-65),  vii.  p.  321,  n.  1. 

2Gesch.  d.  Rom.  Kaiserzeit  (Gotha,  1883),  pp.  595  f.  and 

"H.Dessau,  Hermes,  xxiv.  (1889),  pp.  337-392;  xxvii.  (1892), 
pp.  561-605. 

4  O.  Th.  Schulz,  Beitrdge  z.  Kritik  uns.  litt.  Ueberlieferung 
f.  d.  Zeit  von  Commodus'  Sturze  bis  auf  d.  Tod  d.  M.  Aurelius 
Antoninus  (Caracalld),  Leipzig,  1903. 


THE  manuscripts  of  the  Historia  Augusta  are  divided 
into  two  main  classes,  each  of  which  has  such  definite 
characteristics  that  the  distinction  between  them  is 
sharp  and  clear.  Both  classes  are,  indeed,  derived 
from  a  common  original,  made  after  the  loss  of  the 
vitae  of  the  emperors  from  Philip  to  Valerian  l  and 
of  considerable  portions  of  the  vitae  of  the  Valeriani 
and  the  Gallieni.  On  the  other  hand,  there  is  a  con- 
spicuous difference  between  the  two  classes  in  the 
manner  in  which  the  text  has  been  treated.  In  one 
class,  usually  designated  as  Class  IT,  the  treatment 
has  been  most  conservative.  The  text  has  been  pre- 
served free  from  all  interpolations  or  additions,  and 
especially  the  lacunae  in  the  biographies  of  the  Vale- 
riani and  the  Gallieni  have  been  carefully  indicated 
by  dots  marking  the  missing  letters.  This  class  is 
also  characterised  by  a  confusion  in  the  order  of  the 
biographies  between  Verus  and  Alexander  and  by 
the  misplacement  of  two  long  passages  from  the 
Alexander  and  the  Ma.rimini  (Alex.,  xliii.  7 — Iviii.  1, 
and  Max.,  v.  3 — xviii.  2),  each  of  which  corresponds 
to  a  quire  of  the  original  which  became  loose  and 
and  was  then  inserted  in  a  wrong  place.  A  similar 

Intro.,  p.  xiv. 



transposition  occurs  in  the  Cants,  where  c.  xiii.  1 — 
xv.  5  has  been  inserted  in  c.  ii. 

The  manuscripts  of  the  other  class,  designated  as 
Class  X  differ  from  those  of  Class  IT  in  that  the  text 
has  been  treated  with  the  utmost  freedom.  In  many 
places,  where  the  original  was  corrupt,  drastic  emen- 
dations have  been  made,  and  where  none  seemed 
possible,  the  corrupt  parts  have  been  omitted  alto- 
gether. This  is  especially  conspicuous  in  the  lacunae 
in  the  vitae  of  the  Valeriani  and  the  Gallieni,  where 
all  trace  of  the  loss  has  been  covered  up  by  the  in- 
sertion of  words  and  the  formation  of  a  continuous 
text.  In  all  this  the  aim  has  been  to  construct  a 
smooth  and  easily  readable  narrative.  In  other  places, 
such  as  the  end  of  the  CaracaVa  and  of  the  Ma.vimus- 
Balbimis  and  the  beginning  of  the  Valeriani,  additions 
have  been  made  to  the  text ;  and  in  the  case  of  the 
Marcus  considerable  sections  have  been  shifted  about 
and  then  connected  in  their  new  places  bv  arbitrary 
changes  in  the  context.  It  is  also  characteristic  of 
this  class  that  the  vitae.  (with  the  single  exception  of 
the  Avidius  Caxsiifs)  are  arranged  in  chronological 
order  and  that  the  sections  transposed  in  Class  II  are 
in  their  rightful  places. 

The  manuscripts  of  Class  IT  were  supposed  by 
Peter  to  consist  of  three  main  groups,  all  derived 
from  the  same  archetype,  and  represented  respec- 
tively by  the  Codex  Palatinus  899  (P) ;  the  Codex 
Bambergensis  (B)  ;  and  the  Codex  Vaticanus  5301 
with  others.  Peter  accordingly  regarded  the  Pala- 
tinus and  the  Bambergensis  as  equally  authoritative. 
More  recent  investigation,  however,  as  carried  on  by 
Mommsen1  and  Dessau,2  has  shown  that  the  Codex 

*Hfrm.,  xxv.  (1890),  pp.  281-292  =  Qes.  Schr.,  vii.,  pp. 

*Herm.t  xxix.  (1894),  pp.  893-416. 



Palatinits  is  the  parent  manuscript,  and  that  all  the 
others  of  Class  II  are  only  direct  or  indirect  copies 
of  it.  All  contain  errors  and  omissions  which  can 
be  due  only  to  a  transcription  of  the  Palatinus,  over 
faithful  or  unskilful,  as  the  case  may  be.  Accord- 
ingly,, only  the  Palatinus  can  be  regarded  as  authori- 
tative in  this  class,  and  the  others  may  be  used  only 
for  the  purpose  of  confirmation  or  supplement. 

The  tradition  contained  in  the  manuscripts  of 
Class  2,  though  regarded  as  untrustworthy  by  Peter, 
was  admitted  by  him  to  be  possibly  independent  of 
that  of  Class  II.  This  independence  is  more  strongly 
maintained  by  Dr.  Ernst  Hohl.1  He  points  to  the 
chronological  order  of  the  vitae  and  to  the  correct 
arrangement  of  the  quires  transposed  in  the  manu- 
scripts of  Class  II  as  evidence  for  his  conviction  that 
the  manuscripts  of  this  class  represent  a  tradition 
different  from  that  of  Class  II,  although,  as  the 
various  omissions  show,  derived  from  a  common 
original.  He  has,  furthermore,  cited  in  proof  of  his 
theory  various  passages  in  the  biographies  of  Alex- 
ander and  Aurelian  contained  in  the  manuscripts  of 
Class  S  but  not  in  the  Codex  Palatinus,  and  argues  that 
these  were  excised  from  the  original  of  the  latter  be- 
cause of  allusions  to  pagan  deities.  These  considera- 
tions, together  with  a  number  of  readings  which  are 
better  than  those  of  the  Palatinus,  have  convinced 
him  that  the  2  manuscripts  are  derived  ultimately 
from  an  original  at  least  as  old  as  the  Palatinus 
and  retaining  more  correctly  many  of  the  readings 
of  their  common  archetype.  On  the  other  hand, 

io.,    xiii.    (1913),    pp.    258-288,    387-423;    xv.    (1918), 
pp.  78-98. 



Miss  Susan  H.  Ballou,1  following  the  opinion  ex- 
pressed by  Dessau,  argues  that  these  divergencies 
from  the  tradition  of  Class  IT  are  of  such  a  character 
that  they  can  be  merely  the  work  of  a  clever,  though 
unscrupulous,  redactor.  She  holds  that  this  man 
made  his  transcription  from  the  Codex  Palatinus, 
having  before  him  all  the  corrections  and  additions 
that  had  been  introduced  by  all  thQ  later  correctors, 
and  taking  from  all  of  them  as  many  as  suited  his 
purpose.  This  transcription,  she  believes,  was  the 
original  of  the  extant  2  manuscripts,  which,  accord- 
ingly, represent,  not  an  independent  tradition,  but 
merely  the  work  of  an  editor,  who  by  means  of 
intelligent  and  original  treatment  of  the  material 
contained  in  the  Palatinns  and  by  the  unscrupulous 
use  of  interpolation  and  re-arrangement,  created  a 
readable  but  unsound  version  of  the  text. 

With  only  the  present  evidence  available  the 
problem  of  the  value  of  the  manuscripts  of  Class  2 
must  be  regarded  as  still  unsolved.  The  arguments 
advanced  by  Dr.  Hohl  are  not  altogether  convincing, 
and  it  has  not  yet  been  fully  demonstrated  that  the 
tradition  of  the  2  manuscripts  is  independent  of 
those  of  Class  II.  For  the  present,  therefore,  any 
constitution  of  the  text  must  be  based  on  the 
readings  of  the  Codex  Palatinus. 

1  The    Manuscript    Tradition    of   the    Historia    Augusta, 
Leipzig,  1914. 




Editio  Princeps  :  edited  by  Bonus  Accursius,  Milan,  1475. 
Venice  Editions  :  printed  by  Bernadinus  Ricius  (Rizus), 

1489,  and  J.  Rubens  de  Vercellis,  1490. 
Aldine  Edition:  edited  by  J.  13.  Egnatius,  Venice,  1516; 

Florence,  1519. 

Desiderius  Erasmus  :   published  by  Froben,  Basel,  1518. 
Isaac  Gasaubon  :  Paris,  1603. 
Janus  Gruter  :  Hanover,  1611. 
Claudius  Salmasius;   containing  also  Casaubou's  notes: 

Paris,  1620;  London,  1652. 
C.  Schrevel:  Leyden,  1661. 
Variorum    Edition  ;     containing     the     commentaries   of 

Casaubon,  Gruter,  and  Salmasius  :  published  by  Hack, 

Leydeu,  1671. 

Ulrich  Obreclit  :  Strassburg,  1677. 
J.  P.  Schmidt,  with  preface  by  J.  L.  E.  Piittmann  :  Leipzig, 

Bipontine  Edition,  2  vols.  :  Zweibriicken  and  Strassburg, 

1787  and  1789. 

Panckouke,  3  vols.  :  Paris,  1844-1847. 
Thomas  Vallaurius  :  Turin,  1853. 
H.  Jordan  and  F.  Eyssenhardt,  2  vols.  :  Berlin,  1864. 
Hermann   Peter,   2   vols.    (Teubner   Text)  :    Leipzig,   1st 

Edition,  1865  ;  2nd  Edition,  Ib84. 


J.  P.  Ostertag,  2  vols.:   Frankfurt  a.   Main,  1790, 

L.  Storch;   Hadrian,  Aelius,  and  Antoninus  Pius: 

Prenzlau,  1829. 
C.  A.  Gloss,  6  vols.  :  Stuttgart,  1856-1857. 

G.  de  Moulines,  3  vols.:  Berlin,  1783;  2nd  Edition, 

Paris,  1806. 

Th.  Baudement  (collection  Nisard)  :  Paris,  1845,. 

F.  Navarro  y  Galvo,  2  vols.  :  Madrid,  1889-1890. 



SCHOLARLY  research  pursued  since  the  first  publication  of 
this  work  in  1922  now  requires  modification  of  some  of  the 
editor's  views.  Most  authorities  today  are  persuaded  that 
the  ostensible  multiple  authorship  of  these  lives  is  a  wilful 
deception,  that  one  person  is  responsible  for  the  collection 
and  the  insertion  into  it  of  documents  which  are  sheer 
fabrications,  and  that  the  date  of  this  activity  is  about 
A.D.  395. 

Volume  III  of  this  edition  contains  on  pages  vii-x  a 
bibliographical  appendix  (1919-1967),  to  which  the  follow- 
ing important  works  (the  first  two  with  extensive  biblio- 
graphies) must  now  be  added: 

SYME,  SIR  RONALD:  Ammianus  and  the  Historia  Augusta, 

Oxford  1968. 
SYME,  SIR  RONALD:  Emperors  and  Biography:  Studies  in 

the  Historia  Augusta,  Oxford  1971. 
BARNES,  T.  D.:  Sources  of  the  Historia  Augusta,  Bruxelles 


SYME,    SIR  RONALD:  Historia  Augusta  Papers,  Oxford  1983. 

G.  P.  G. 





H  A  D  R  I  A  N  I 

I.  Origo  imperatoris  Hadrian!  vetustiora  Picentibus, 
posterior  ab  Hispaniensibus  manat ;  si  quidem  Hadria 
ortos  maiores  suos  apud  Italicam  Scipionum  tempori- 
bus  resedisse  in  libris  vitae  suae  Hadrianus  ipse 

2  commemorat.1      Hadriano    pater    Aelius    Hadrianus 
cognomen  to  Afer  fuit,  consobrinus  Traiani  impera- 
toris ;    mater   Domitia   Paulina   Gadibus    orta,   soror 
Paulina  nupta  Serviano,  uxor  Sabina,  atavus  Marul- 
linus,    qui    primus    in     sua    familia    senator    populi 
Roman i  fuit. 

3  Natus  est  Romae  VIII1  kal.  Feb.  Vespasiano  septies 

1  commemarat  P  corr.  ;  commemoret  P1,  Petsehenig. 

1  For  the  Autobiography  of  Hadrian,  now  lost,  cf.  c.  xvi.    It 
seems  to  have  been  written  toward  the  close  of  his  life,  and, 
to  judge  from  scanty  citations  from  it,  its  purpose  was  to  con- 
tradict current  statements  about  himself  which  he  considered 
derogatory  to  his  reputation  and  to  present  him  in  a  favour- 
able light  to  posterity. 

2  An  ancient  town  of  Picenum,  which  became  a  Roman 
colony,  probably  about  the  time  of  Sulla. 

3 In    Hispania    Baetica,    on    the    Baetis    (Guadalquiver), 




I.  The  original  home  of  the  family  of  the  Emperor 
Hadrian  was  Picenum,  the  later,  Spain ;  for  Hadrian 
himself  relates  in  his  autobiography  l  that  his  fore- 
fathers came  from  Hadria,2  but  settled  at  Italica3  in 
the  time  of  the  Scipios.  The  father  of  Hadrian  was 
Aelius  Hadrianus,  surnamed  Afer,  a  cousin  of  the 
Emperor  Trajan  ;  his  mother  was  Domitia  Paulina,  a 
native  of  Cadiz ;  his  sister  was  Paulina,  the  wife  of 
Servianus,4  his  wife  was  Sabina,5  and  his  great-grand- 
father's grandfather  was  Marullinus,  the  first  of  his 
family  to  be  a  Roman  senator. 

Hadrian  was  born  in  Rome  6  on  the  ninth  day  be- 24  Jan. ,76 
fore  the  Kalends  of  February  in  the  seventh  consul- 
founded   by    Scipio   Africanus  about   205  B.C.,   received   the 
rights  of  a  municipality  under  Julius  or  Augustus,  and  was 
made  a  colony  by  Hadrian. 

4L.  Julius  Ursus  Servianus  frequently  mentioned  in  this 
biography.  He  governed  several  provinces  under  Trajan,  and 
was  made  consul  for  a  third  time  by  Hadrian  in  134.  On  his 
death  in  136,  see  c.  xxiii.  2,  8 ;  xxv.  8  ;  Dio,  Ixix.  17. 

5  See  c.  ii.  10  and  note. 

"This  is,  of  course,  a  fiction,  and  the  biography  contradicts 
itself,  for  Italica  is  clearly  the  patria  referred  to  in  c.  ii.  1 
and  2,  and  c.  xix.  1. 



4  et  Tito  quinquies  consulibus.  ac  decimo  aetatis  anno 

patre  orbatus   Ulpium  Traianum    praetorium   tune,1 

consobrinum  suum,  qui  postea  imperium  tenuit,  et 

Caelium  Attianum  equitem  Romanum  tutores  habuit. 

5imbutusque  impensius  Graecis  studiis,  ingenio  eius 

sic    ad    ea    declinante    ut    a    nonnullis    Graeculus 

II.  diceretur.  quintodecimo  anno  ad  patriam  rediit  ac 

statim  militiam  iniit,  venandi 2  usque  ad  reprehen- 

2  sionem  studiosus.     quare  a  Traiano  abductus  a  patria 
et  pro  filio  habitus  nee  multo  post  decemvir  litibus 
iudicandis     datus     atque    inde    tribunus    secundae 

3  Adiutricis  legionis  creatus.     post  hoc  in  inferiorem 
Moesiamtranslatus  extremis  iam  Domitiani  3  tempori- 

4  bus.     ibi  a  mathematico  quodam  de  future  imperio 
id    dicitur    comperisse    quod  a  patruo  magno  Aelio 
Hadriano  peritia  caelestium  callente  praedictum  esse 

5compererat.     Traiano  a  Nerva  adoptato  ad  gratula- 
tionem  exercitus  missus  in  4  Germaniam  superiorem 

1  tune  P1 ;  uirum  P  corr.  2  uenandi  Novak  ;  uenando 

P,  Peter.  sdomitianis  P1,  Petschenig.  *in  omitted 

by  P1,  added  by  P  corr. 

1  Trajan  was  praetor  about  85,  and  so,  until  he  became 
consul,  in  91,  was  a  vir  praetorius. 

2  The  name  Caelius  is  an  error.     His   name   was  Acilius 
Attianus,  as  it  appears  on  an  inscription  from  Elba  ;  see  Rom. 
Mitt.,  xviii.   63-67.     He  became  prefect  of  the  guard  under 
Trajan  and  seems  to  have  been  instrumental  in  securing  the 
throne  for  Hadrian.     On  his  retirement  from  the  prefecture, 
see  c.  viii.  7 ;  ix.  3-5. 

3  The  decemviri  stlitibus  iudicandis  had  originally,  in  the 
republican  period,  the  duty  of  determining  disputed  claims 
to  freedom.     Augustus  removed  suits  for  freedom  from  their 
jurisdiction,  and  gave  them  the  conduct  of  the  court  of  the 
Centumviri,  which   dealt   with    suits  for  inheritances.     Ap- 
pointment to  this,  or  to  one  of  five  other  minor  magisterial 


HADRIAN  I.  4— II.  5 

ship  of  Vespasian  and  the  fifth  of  Titus.  Bereft  of 
his  father  at  the  age  of  ten,  he  became  the  ward  of 
Ulpius  Trajanus,  his  cousin,  then  of  praetorian  rank,1 
but  afterwards  emperor,  and  of  Caelius  Attianus,2  a 
knight.  He  then  grew  rather  deeply  devoted  to 
Greek  studies,  to  which  his  natural  tastes  inclined  so 
much  that  some  called  him  "  Greekling."  II.  He 
returned  to  his  native  city  in  his  fifteenth  year  and 
at  once  entered  military  service,  but  was  so  fond  of 
hunting  that  he  incurred  criticism  for  it,  and  for  this 
reason  Trajan  recalled  him  from  Italica.  Thence- 
forth he  was  treated  by  Trajan  as  his  own  son,  and  not 
long  afterwards  he  was  made  one  of  the  ten  judges 
of  the  inheritance-court,3  and,  later,  tribune  of  the 
Second  Legion,  the  Adjutrix.4  After  this,  when 
Domitian's  principate  was  drawing  to  a  close,  he  was 
transferred  to  the  province  of  Lower  Moesia.5 
There,  it  is  said,  he  heard  from  an  astrologer  the 
same  prediction  of  his  future  power  which  had  been 
made,  as  he  already  knew,  by  his  great-uncle,  Aelius 
Hadrianus,  a  master  of  astrology.  When  Trajan  was 
adopted 6  by  Nerva,  Hadrian  was  sent  to  convey  to 
him  the  army's  congratulations  and  was  at  once 

boards  constituting  the  vigintiviri,  was  the  first  step  in  a 
career  of  public  office. 

4  So  called  because  it  had  been  recruited  (by  Vespasian) 
from  an  auxiliary  force  of  marines.     At  this  time  it  was  serv- 
ing probably  in  the  province  of  Pannonia  Inferior. 

5  As  tribune  of  the  Fifth  Legion,  the  Macedonica.     This 
command  is  listed  among  his  other  offices  in  an  inscription 
set  up  in  his  honour  at  Athens  in  112  (C.I.L.,  iii.  550  =  Dessau, 
Inscr.  Sel.,  308),  and  it  is  known  that  this  legion  was  quartered 
in  Moesia  Inferior  at  this  time. 

6  Trajan    was    governor    of    the    province    of    Germania 
Superior ;  he  seems  to  have  been  appointed  by  Nerva  in  96. 


6translatus  est.  ex  qua  festinans  ad  Traianum,  ut 
primus  nuntiaret  excessum  Nervae,  a  Serviano,  sororis 
viro,  (qui  et  sumptibus  et  aere  alieno  eius  prodito 
Traiani  odium  in  eura  movit)  diu  detentus  fracto- 
que  consulte  vehiculo  tardatus,  pedibus  iter  faciens 

7  eiusdem  Serviani  beneficiarium   antevenit.     fuitque 
in    amore    Traiani,    nee    tamen    ei    per   paedagogos 
puerorum  quos    Traianus  impensius   diligebat,  .   .  . 

8  Gallo   favente :   defuit.     quo  quidem   tempore  cum 
sollicitus  de  imperatoris  erga  se  iudicio,  Vergilianas 
sortes  consuleret, 

Quis  procul  ille  autem  ramis  insignis  olivae 
sacra  ferens  ?  nosco  crines  incanaque  menta 
regis  Romani,  primam  qui  legibus  urbem 
fundabit,  Curibus  parvis  et  paupere  terra 
missus  in  imperium  magnum,  cui  deinde  subibit  .  .  . 

sors  excidit,  quam  alii  ex  Sibyllinis  versibus  ei  prove- 
9nisse  dixerunt.     habuit  autem  praesumptionem  im- 

perii  mox  futuri    ex    fano   quoque   Nicephorii    lovis 

manante  response,  quod  Apollonius  Syrus  Platonicus 
lOlibris  suis  indidit.     denique  statim  suffragante  Sura 

ad   amicitiam    Traiani    pleniorem    rediit,  nepte   per 

1  Lacuna  suggested  by  Gemoll ;  diligebat  Gallo  fauente  de- 
fuit P. 

1  As  tribune  of  the  Twenty-second  Legion,  the  Primigenia 
Pia  Fidelis,  according  to  the  Athenian  inscription  (see  p.  5, 
n.  5). 

2  A  beneficiarius  was  a  soldier  who  had   been  relieved  of 
active  service  by  some  commandant  and  was  attached  to  the 
suite  of  this  official. 

3For  similar  consultations,  cf.  Cl.  Alb.,  v.  4 ;  Alex.,  iv.  6  ; 
xiv.  5  ;  Claud.,  x.  4f. 

4  Aen.,  vi  808-812.     The  passage  refers  to  Numa  Pompilius. 

5  Perhaps  the  place  of  this  name  near  Pergamon, 

6  Unknown. 

HADRIAN  II.  6-10 

transferred  to  Upper  Germany.1  When  Nerva  died,  Oct.,  97. 
he  wished  to  be  the  first  to  bring  the  news  to  Trajan, 
but  as  he  was  hastening  to  meet  him  he  was  detained 
by  his  brother-in-law,  Servianus,  the  same  man  who 
had  revealed  Hadrian's  extravagance  and  indebted- 
ness and  thus  stirred  Trajan's  anger  against  him.  He 
was  further  delayed  by  the  fact  that  his  travelling- 
carriage  had  been  designedly  broken,  but  he  never- 
theless proceeded  on  foot  and  anticipitated  Servianus' 
personal  messenger.2  And  now  he  became  a 
favourite  of  Trajan's,  and  yet,  owing  to  the  activity  of 
the  guardians  of  certain  boys  whom  Trajan  loved 
ardently,  he  was  not  free  from  .  .  .  which  Gallus 
fostered.  Indeed,  at  this  time  he  was  even  anxious 
about  the  Emperor's  attitude  towards  him,  and  con- 
sulted the  Vergilian  oracle.3  This  was  the  lot  given 
out  :4 

But  who  is  yonder  man,  by  olive  wreath 
Distinguished,  who  the  sacred  vessel  bears  ? 
I  see  a  hoary  head  and  beard.      Behold 
The  Roman  King  whose  laws  shall  stablish  Rome 
Anew,  from  tiny  Cures'  humble  land 
Called  to  a  mighty  realm.     Then  shall  arise  .  .  . 
Others,  however,  declare  that  this  prophecy  came  to 
him   from   the   Sibylline  Verses.      Moreover,   he   re- 
ceived a  further  intimation  of  his  subsequent  power, 
in  a  response  which  issued  from  the  temple  of  Jupiter 
at  Nicephorium 5    and    has    been    quoted   by    Apol- 
lonius  of  Syria,6  the  Platonist.     Finally,  through  the 
good  offices  of  Sura,7  he  was  instantly  restored  to  a 
friendship  with  Trajan  that  was  closer  than  ever,  and 

7  L.  Licinius  Sura  was  consul  for  the  third  time  in  107. 
He  commanded  the  army  in  the  wars  in  Dacia  and  received 
the  triumphal  insignia  and  other  high  honours. 



sororem  Traiani  uxore  accepta  favente  Plotina,  Traiano 
leviter,  ut  Marius  Maximus  dicit,  volente. 

III.  Quaesturam  gessit  Traiano  quater  et  Articuleio 
consul ibus,  in  qua  cum  orationem  imperatoris  in 
senatu  agrestius  pronuntians  risus  esset,  usque  ad 
summam  peritiam  et  facundiam  Latinis  operam  dedit. 

2  post  quaesturam  acta  senatus  curavit  atque  ad  bellum 

3  Dacicum  Traianum  familiarius  prosecutus  est ;  quando 
quidem  et  indulsisse  vino  se   dicit  Traiani   moribus 
obsequentem  atque  ob  hoc  se  a  Traiano  locupletissime 

4muneratum.     tribunus  plebis  factus  est  Candido  et 

5  Quadrato  iterum    consulibus,   in   quo   magistratu   ad 
perpetuam  tribuniciam  potestatem  omen  sibi  factum 
adserit,  quod   paenulas   amiserit,    quibus  uti  tribuni 
plebis  pluviae  tempore  solebant,  imperatores  autem 
numquam.      unde  hodieque  imperatores  sine  paenulis 

6  a    togatis    videntur.       secunda     expeditione    Dacica 
Traianus   eum   primae  legioni  Minerviae   praeposuit 
secumque  duxit ;  quando  quidem  multa  egregia  eius 

7  facta  claruerunt.     quare  adamante  gemma  quam  Tra- 

1  Vibia  Sabina,  the  daughter  of  L.  Vibius  and  Matidia,  who 
was  the  daughter  of  Marciana,  Trajan's  sister.     Plotina  was 
Trajan's  wife. 

2  L.  Marius  Maximus  was  the  author  of  biographies  of  the 
emperors  from  Nerva  to  Elagabalus,  frequently  cited  in  these 
Vitae ;  see  Intro.,  p.  xvii  f.     He  is  probably  the  senator  of 
the  same  name  who   held  many  important  administrative 
posts  under  Septimius  Severus  and  his  successors. 

3  He  is  called  in  the  Athenian  inscription  quaestor  impera- 
toris  Traiani,  i.e.  he  was  one   of  the  quaestors  detailed  to 
transact  business  for  the  emperor,  and  particularly  to  con- 
vey his  messages  to  the  senate  and  read  them   before  the 

4  The  official  known  as  curator  actorum  senatus  or  ab  actis 
senatus  drafted  the  record  of  the  senate's  transactions, 


HADRIAN   II.   10— III.  7 

he  took  to  wife  the  daughter  of  the  Emperor's  sister  l 
— a  marriage  advocated  by  Plotina,  but,  according  to 
Marius  Maximus,2  little  desired  by  Trajan  himself. 

He  held  the  quaestorship 3  in  the  fourth  con- 
sulship of  Trajan  and  the  first  of  Articuleius,  and  101. 
while  holding  this  office  he  read  a  speech  of  the  Em- 
peror's to  the  senate  and  provoked  a  laugh  by  his 
somewhat  provincial  accent.  He  thereupon  gave 
attention  to  the  study  of  Latin  until  he  attained 
the  utmost  proficiency  and  fluency.  After  his 
quaestorship  he  served  as  curator  of  the  acts  of  the 
senate,4  and  later  accompanied  Trajan  in  the  Dacian 
war  5  on  terms  of  considerable  intimacy,  seeing,  in- 
deed, that  falling  in  with  Trajan's  habits,  as  he  says 
himself,  he  partook  freely  of  wine,  and  for  this  was 
very  richly  rewarded  by  the  Emperor.  He  was  made 
tribune  of  the  plebs  in  the  second  consulship  of  105. 
Candidas  and  Quadratus,  and  he  claimed  that  he  re- 
ceived an  omen  of  continuous  tribunician  6  power 
during  this  magistracy,  because  he  lost  the  heavy 
cloak  which  is  worn  by  the  tribunes  of  the  plebs  in 
rainy  weather,  but  never  by  the  emperors.  And 
down  to  this  day  the  emperors  do  not  wear  cloaks 
when  they  appear  in  public  before  civilians.  In  the  105-106. 
second  Dacian  war,  Trajan  appointed  him  to  the 
command  of  the  First  Legion,  the  Minervia,  and  took 
him  with  him  to  the  war  ;  and  in  this  campaign  his 
many  remarkable  deeds  won  great  renown.  Because 
of  this  he  was  presented  with  a  diamond  which 

5 The  first  Dacian  war  (101-102).  The  inscription  cited 
above  reads  :  Comes  expeditionis  Dacicae,  donis  militaribus 
db  eo  (Traiano)  donatus  bis. 

6  An  allusion  to  the  tribunician  power  held  by  the  emperors, 
which  was  regarded  as  the  basis  of  their  civil  powers ;  see 
note  to  Marc.,  vi.  6, 



ianus  a  Nerva  acceperat  donatus  ad  spem  successionis 

8  erectus  est.     praetor  factus  est  Suburano 1  bis  et  Ser- 
viano  iterum  consulibus,  cum  sestertium  iterum2  vicies 

9  ad  ludos  edendos  a  Traiano  accepit.     legatus  postea 
praetorius  in  Pannoniam  inferiorem  missus  Sarmatas 
compressit,  disciplinam  militarem  tenuit,  procuratores 

lOlatius  evagantes  coercuit.  ob  hoc  consul  est  factus. 
in  quo  magistratu  ut  3  a  Sura  comperit  adoptandum 
se  a  Traiano  esse,  ab  amicis  Traiani  contemni  desiit 

11  ac   neglegi.     et   defuncto4   quidem  Sura  Traiani   ei 

familiaritas  crevit,5  causa  praecipue  orationum  quas 

IV.  pro    imperatore    dictaverat.      usus    Plotinae    quoque 

favore,     cuius     studio     etiam    legatus     expeditionis 

2  Parthicae    tempore    destinatus      est.     qua    quidem 

tempestate  utebatur  Hadrianus  amicitia  Sosii  Papi  et 

Platorii 6    Nepotis    ex   senatorio   ordine,   ex  equestri 

1  Suburano  Mommsen ;  sub  surano  P,  Peter.  2  iterum 

deleted  by  Mommsen.  3  ut  P  corr. ;  et  P1.  4  defuncto 

P  corr. ;  deftnito  P1.  5  creuit  P  corr.  ;  areauit  P1 ;  crebuit 

Peter.         6  Platori  Borghesi ;  pletori  P. 

1  Due  to  a  precedent  established  by  Augustus,  who,  when 
ill  in  23  B.C.,  gave  his  ring  to  Agrippa,  apparently  intending 
him  to  be  his  successor ;  see  Dio,  liii,  30. 

2  The  reading   of  P  is  impossible,  for  no  such   person  as 
Suranus    is   known,    but  it   is   difficult  to  emend   the   text 
satisfactorily,  since  Suburanus  was  consul  for  the  second  time 
in  104,  and  Servianus  was  consul  for  the  second  time  in  102. 
The  consuls  of   107,  in  which   year  Hadrian   was  probably 
praetor,  were  Sura,  for  the  third  time,  and  Senecio,  for  the 
second  time. 

3  This  province  was  one  of  the  "  imperial  provinces,"  which 
were  governed  in  theory  by  the  emperor  but  in  practice  by  a 
deputy  appointed  by  him  with  the  title  legatus  Augusti  pro 
praetore.     The  governor  of  the  province  under  the  control  of 
the  senate,  on  the  other  hand,  had  the  title  of  proconsul. 


HADRIAN  III.  8— IV.   2 

Trajan  himself  had  received  from  Nerva,  and  by  this 
gift  he  was  encouraged  in  his  hopes  of  succeeding 
to  the  throne.1  He  held  the  praetorship  in  the 
second  consulship  of  Suburanus  and  Servianus,2 
and  again  received  from  Trajan  two  million  ses- 
terces with  which  to  give  games.  Next  he  was 
sent  as  praetorian  legate  to  Lower  Pannonia,3  where 
he  held  the  Sarmatians  in  check,  maintained 
discipline  among  the  soldiers,  and  restrained  the 
procurators/  who  were  overstepping  too  freely  the 
bounds  of  their  power.  In  return  for  these  services 
he  was  made  consul.  While  he  was  holding  this  108. 
office  he  learned  from  Sura  that  he  was  to  be  adopted 
by  Trajan,  and  thereupon  he  ceased  to  be  an  object 
of  contempt  and  neglect  to  Trajan's  friends.  Indeed, 
after  Sura's  death  Trajan's  friendship  for  him  in- 
creased, principally  on  account  of  the  speeches  which 
he  composed  for  the  Emperor.  IV.  He  enjoyed,  too, 
the  favour  of  Plotina,5  and  it  was  due  to  her  interest 
in  him  that  later,  at  the  time  of  the  campaign  against  114. 
Parthia,  he  was  appointed  the  legate  of  the  Emperor.6 
At  this  same  time  he  enjoyed,  besides,  the  friendship 
of  Sosius  Papus  and  Platorius  Nepos,7  both  of  the 

Hadrian  is  called  here  legatus  praetoriusbec&use  he  held  this 
position  as  &t4r  praetorius,  i.e.  one  who  had  been  praetor  but 
not  yet  consul. 

4  The  procurator  was  charged  with  the  collection  of  taxes 
and  other  sources  of  revenue  in  an  imperial  province  and  their 
transmission  to  the  fiscus,  or  privy  purse. 

5  Of.  c.  ii.  10. 

6  The  appointment  as  legate  refers  to  his  governorship  of 
Syria ;  see  §  6. 

7  A.  Platorius   Nepos  was  prominent  under  Trajan  as  a 
magistrate  at  Rome  and  the  governor  of  several  important 
provinces  and  was  consul  with  Hadrian  in  119.     He  after- 
ward incurred  Hadrian's  enmity  ;  see  c.  xv.  2 ;  xxiii.  4. 



autem  Attiani,  tutoris  quondam  sui,  et  Liviani  et l 

3Turbonis.      in    adoptionis    sponsionem    venit    Palma 

et   Celso,   inimicis   semper   suis  et  quos  postea  ipse 

insecutus  est,  in  suspicionem  adfectatae  2  tyrannidis 

4  lapsis.     secundo  consul  favore  Plotinae  factus  totam 

5  praesumptionem  adoptionis  emeruit.      corrupisse  eum 
Traiani  libertos,  curasse   delicatos  eosdemque  saepe 
inisse  3  per  ea  tempora  quibus  in  aula  familiarior  4  fuit, 
opinio  multa  firmavit. 

6  Quintum  iduum  Augustarum  diem  legatus  Syriae 
litteras  adoptionis  accepit ;  quando  et  natalem  adop- 

7  tionis   celebrari   iussit.      tertium    iduum    earundem, 
quando  et  natalem  imperii  statuit  celebrandum,  ex- 
cessus  ei  Traiani  nuntiatus  est. 

8  Frequens  sane  opinio  fuit  Traiano  id  animi  fuisse 
ut  Neratium  Priscum,  non  Hadrianum,  successorem 
relinqueret,   multis   amicis    in    hoc    consentientibus, 
usque   eo  ut  Priscp  aliquando  dixerit :  "  commendo 

9  tibi  provincias,   si  quid  mihi   fatale   contigerit".     et 
multi  quidem  dicunt  Traianum  in  animo  id  habuisse, 
ut  exemplo  Alexandri  Macedonis  sine  certo  succes- 

1  et  omitted  by  P,  added  by  Hirschfeld.  2  adfectatae 

Petschenig;  adiectaeP;  adiectae  Peter  with  Salm.  3 saepe 

inisse  Ellis,  von  Winterfeld ;  sepelisse  P ;  ad  se  pellexisse  Peter2. 
4 familiarior  P;  familiariorum  B,  Peter. 

XT.  Claudius  Livianus  was  prefect  of  the  guard  under 
Trajan  and  held  a  command  in  the  first  Dacian  war;  see 
Dio,  Ixix.  9. 

aFor  the  career  of  Q  Marcius  Turbo  under  Trajan  and 
Hadrian  see  c.  v-vii.  He  was  finally  appointed  prefect  of  the 
guard  ;  see  c.  ix.  4. 

3  A.  Cornelius  Palma  and  L.  Publilius  Celsus  held  impor- 
tant offices  under  Trajan  and  statues  were  erected  in  their 


HADRIAN  IV.  3-9 

senatorial  order,  and  also  of  Attianus,  his  former 
guardian,  of  Livianus,1  and  of  Turbo,2  all  of  eques- 
trian rank.  And  when  Palma  and  Celsus,3  always 
his  enemies,  on  whom  he  later  took  vengeance,  fell 
under  suspicion  of  aspiring  to  the  throne,  his  adoption 
seemed  assured  ;  and  it  was  taken  wholly  for  granted 
when,  through  Plotina's  favour,  he  was  appointed 
consul  for  the  second  time.  That  he  was  bribing 
Trajan's  freedmen  and  courting  and  corrupting  his 
favourites  all  the  while  that  he  was  in  close  attend- 
ance at  court,  was  told  and  generally  believed. 

On  the  fifth  day  before  the  Ides  of  August,  while  9  Aug.  ,117. 
he  was  governor  of  Syria,  he  learned  of  his  adoption 
by  Trajan,  and  he  later  gave  orders  to  celebrate  this 
day  as  the  anniversary  of  his  adoption.      On  the  third 
day  before  the  Ides  of  August  he  received  the  news  11  Aug., 
of  Trajan's  death,  and  this  day  he  appointed  as  the 
anniversary  of  his  accession. 

There  was,  to  be  sure,  a  widely  prevailing  belief 
that  Trajan,  with  the  approval  of  many  of  his  friends, 
had  planned  to  appoint  as  his  successor  not  Hadrian 
but  Neratius  Priscus,4  even  to  the  extent  of  once 
saying  to  Priscus  :  "  I  entrust  the  provinces  to  your 
care  in  case  anything  happens  to  me  ".  And,  indeed, 
many  aver  that  Trajan  had  purposed  to  follow  the 
example  of  Alexander  of  Macedonia  and  die  without 
naming  a  successor.  Again,  many  others  declare  that 

honour.  Nothing  is  known  of  the  suspicion  alluded  to  here, 
but  the  two  men,  together  with  Nigrinus  and  Lusius  Quietus, 
were  later  accused  of  a  conspiracy  against  Hadrian  and  put 
to  death ;  see  c.  vii.  1-3. 

4  L.  Neratius  Priscus  was  a  famous  jurist  and  his  works 
were  used  in  the  compilation  of  Justinian's  Digest.  He  was 
a  member  of  Trajan's  imperial  council,  and  later  was  one  of 
Hadrian's  advisers  in  legal  questions  ;  see  c.  xviii.  1. 



sore  moreretur,  multi  ad  senatum  eum  orationem 
voluisse  mittere  petiturum,  ut,  si  quid  ei  evenisset, 
principem  Romanae  rei  publicae  senatus  daret,  ad- 
ditis  dum  taxat  nominibus  ex  quibus  optimum  idem 
10  senatus  eligeret  nee  desunt  qui  factione  Plotinae 
mortuo  iam  Traiano  Hadrianum  in  adoptionem  ad- 
scitum  esse  prodiderint,  supposito  qui  pro  Traiano 
fessa  voce  loquebatur.1 

V.  Adeptus  imperium  ad  priscum  se  statim  morem 
instituit  et  tenendae  per  orbem  terrarum  paci  operam 
2impendit.2  nam  deficientibus  iis  nationibus  quas 
Traianus  subegerat,  Mauri  lacessebant,  Sarmatae 
bellum  inferebant,  Britanni  teneri  sub  Romana 
dicione  non  poterant,  Aegyptus  seditionibus  urge- 
batur,  Libya  3  denique  ac  Palaestina  rebelles  animos 

3  efferebant.     quare  omnia  trans  Euphraten  ac  Tigrim 
reliquit  exemplo,  ut  dicebat,  Catonis,  qui  Macedones 
liberos     pronuntiavit,     quia     tueri     non     poterant. 

4  Parthamasirin,4  quern  Traianus  Parthis  regem  fecerat, 

1  loqueretur  P  corr.  2  impendit  P  corr..  Petschenig,  No- 
vak, and  Lessing ;  intendit  P1,  Peter.  *  Libya  Gas.  ;  licia 
P.  *  Parthamasirin,  see  Prosop.  Ill,  p.  13;  sarmatosirin 
P ;  Partomasirin  Peter2. 

1  Augustus  had  bequeathed  as  a  policy  the  concilium  coer- 
cendi  intra  terminos  imi-erii  (Tacitus,  Annals,  i.  11),  these 
natural  boundaries  bein?  the  Koine,  Danube,  and  Euphrates. 
This  policy  had  been  abandoned  by  Trajan  in  his  conquests 
of  Dacia,   Armenia,  Mesopotamia,  and  Assyria.     Hadrian's 
new  policy  is  proclaimed  in  the  legends  on  his  coins,  luttdia 
(Cohen,  ii2,  p.  179  No.  874  f.)  and  Pax  (Cohen,  ii8,  p.  190,  No. 
1011  f.). 

2  Ci.  §  8  and  c.  vi.  7.  :  Cf.  c.  vi.  6. 

4  i.e.  Alexandria,  where  the  Jews  were  rioting,  incited  per- 
haps by  the  example  of  their  fellow-countrymen  in  Palestine. 

HADRIAN   IV.   1C—  V.  4 

he  had  meant  to  send  an  address  to  the  senate,  request- 
ing this  body,  in  case  aught  befell  him,  to  appoint  a 
ruler  for  the  Roman  empire,  and  merely  appending 
the  names  of  some  from  among  whom  the  senate 
might  choose  the  best.  And  the  statement  has  even 
been  made  that  it  was  not  until  after  Trajan's  death 
that  Hadrian  was  declared  adopted,  and  then  only 
by  means  of  a  trick  of  Plotina's  ;  for  she  smuggled  in 
someone  who  impersonated  the  Emperor  and  spo^e 
in  a  feeble  voice. 

V.  On  taking  possession  of  the  imperial  power 
Hadrian  at  once  resumed  the  policy  of  the  early 
emperors.1  and  devoted  his  attention  to  maintaining 
peace  throughout  the  world.  For  the  nations  which 
Trajan  had  conquered  began  to  revolt  ;  the  Moor  5 
moreover,  be  -ran  to  make  attacks,-  and  the  Sarmatians 
to  wage  mi  the  Britons  could  not  be  kept  under 
Roman  sway,  Egypt  *  was  thrown  into  disorder  by 
riots,  and  finally  Libya  *  and  Palestine  6  showed  the 
spirit  of  rebellion.  Whereupon  he  relinquished  all 
the  conquests  east  of  the  Euphrates  and  the  Tigr.? 
following,  as  he  used  tc  :~e  example  of  Cato. 

who  urcred  that  the  Macedonians,  because  they  could 
not  be  held  as  subjects,  should  be  declared  free  and 
independent."  And  ParthamasiriSj*  appointed  king 

5i.e.  the  Cyrenaica,  where  at  she  end  of  T~i  ;  -^  ?  :riga 
the  Je~  ?  had  risen  5.-ii  massacred  many  Greek  ?  md  Roman- 

see  P:  :  . 

-.f  measure  was  apparently  .;.  :.   :  :  :.:ri  ba  L  sp 
:;  :-  v      :~  3.J.  stf:er  :he  Ie:ea.j  of 

las:    king   of  M  •!    Pj&a*     see    Livy,    d«     IT-lfi 

Ha  ws&          led     _::   ::..-  indqpeadea't  districts,  an 

:  ~.  -  :.  ~-  er.i- 

-  .._  on  r  for  F^mmaspates.    This  prince  had  deser: 

i;  :;  ^f.n,  the  Parthian  k-'-i;    ^-i  sided       :/.   flnjaa    u 




quod  eum  non  magni  ponderis  apud  Parthos  videret, 
proxirnis  gentibus  dedit  regem. 

Tanturn  autem  statim  clementiae  studium  habuit 
ut,  cum  sub  primis  imperil  diebus  ab  Attiano  per 
epistolas  esset  admonitus,  ut  et  Baebius  Macer  prae- 
fectus  urbis,  si  reniteretur  eius  imperio.  necaretur  et 
Laberius  Maximus,  qui  suspectus  imperio  in  insula 
exsulabat,  et  Frugi  Crassus,  neminem  laederet ; 

6  quamvis  Crassum  postea  procurator  egressum  insula, 
quasi  res    novas    moliretur,   iniusso l    eius    occiderit. 

7  militibus  ob  auspicia  imperii    duplicem    largitionem 

8  dedit.     Lusium   Quietum   sublatis   gentibus  Mauris, 
quos  regebat,  quia  suspectus  imperio  fuerat,  exarmavit, 
Marcio  Turbone  ludaeis  compressis  ad  deprimendum 
tumultum  Mauretaniae  destinato. 

;-      Post  haec  Antiochia  digressus  est  ad  inspiciendas 

1  iniuxso  P,  accepted  by  Petschenig  ;  iniussu  Peter1. 

Parthian  war ;  he  was  rewarded  by  being  made  king  after 
Trajan's  victory  in  116-117.  The  Parthians  deposed  him, 
and  Hadrian  accordingly  assigned  to  him,  at  least  for  a  time, 
the  district  of  C  '.e  in  north-westrrn  Mesopotamia.  Cf. 

c.  xxi.  10,  and  Dio,  Ixriii.  30  and  33. 

1The    biog'-aphj  lipating  here.     This   letter   was 

doubtless  written  after  Attianns  had  returned  to  Rome  with 
Trajan's  I  10. 

2  Baebius  Ma:  er  was  one  of  the  friends  and  correspondents 
of  :unger  Pliny;  see  Pliny,  Epist-.,  iii.  5.  The  prefect 

of  the  city  was  in  command  of  the  three  cohorts  which  were 
responsible  for  the  maintenance  of  order  in  Rome. 

.  Laberius  Maximus  seems  to  have  held  a  command 
in  the  first  Da  ^r,  and  was  consul  for  the  second  time 

in  103.     Nothing  further  is  known  of  these  "  designs". 

4  C.  Calpurnius  Crassus  Frugi  conspired  against  Nerva  and 
was  banished  to  Tarentum.  He  was  later  brought  to  trial  on 
the  charge  of  conspiring  against  Trajan  and  was  condemned 
(Die,  Lrriii.  3  and  16). 

8  Lusius  Quietus,  a  Moor  by  birth  and  a  captain  of  a  squad- 


HADRIAN*  V    5-9 

of  the  Parthians  by  Trajan,  he  assigned  as  ruler  to  the 
neighbouring  tribes,  because  he  saw  that  the  man  was 
held  in  little  esteem  by  the  Parthians. 

Moreover,  he  showed  at  the  outset  such  a  wish  to 
be  lenient,  that  although  Attianus  advised  him  by 
letter  in  the  first  few  days  of  his  rule l  to  put  to  death 
Baebius  Macer,-  the  prefect  of  the  city,  in  case  he  op- 
posed his  elevation  to  power,  also  Laberius  Maxim  - 
then  in  exile  on  an  island  under  suspicion  of  designs 
on  the  throne,  and  like  ^.-r  [  nssns  Frusi.-  he  never- 
theless refused  to  harm  them.  Later  on.  however, 
his  procurator,  though  without  an  order  from  Hadrian, 
had  Crassus  killed  when  he  tried  to  leave  the  island, 
on  the  ground  that  he  was  planning  a  revolt.  He 


gave  a  double  donative  to  the  soldiers  in  order  to  ensure 
a  favourable  beginning  to  his  principate.    He  deprived 
Lusius  Quietus      of  the  command  of  the    M:      s 
tribesmen,  who  were  serving  under  him,  and  then  tfo- 


missed  him  from  the  army,   because  he   had   fallen 
under  the  suspicion  of  having  desijy.s  ?n  the  throne  : 
and  he  appointed  Marcius  TurV       ifta  his  reduction 
of  Judaea,  to  quell  the  insuiTr.:  ;LL  in  Mauretania. 
After    taking    these    measures    he    set    out     from 


Antioch  to  view  the  remains  of  Trajan/  which  were 

ron,of  Moorish  hotse,   had      .        :.     :mman:;:  :~  Trajan  ? 

Parthian  ~.vr.     He  had  ? .: bsecuf  Een  =,r y  : . ;  : -. :.  : . 

of  Judaea  by  Erajan      DM      -      sad   :-.:-.  Hoorh      troops 
was  a  r:;^  Binary  :c    :h;  read    retireinenc    ::    J _  i:e:us. 

;  -  ce  he  was  ^ :  •  on .-. :  to  fee    :  ~  er  any  resiauan  DC  bo   H .;    \ 
He  "^>    .  :Afi;._-;:.  : :       _-     .  :;^5..H5:  i£..A..:_.  ^:I 

was  y  .: :  : .    :. . .:. :        9BO  f 

s  Proc  :•.:•••-.:  ?  .  .  :    sr  Trajan's  body  was  btc    _    : 

from  Selinu^  aa       ;  y  MM  nl      -     aal         B     !  ':.'• 

WAS  c-ir^rvi  and  she  adhaa  ami  bo  Rome;  of.  V..:.:    :-     . 



reliquias  Traiani,  quas  Attianus,    Plotina  et   Matidia 
10  deferebant.      quibus  exceptis  et  navi  Romam  dimissis 
ipse  Antiochiam  regressus  praepositoque  Syriae  Catilio 
Severe  per  Illyricum  Romam  venit. 

VI.  Traiano  di vinos  honores  datis  ad  senatum  et  qui- 
dem  accuratissimis  litteris  postulavit  et  cunctis  volenti- 
bus  meruit,  ita  ut  senatus  multa,  quae  Hadrianus  non 
postulaverat,  iu  honorem  Traiani  sponte  decerneret. 

2  cum  ad  senatum  scriberet,  veniam   petiit,   quod   de 
imperio  suo  iudicium  senatui  non  dedisset,  salutatus 
scilicet  praepropere  a  militibus  imperator,  quod  esse 

3  res  publica   sine   imperatore   non    posset,     cum   tri- 
umphum  ei  senatus,  qui  Traiano  debitus  erat,  detulis- 
set,    recusavit    ipse    atque   imaginem    Traiani    curru 
triumphali  vexit,  ut  optimus  imperator  ne  post  mortem 

4  quidem  triumphi  amitteret  dignitatem,     patris  patriae 
nomen  delatum  sibi  statim  et  iterum  postea  distulit, 

5  quod   hoc   nomen   Augustus   sero  meruisset.     aurum 

1  See  note  to  c.  ii.  10. 

2L.  Catilius  Severus  was  a  friend  and  correspondent  of 
Pliny;  see  Pliny,  Epist.,i.  22  ;  iii.  12.  He  became  consul  for 
the  second  time  in  120,  was  proconsul  of  Asia,  and  in  138  pre- 
fect of  the  city ;  see  c.  xxiv.  6-8.  He  was  the  great-grand- 
father of  Marcus  Aurelius ;  see  Marc.,  i.  4. 

3  Used  here  to  denote  the  provinces  along  the  southern 
bank  of  the  Danube.     His  route  lay  across  Asia  Minor,  and  it 
was  probably  in  this  region  that  he  received  the  news  of  the 
war  threatened  by  the  tribes  north  of  the  river ;  cf.  c.  vi.  6. 
He  arrived  in  Moesia  in  the  spring  of  118,  and  finally  reached 
Eome  in  July,  118 ;  cf.  c.  vii.  3. 

4  Acclamation  by  the  army  constituted  a  strong  de  facto 
claim  to  the  imperial  power,  but  it  is  now  generally  recognized 
(in  spite  of  Mommsen's  theory  to  the  contrary)  that  only  the 
senate  could  legally  confer  the  imperium. 

5  This  triumph  was  commemorated  by  coins  bearing  on  the 
obverse  the  head  of  Trajan  with  the  legend  Divo  Traiatw  Parth 


HADRIAN  V.   10— VI.  5 

being  escorted  by  Attianus,  Plotina,  and  Matidia.1 
He  received  them  formally  and  sent  them  on  to  Rome 
by  ship,  and  at  once  returned  to  Antioch  ;  he  then 
appointed  Catilius  Severus  2  governor  of  Syria,  and 
proceeded  to  Rome  by  way  of  Illyricum.3 

VI.  Despatching  to  the  senate  a  carefully  worded 
letter,  he  asked  for  divine  honours  for  Trajan.  This 
request  he  obtained  by  a  unanimous  vote  ;  indeed,  the 
senate  voluntarily  voted  Trajan  many  more  honours 
than  Hadrian  had  requested,  i  n  this  letter  to  the  sen- 
ate he  apologized  because  he  had  not  left  it  the  right 
to  decide  regarding  his  accession/  explaining  that  the 
unseemly  haste  of  the  troops  in  acclaiming  him  em- 
peror was  due  to  the  belief  that  the  state  could  not  be 
without  an  emperor.  Later,  when  the  senate  offered 
him  the  triumph  which  was  to  have  been  Trajan's,  he 
refused  it  for  himself,  and  caused  the  effigy  of  the  dead 
Emperor  to  be  carried  in  a  triumphal  chariot,  in  order 
that  the  best  of  emperors  might  not  lose  even  after 
death  the  honour  of  a  triumph.5  Also  he  refused  for 
the  present  the  title  of  Father  of  his  Country,  offered 
to  him  at  the  time  of  his  accession  and  again  later 
on,  giving  as  his  reason  the  fact  that  Augustus 
had  not  won  it  until  late  in  life.6  Of  the  crown- 

(ico)  Aug(usto)  Patri  and  on  the  reverse  a  four-horse  chariot 
driven  by  the  Emperor  who  holds  a  laurel-branch  and  a 
sceptre,  with  the  legend  triumphus  Parthicus ;  see  Cohen,  ii2, 
p.  78,  No.  585. 

.  6This  title  was  conferred  on  Augustus  in  2  B.C.,  twenty-five 
years  after  he  received  the  imperium  and  the  name  of 
Augustus.  In  the  case  of  the  Julio-Claudian  emperors  after 
Tiberius  (who  never  held  this  title)  about  a  year  was  allowed 
to  elapse  before  the  honour  was  conferred.  Hadrian  finally 
accepted  it  in  128 ;  see  note  to  c.  xiii.  4.  The  precedent  of 
a  postponement  was  also  followed  by  Pius  (Pius,  vi.  6),  and 
Marcus  (Marc.,  ix.  3). 



coronarium  Italiae  remisit,  in  provinciis  minuit,  et 
quidem  difficultat  bus  aerarii  ambitiose  ac  diligenter 

6      Audito  dein  tumultu  Sarraatarum  et  Roxolanorum 

7praemissis    exercitibus    Moesiam    petiit.     Marcium 

Turbonem   post    Mauretaniam l   praefecturae  infulis 

ornatum  Pannoniae  Daciaeque  ad  tempus  praefecit. 

8  cum  rege  Roxolanorum,  qui  de  inminutis  stipendiis 

querebatur,  cogiiito  negotio  pacem  composuit. 

VII.  Nigrini  insidias,  quas  ille  sacrificanti  Hadriano 
conscio  sibi  Lusio  et  multis  aliis  paraverat,  cum  etiam 
successorem  Hadrianus  sibimet  destinasset,  evasit. 

2  quare     Palma     Tarracinis,     Celsus     Bails,     Nigrinus 
Faventiae,  Lusius   in   itinere   senatu  iubente,  invito 

3  Hadriano,  ut  ipse  in  vita  sua  dicit,  occisi  sunt.     unde 
statim  Hadrianus  ad  refellendam  tristissimam  de  se 

1  Mauretaniam    Peter ;     maurataneae     P1 ;    mauritaniae 
P  corr. 

1 A  contribution  for  the  purpose  of  providing  gold  wreaths 
(in  imitation  of  laurel)  which  were  held  over  the  head  of  the 
genera]  in  his  triumph.  Such  contributions  were  originally 
voluntary,  but  soon  became  obligatory.  Augustus  had  re- 
mitted them  (Mon.  Anc.,  c.  21),  but  his  example  does  not  seem 
to  have  been  followed  by  his  immediate  successors.  Partial 
remission  is  recorded  in  the  cases  of  Pius  (Pius,  iv.  10)  and 
Alexander  (Alex.,  xxxii.  5),  and  proclamations  of  remission 
by  Trajan  and  Marcus  are  preserved  in  a  papyrus  (Fayoum 
Towns  and  their  Papyri,  No.  116). 

2  The  compressed  style  of  the  narrative  combines  those  two 
tribes  here,  but  they  must  be  carefully  distinguished.     The 
Roxolani  lived  at  the  mouth  of  the  Danube  ;  they  had  been 
constituted  a  vassal-state  by  Trajan.     On  the  other  hand,  the 
term  Sarmatae  is  used  to  denote   the  independent  lazyges 


HADRIAN  VI.  6— VII.  3 

money  l  for  his  triumph  he  remitted  Italy's  contribu- 
tion, and  lessened  that  of  the  provinces,  all  the  while 
setting  forth  grandiloquently  and  in  great  detail  the 
straits  of  the  public  treasury. 

Then,  on  hearing  of  the  incursions  of  the  Sarma- 
tians  and  Roxolani,2  he  sent  the  troops  ahead  and 
set  out  for  Moesia.  He  conferred  the  insignia  of  a 
prefect  on  Marcius  Turbo  after  his  Mauretanian  cam- 
paign and  appointed  him  to  the  temporary  command 
of  Pannonia  and  Dacia.3  When  the  king  of  the 
Roxolani  complained  of  the  diminution  of  his  subsidy, 
he  investigated  his  case  and  made  peace  with  him. 

VII.  A  plot  to  murder  him  while  sacrificing  was 
made  by  Nigrinus,  with  Lusius  and  a  number  of 
others  as  accomplices,  even  though  Hadrian  had 
destined  'Nigrinus  4  for  the  succession  ;  but  Hadrian 
successfully  evaded  this  plot.  Because  of  this  con- 
spiracy Pal  ma  was  put  to  death  at  Tarracina,  Celsus 
at  Baiae,  Nigrinus  at  Faventia,5  and  Lusius  on  his 
journey  homeward,  all  by  order  of  the  senate,  but 
contrary  to  the  wish  of  Hadrian,  as  he  says  himself 
in  his  autobiography.  Whereupon  Hadrian  entrusted 

who  lived  in  the  great  plain  between  the  Theiss  and  the 

3  This  was  an  extraordinary  command,  for  Pannonia  and 
Dacia,  like  other  imperial  provinces,  were  always  assigned  to 
senatorial  legates,  and  Turbo  was  a  knight.     The  only  instance 
of  an  equestrian  governor  was  the  prefect  of  Egypt,  the  viceroy 
of  the   emperor  (who  in   theory   was   king  of   Egypt),  and 
this  appointment  of  a  knight  to  govern  the  provinces  on  the 
Danube  seemed   to  have   a  precedent   in  the   prefecture  of 
Egypt  (cf.  c.  vii.  3). 

4  Probably  C.  Avidius  Nigrinus,    mentioned   by  Pliny  in 
Epist.  ad   Traian.,  Ixv.    and   Ixvi.      On  the  other  conspir- 
ators see  notes  to  c.  iv.  3,  and  v.  8. 

5  Now  Faenza  ;  in  the  Po  valley,  about  thirty  miles  S.E. 
of  Bologna. 



opinionem,  quod  occidi  passus  esset  uno  tempore 
quattuor  consulares,  Romam  venit,  Dacia  Turboni 
credita,  titulo  Aegyptiacae  praefecturae,  quo  plus 
auctoritatis  haberet,  ornato,  et  ad  comprimendam  de 
se  famam  congiarium  duplex  praesens  populo  dedit, 

4  ternis  iam  per  singulos  aureis  se  absente  divisis.  in 
senatu  quoque  excusatis  quae  facta  erant  iuravit  se 
numquam  senatorem  nisi  ex  senatus  sententia  pu- 

5niturum.      statum l    cursum    fiscalem    instituit,     ne 

6  magistratus  hoc  onere  gravareiitur.  ad  colligendam 
autera  gratiam  nihil  praetermittens,  infinitani  pe- 
cuniam,  quae  fisco  debebatur,  privatis  debitoribus  in 
urbe  atque  Italia,  in  provinciis  vero  etiam  ex  reliquiis 
ingentes  summas  remisit,  syngraphis  in  foro  divi 
Traiani,2  quo  magis  securitas  omnibus  roboraretur, 

7incensis.       damnatorum    bona    in    fiscum  "privatum 

J  statum  Peter ;  statim  P  (defended  by  Herzog  R.  Stvf.  II, 
359,  1).  2  hadriani  P1 ;  al'  traiani  P  corr. 

1  As  he  had  already  done  for  the  soldiers ;  see  c.  v.  7. 

2  A  gold  coin  of  the  value  of  100  sesterces  or  25  denarii,  or 
(very  approximately)  five  dollars. 

3  It  had  long  been  a  moot  question  whether  the  emperor 
had  the  right  to  put  senators  to  death  without  formal  trial  and 
condemnation    by    the    senate.     Neither    the    later    Julio- 
Claudian  nor  the  Flavian  emperors  had  recognized  the  right 
of  a  senator  to  trial  by  his  fellow-senators  only.     Nerva,  on 
the  other  hand,  took  an  oath  that  he  would  not  put  a  senator 
to  death  (Dio,  Ixviii.  2),  and  Trajan  seems  to  have  followed 
his  example  (Dio,  Ixviii.  5).     For  the  practice  of  later  em- 
perors see  Marc.,  x.  6;  xxv.  6;  xxvi.  13;  xxix.  4. 

4  Also  called  cursus  vehiculariut  (Pius,  xii.  3),  and  munus 
vehicularium  (Sev.  xiv.  2).     Previous  to  Hadrian's  reform  the 
cost  of  the  maintenance  of  the  post  had  fallen  on  the  provin- 
cial towns,  but  henceforth  it  was  borne  bythe_/zscws.     The 
department  was  under  the  direction  of  an  official  of  equestrian 
rank,  known  as  the  praefectus  vehicular  urn. 

6 The  sum  remitted  was  900,000,000  sesterces;  see  coins 



the  command  in  Dacia  to  Turbo,  whom  he  dignified, 
in  order  to  increase  his  authority,  with  a  rank  analogous 
to  that  of  the  prefect  of  Egypt.  He  then  hastened 
to  Rome  in  order  to  win  over  public  opinion,  which 
was  hostile  to  him  because  of  the  belief  that  on  one 
single  occasion  he  had  suffered  four  men  of  consular 
rank  to  be  put  to  death.  In  order  to  check  the 
rumours  about  himself,  he  gave  in  person  a  double 
largess  to  the  people,1  although  in  his  absence  three 
aurei  '2  had  already  been  given  to  each  of  the  citizens. 
In  the  senate,  too,  he  cleared  himself  of  blame  for 
what  had  happened,  and  pledged  himself  never  to  in- 
flict punishment  on  a  senator  until  after  a  vote  of  the 
senate.3  He  established  a  regular  imperial  post,4  in 
order  to  relieve  the  local  officials  of  such  a  burden. 
Moreover,  he  used  every  means  of  gaining  popularity. 
He  remitted  to  private  debtors  in  Rome  and  in  Italy 
immense  sums  of  money  owed  to  the  privy-purse,5 
and  in  the  provinces  he  remitted  large  amounts  of 
arrears  ;  and  he  ordered  the  promissory  notes  to  be 
burned  in  the  Forum  of  the  Deified  Trajan,6  in  order 
that  the  general  sense  of  security  might  thereby  be 
increased.  He  gave  orders  that  the  property  of 
condemned  persons  should  not  accrue  to  the  privy- 

of  118,  Cohen,  ii2,  p.  208  f.,  Nos.  1210-1213,  and  an  inscription 
found  at  Rome,  C.I.L.,  vi.  96?r  He  also  issued  an  order  pro- 
viding for  a  similar  cancelling  every  fifteen  years ;  see  Dio, 
Ixix.  8,  1 ;  cf.  also  Marc.,  xxiii.  3,  and  note. 

6  Situated  at  the  south-western  corner  of  the  Esquiline  Hill, 
a  part  of  which  was  cut  away  in  order  to  provide  sufficient 
space.  It  was  surrounded  by  colonnades,  portions  of  which 
are  extant,  and  on  its  north-western  side  was  the  Basilica 
Ulpia  ;  north-west  of  this  was  the  column  of  Trajan,  flanked 
by  two  buildings  containing  the  Bibliotheca  Ulpia.  Just  be- 
yond was  the  Templum  Divi  Traiani  et  Plotinae,  erected  by 
Hadrian  (c.  xix.  9). 



redigi  vetuit,  omni  summa  in  aerario  publico  recepta. 

8  pueris    ac   puellis,    quibus    etiam    Traianus    alimenta 

gdetulerat,    incrementum    liberalitatis  adiecit.     sena- 

toribus,   qui  non   vitio  suo   decoxerant,  patrimonium 

pro  liberorum  modo  senatoriae  professionis   explevit, 

ita   ut   plerisque  in  diem  vitae  suae  dimensum  sine 

lodilatione    praestiterit.1     ad    honores    explendos   non 

solum    amicis,    sed    etiam    passim    aliquantis     multa 

11  largitus  est.       feminas    nonnullas    ad    sustentandam 

12  vitam  sumptibus  iuvit.     gladiatorium  munus  per  sex 
dies    continues    exhibuit    et    mille    feras    natali    suo 

VIII.  Optimos  quosque  de  senatu  in  contubernium 

2  imperatoriae  maiestatis  adscivit.    ludos  circenses  prae- 

3  ter  natalicios  decretos  sibi  sprevit.     et  in  contione  et 
in  senatu  saepe  dixit  ita  se  rem  publicam  gesturum  ut 

4  scirent 2  populi  rem  esse,  non  propriam.     tertio  con- 
sules,   cum   ipse  ter  fuisset,  plurimos  fecit,  infinites 

5  autem  secundi  consulatus  honore  cumulavit.     ipsum 
autem    tertium    consulatum    et    quattuor    mensibus 

1  praestiterit  Cas.  ;  restiterit  P1 ;  restituerit  P  corr.         2  sci- 
rent Ellis  ;  sciret  P,  Peter. 

1  The  alimenta  were  grants  of  money  paid  by  the  imperial 
government  to  the  children  of  the  poor  of  Italy.     The  plan 
was  made  by  Nerva  but  actually  carried  out  by  Trajan.     For 
the  purpose  of   the   distribution   of   these  grants  Italy  was 
divided  into  districts,  often  known  by  the  name  of  the  great 
roads  which  traversed  them  (see  Pert.,  ii.  2). 

2  The  sum  necessary  for  the  position  of  senator  was  1,000,000 

3  The  custom  had  arisen  that  on  important  occasions  in 



purse,  and  in  each  case  deposited  the  whole  amount 
in  the  public  treasury.  He  made  additional  appro- 
priations for  the  children  to  whom  Trajan  had  allotted 
grants  of  money.1  He  supplemented  the  property  of 
senators  impoverished  through  no  fault  of  their  own, 
making  the  allowance  in  each  case  proportionate  to 
the  number  of  children,  so  that  it  might  be  enough 
for  a  senatorial  career 2  ;  to  many,  indeed,  he  paid 
punctually  on  the  date  the  amount  allotted  for  their 
living.  Sums  of  money  sufficient  to  enable  men  to 
hold  office  he  bestowed,  not  on  his  friends  alone,  but 
also  on  many  far  and  wide,  and  by  his  donations  he 
helped  a  number  of  women  to  sustain  life.  He  gave 
gladiatorial  combats  for  six  days  in  succession,  and 
on  his  birthday  he  put  into  the  arena  a  thousand 
wild  beasts. 

VIII.  The  foremost  members  of  the  senate  he  ad- 
mitted to  close  intimacy  with  the  emperor's  majesty. 
All  circus-games  decreed  in  his  honour  he  refused, 
except  those  held  to  celebrate  his  birthday.3  Both 
in  meetings  of  the  people  and  in  the  senate  he  used 
to  say  that  he  would  so  administer  the  commonwealth 
that  men  would  know  that  it  was  not  his  own  but  the 
people's.  Having  himself  been  consul  three  times, 
he  reappointed  many  to  the  consulship  for  the  third 
time  and  men  without  number  to  a  second  term  ; 
his  own  third  consulship  he  held  for  only  four  months, 
and  during  his  term  he  often  administered  justice. 

the  reign  of  an  emperor  races  in  the  Circus  should  be  voted 
by  the  senate  as  a  mark  of  honour.  From  the  time  of  Augus- 
tus the  birthday  of  the  emperor  was  similarly  celebrated,  and 
in  the  case  of  some  emperors,  e.g.  Pertinax  and  Severus,  also 
the  natalis  imperil  or  day  of  the  accession  to  the  throne ;  see 
Pert.,  xv.  5,  and  Dio,  Ixxviii.  8.  Pius  followed  Hadrian's 
example  in  accepting  birthday-games  only  ;  see  Pius,  v.  2. 



6  tantum  egit  et  in  eo  saepe  ius  dixit.     senatui  legitimo, 
cum  in  urbe  vel  iuxta  urbem  esset,  semper  interfuit. 

7  senatus  fastigium  in  tantum  extulit,  difficile  faciens 
senatores  ut,  cum   Attianum  ex  praefecto   praetorii 
ornamentis  consularibus  praeditum  faceret  senatorem, 
nihil  se  amplius  habere  quod  in  eum  conferri  posset 

8  ostenderit.      equites   Romanes  nee  sine  se  de  sena- 

9  toribus  nee  secum  iudicare  permisit.     erat  enim  tune 
mos  ut,  cum  princeps  causas  agnosceret,  et  senatores 
et  equites  Romanes  in  consilium  vocaret  et  sententiam 

10  ex  omnium  deliberatione  proferret.     exsecratus  est 
denique  principes  qui  minus  senatoribus  detulissent. 

11  Serviano  sororis  viro,  cui  tantum  detulit  ut  ei  venienti 
de  cubiculo  semper  occurrerit,  tertium  consulatum, 
nee  secum  tamen,  cum  ille  bis  ante  Hadrianum  fuis- 
set,  ne  esset  secundae  sententiae,  non  petenti  ac  sine 
precatione  concessit. 

IX.  Inter  haec  tamen  et  multas  provincias  a  Traiano 
adquisitas  reliquit  et  theatrum,  quod  ille  in  Campo 

J  This  did  not  include  a  seat  in  the  senate,  but  consisted 
of  the  privilege  of  sitting  with  the  senators  of  consular  rank 
at  the  public  festivals  and  at  sacred  banquets  and  of  wearing 
the  toga  praetexta  on  such  occasions.  Since  the  time  of  Nero 
this  honorary  rank  had  often  been  bestowed  on  prefects  of  the 
guard  on  their  retirement  from  office ;  see  also  Pius,  x.  6. 

2  See  note  to  c.  vii.  4. 

3  The  consilium  of  the  emperor  was  a  development  from  the 
old  principle  that  a  magistrate,  before  rendering  an  important 
decision,  should  ask  advice  from  trusted  friends.     So  Augustus 



He  always  attended  regular  meetings  of  the  senate  if 
he  was  present  in  Rome  or  even  in  the  neighbourhood. 
In  the  appointment  of  senators  he  showed  the  utmost 
caution  and  thereby  greatly  increased  the  dignity  of 
the  senate,  and  when  he  removed  Attianus  from  the 
post  of  prefect  of  the  guard  and  created  him  a  senator 
with  consular  honours/  he  made  it  clear  that  he  had 
no  greater  honour  which  he  could  bestow  upon  him. 
Nor  did  he  allow  knights  to  try  cases  involving 
senators  2  whether  he  was  present  at  the  trial  or  not. 
For  at  that  time  it  was  customary  for  the  emperor, 
when  he  tried  cases,  to  call  to  his  council 3  both 
senators  and  knights  and  give  a  verdict  based  on 
their  joint  decision.  Finally,  he  denounced  those 
emperors  who  had  not  shown  this  deference  to  the 
senators.  On  his  brother-in-law  Servianus,  to  whom 
he  showed  such  respect  that  he  would  advance  to 
meet  him  as  he  came  from  his  chamber,  he  bestowed 
a  third  consulship,  and  that  without  any  request  or 
entreaty  on  Servianus'  part ;  but  nevertheless  he  did 
not  appoint  him  as  his  own  colleague,  since  Servianus 
had  been  consul  twice  before  Hadrian,  and  the 
Emperor  did  not  wish  to  have  second  place.4 

IX.   And  yet,  at  the  same  time,  Hadrian  abandoned 
many  provinces  won  by  Trajan,5  and  also  destroyed, 

and  his  successors  had  their  boards  of  advisers.  Until  the  time 
of  Hadrian  this  board  was  not  official  or  permanent,  but  from, 
his  reign  on  its  members,  the  consiliarii  Augusti,  had  a 
definite  position  and  received  a  salary.  Jurists  of  distinction 
were  included  in  it ;  see  c.  xviii.  1. 

4  If  Servianus,  who  was  consul  for  the  second  time  in  102, 
were  associated  with  Hadrian  in  the  Emperor's  second  consul- 
ship in  118  or  third  in  119,  he  would  by  reason  of  his  seniority 
outrank  his  imperial  colleague  ;  see  Mommsen,  Rom.  Staats- 
recht,  hi.  p.  976,  n.  4. 

5  Of.  c.  v,  3. 



2Martio  posuerat.  contra  omnium  vota  destruxit.  et 
haec  quidem  eo  tristiora  videbantur,  quod  omnia. 
quae  displicere  vidisset  l  Hadrianus.  mandata  sibi  ut 

3faceret  secreto-  a  Traiano  esse  simulabat.  cum  At- 
tiani.  praefecti  sui  et  quondam  tutoris,  potentiam 
ferre  non  posset,  nisus  est  eum  obtruncare,  sed  revo- 
catus  est.  quia  iam  quattuor  consularium  occisorum, 
quorum  quidem  necem  in  Attiani  consilia  refundebat, 

4  premebatur  invidia.  cui  cum  successorem  dare  non 
posset,  quia  non  petebat.  id  egit  ut  peteret.  atque 
ubi  primum  petiit,  in  Turbonem  transtulit  potesta- 
tem  ;  cum  quidem  etiam  Simili  alteri  praefecto 
S  pticium  Clarum  successorem  dedit, 

6  Summotis  his   a   praefectura.  quibus   debebat   im- 
perium.    Campaniam    petiit    eiusque    omnia    oppida 
beneficiis  et  largitionibus  sublevavit,  optimum  quem- 

7  que  amicitiis  suis  iungens.      Romae  vero  praetorum 
et  consulum  officia  frequentavit.  conviviis  amicorum 
intermit.  aegros  bis  ac  ter  die  et  nonnullos  equites 
Romanes  ac  libertinos  visitavit,  solaciis  refovit.  con- 

1  displicere   uidisse:    P   corr.  ;    displi&re-niur    uidisse   P1. 
*secre::  M:n~;e^  ;  decreto  P1  ;  decreta  P  corr. 

:    --:.  2-3. 

8  Tlie  term  of  office  of  the  prefect  of  the  guard  was  un- 
lin  -::  ~     Eten  —  1=  for  life.     Th  -age  seems  to  show 

that  at  least  a  form  of  voluntary  resignation  from  the  office 
was  cu?  ternary  .  A::iirus,  according  to  precedent,  was  ad- 
vanced tc  £•:::-•;  rial  rank  with  the  ornamenta  consularia; 
see  c.  viii.  7. 

3  C.  Sulpicius  Similis  was  prefect  of  the  grain-supply,  of 
Egypt,  ijid,  finally,  of  :he  praetorian  guard.     According  to 
Dio    (Ixix.    20),  it  was  only  difficulty  :ha:  he  secured 
Hadrian's  permission  to  retire. 

4  Frc:  "ime  of  Augustus  the  old  republican  principle 
.of  colleagueship  had  been   applied  to  the  command  of  the 
praetorian  guard  and  there  •           riinarilr  two  prefects  with 


HADRIAN  IX.  2-7 

contrary  to  the  entreaties  of  all,  the  theatre  which 
Trajan  had  built  in  the  Campus  Martius.  These 
measures,  unpopular  enough  in  themselves,  were  still 
more  displeasing  to  the  public  because  of  his  pre- 
tence that  all  acts  which  he  thought  would  be  offen- 
sive had  been  secretly  enjoined  upon  him  by  Trajan. 
Unable  to  endure  the  power  of  Attianus,  his  prefect 
and  formerly  his  guardian,  he  was  eager  to  murder 
him.  He  was  restrained,  however,  by  the  knowledge 
that  he  already  laboured  under  the  odium  of  murder- 
ing four  men  of  consular  rank,1  although,  as  a  matter 
of  fact,  he  always  attributed  their  execution  to  the 


designs  of  Attianus.  And  as  he  could  not  appoint  a 
successor  for  Attianus  except  at  the  latter's  request, 
he  contrived  to  make  him  request  it,2  and  at  once 
transferred  the  power  to  Turbo  ;  at  the  same  time 
Similis  3  also,  the  other  prefect,4  received  a  successor, 
namely  Septicius  Claras.5 

After  Hadrian  had  removed  from  the  prefecture 
the  very  men  to  whom  he  owed  the  imperial  power,  119. 
he  departed  for  Campania,  where  he  aided  all  the 
towns  of  the  region  by  gifts  and  benefactions  6  and 
attached  all  the  foremost  men  to  his  train  of  friends. 
But  when  at  Rome,  he  frequently  attended  the  official 
functions  of  the  praetors  and  consuls,  appeared  at  the 

equal  powers.  The  principle,  however,  had  been  disregarded 
at  times,  e.g.  in  the  case  of  Sejanus  under  Tiberius  (Dio,  Ivii. 
19).  Under  the  later  emperors  there  were  sometimes  three 
prefects  ;  cf.  Coin.,  vi.  12  ;  Did.  JuL,  vii.  5  ;  Zosimus,  i.  11. 

6C.  Septicius  Clarus  was  the  friend  of  Suetonius,  who 
dedicated  to  him  his  Lives  of  the  Caesars.  He  also  en- 
couraged Pliny  to  publish  his  letters;  see  Plin.,  Epist.,  i.  1. 
On  his  retirement  from  the  prefecture  see  c.  xi.  3. 

6  The  following  are  attested  by  inscriptions  of  the  years 
121-122:  Antium,  Caiatia,  Surrentum,  and  the  road  from 
Naples  to  Nuceria  ;  see  C.I.L.,  x.  6652,  4574,  676,  6939,  6940. 



8  siliis  sublevavit,  conviviis  suis  semper  adhibuit.     omnia 

9  denique  ad  privati  hominis  niodum  fecit,     socrui  suae 
honores  praecipuos  impendit  ludis  gladiatoriis  ceteris- 
que  officiis. 

X.  Post  haec  profectus  in  Gallias  omnes  civitates 
2  variis  l  liberalitatibus  sublevavit.  inde  in  Germaniam 
transiit.  pacisque  magis  quam  belli  cupidus  railitem, 
quasi  bellum  immmeret,  exercuit  tolerantiae  docu- 
mentis  eum  imbuens,  ipse  quoque  inter  manipula 
vitam  militarem  magistrans,  cibis  etiam  castrensibus 
in  propatulo  libenter  utens,  hoc  est  larido  caseo  et 
posca,  exemplo  Scipionis  Aemiliani  et  Metelli  et 
auctoris  sui  Traiani,  multos  praemiis  nonnullos  honori- 
bus  donans,  ut  ferre  possent  ea  quae  asperius  iube- 

lciuitates  uariis  (libertatibus)  Bob.  Bonon.,  supported  by 
Rosinger  and  Damste  ;  casuariis  P  ;  causarios  Peter. 

1  By  a  largess  of  spices  (see  c.  xix.  5),  and  by  issuing  coins 
bearing  the  legend  Divae  Matidiae  Socrui  with  a  representa- 
tion of  a  temple-like  building  in  which  Matidia  is  seated  be- 
tween niches  holding  statuettes  of  Victory  ;  see   Cohen,  ii2, 
p.  152,  No.  550. 

2  His  first  journey  is  described  in  c.  x.  1 — xi.  2  and  xii.  1 — 
xiii.  3.    It  covered  the  years  121-125.    Then  followed  a  journey 
to  Africa  and  back  in  128.     This  was  followed  by  his  second 
journey,  which  included  the  eastern  part  of  the  empire  only, 
in  JL28-134: ;  see  c.  xiii.  6 — xiv.  6  (the  portion  of  the  journey 
which  fell  after  130  is  not  included). 

3  His  visit  was  commemorated  by  coins  with  the  legends 
Adventui  Galliae  (Cohen,  ii2,  p.  109  f.,  Nos.  31-35)  and  Re- 
stitutor  Galliae  (Cohen,  ii2,  p.  211,  Nos.  1247-1257). 

4  His  journey  probably  lay  along  the  road  from  Lugdunum 


HADRIAN  IX.  8— X.  2 

banquets  of  his  friends,  visited  them  twice  or  thrice 
a  day  when  they  were  sick,  even  those  who  were 
merely  knights  and  freedmen,  cheered  them  by  words 
of  comfort,  encouraged  them  by  words  of  advice,  and 
very  often  invited  them  to  his  own  banquets.  In 
short,  everything  that  he  did  was  in  the  manner  of  a 
private  citizen.  On  his  mother-in-law  he  bestowed  Dec.,  11 
especial  honour  by  means  of  gladiatorial  games  and 
other  ceremonies.1 

X.  After  this  he  travelled2  to  the  provinces  of  121. 
Gaul,3  and  came  to  the  relief  of  all  the  communities 
with  various  acts  of  generosity ;  and  from  there  he 
went  over  into  Germany.4  Though  more  desirous 
of  peace  than  of  war,  he  kept  the  soldiers  in  training 
just  as  if  war  were  imminent,  inspired  them  by 
proofs  of  his  own  powers  of  endurance,  actually  led  a 
soldier's  life  among  the  maniples,5  and,  after  the 
example  of  Scipio  Aemilianus,6  Metellus,  and  his 
own  adoptive  father  Trajan,  cheerfully  ate  out  of 
doors  such  camp-fare  as  bacon,  cheese  and  vinegar. 
And  that  the  troops  might  submit  more  willingly  to 
the  increased  harshness  of  his  orders,  he  bestowed 
gifts  on  many  and  honours  on  a  few.  For  he  re- 
established the  discipline  of  the  camp,7  which  since 

(Lyon)  to  Augusta  Treverorum  (Trier),  which  was  repaired  in 
121;  see  Brambach,  Corp.  Inscr.  Rhen.,  1936.  His  visit  to  the 
German  armies  was  commemorated  on  coins  with  the  legend 
Exercitus  Germanicus ;  see  Cohen,  ii'2,  p.  156,  Nos.  573  and  574. 

5  Used  here  merely  to  denote  the  common  soldiers ;  the 
"  maniple  "  consisted  of  two  centuriae. 

6  i.e.  Scipio  Africanus  the  younger,  conqueror  of  Carthage. 
Q.  Caecilius  Metellus   Numidicus  commanded  in  the  war 
against  Jugurtha  in  109-107  B.C.  (cf.  Sail.  Jug.,  43-80). 

"'  Hadrian's  reforms  are  also  described  in  Dio,  Ixix.  9.  They 
are  commemorated  by  coins  with  the  legend  Disciplina 
Aug(usti) ;  see  Cohen,  ii2,  p.  151  f.,  Nos.  540-549. 



3  bat ;    si    quidem    ipse    post    Caesarem     Octavianum 
labantem  disciplinam   incuria  superiorum  principum 
retinuit.  ordinatis  et  officiis  et  impendiis,  numquam 
passus  aliquem  a  castris  iniuste  abesse,  cum  tribunes 

4  non  favor  militum  sed  iustitia  commendaret.    exemplo 
etiam   virtutis   suae    ceteros   adhortatus,   cum    etiam 
vicena  milia  pedibus  armatus  ambularet,  triclinia  de 

5  castris  et  porticus  et  cryptas  et  topia  dirueret,  vestem 
humillimam  frequenter  acciperet,  sine  auro  balteum 
sumeret,   sine  gemmis    fibula   stringeret,   capulo   vix 

6  eburneo  spatham  clauderet,  aegros  milites  in  hospitiis 
suis  videret,  locum  castris  caperet,   nulli  vitem  nisi 
robusto  et  bonae  famae  daret,  nee  tribunum  nisi  plena 
barba  faceret  aut  eius  aetatis  quae  prudentia  et  annis 

7  tribunatus  robor  impleret,  nee  pateretur  quicquam  tri- 
bunum  a    milite    accipere,    delicata    omnia    undique 
summoveret,  arma  postremo  eorum  supellectilemque 

8  corrigeret.     de  militum  etiam  aetatibus  iudicabat,  ne 
quis  aut  minor  quam  virtus  posceret,  aut  maior  quam 
pateretur  humanitas,,  in  castris  contra  morem  veterem 
versaretur,  agebatque,  ut  sibi  semper  noti  essent,  et 

XI.  eorum  numerus  sciretur.  laborabat  praeterea,  ut 
condita  militaria  diligenter  agnosceret,  reditus  quoque 
provinciales  sollerter  explorans,  ut,  si1  alicubi  quip- 
piam  deesset,  expleret.  ante  omnes  tamen  enite- 
batur,  ne  quid  otiosum  vel  emeret  aliquando  vel 

1  si  omitted  by  P1,  added  by  P  corr. 


the  time  of  Octavian  had  been  growing  slack  through 
the  laxity  of  his  predecessors.  He  regulated,  too, 
both  the  duties  and  the  expenses  of  the  soldiers,  and 
now  no  one  could  get  a  leave  of  absence  from  camp 
by  unfair  means,  for  it  was  not  popularity  with  the 
troops  but  just  deserts  that  recommended  a  man  for 
appointment  as  tribune.  He  incited  others  by  the 
example  of  his  own  soldiery  spirit ;  he  would  walk  as 
much  as  twenty  miles  fully  armed ;  he  cleared  the 
camp  of  banqueting-rooms,  porticoes,  grottos,  and 
bowers,  generally  wore  the  commonest  clothing, 
would  have  no  sold  ornaments  on  his  sword-belt  or 


jewels  on  the  clasp,  would  scarcely  consent  to  have 
his  sword  furnished  with  an  ivorv  hilt,  visited  the 


sick  soldiers  in  their  quarters,  selected  the  sites  for 
camps,  conferred  the  centurion's  wand  on  those  only 
who  were  hardy  and  of  good  repute,  appointed  as 
tribunes  only  men  with  full  beards  or  ot  an  age  to 
give  to  the  authority  of  the  tribuneship  the  full  mea- 
sure of  prudence  and  maturity,  permitted  no  tribune 
to  accept  a  present  from  a  soldier,  banished  luxuries 
on  every  hand,  and,  lastly,  improved  the  soldiers' 
arms  and  equipment.  Furthermore,  with  regard  to 
length  of  militarv  service  he  issued  an  order  that  no  one 
should  violate  ancient  usage  by  being  in  the  service  at 
an  earlier  age  than  his  strength  warranted,  or  at  a 


more  advanced  one  than  common  humanity  permitted. 
He  made  it  a  point  to  be  acquainted  with  the  soldiers 
and  to  know  their  numbers.  XI.  Besides  this,  he 
strove  to  have  an  accurate  knowledge  of  the  military 
stores,  and  the  receipts  from  the  provinces  he  examined 
with  care  in  order  to  make  good  any  deficit  that  might 
occur  in  any  particular  instance.  But  more  than  any 
other  emperor  he  made  it  a  point  not  to  purchase  or 
maintain  anything  that  was  not  serviceable. 



2  Ergo  conversis  regio1  more  militibus  Britanniam 
petiit,  in  qua  multa  correxit  murimique  per  octoginta 
milia  passuilm  primus  duxit,  qui  barbaros  Romanesque 

3  Septicio   Claro    praefecto    praetorii    et    Suetonio 
Tranquillo  epistularum  magistro  multisque  aliis,  quod 
apud  Sabinam   uxorem   iniussu   eius 2   familiarius  se 
tune  egerant  quam  reverentia  domus  aulicae  postula- 
bat,  successores  dedit,  uxorem  etiam  ut  morosam  et 
asperam  dimissurus,  ut  ipse  dicebat,  si  privatus  fuisset. 

4et  erat   curiosus  non  solum  domus  suae  sed   etiam 

amicorum,   ita    ut    per    frumentarios    occulta   orrmia 

exploraret,  nee  adverterent  amici  sciri  ab  imperatore 

suam  vitam,  priusquarn  ipse  hoc  imperator  ostenderet. 

5  unde  non  iniucundum  est  rem  inserere,  ex  qua  con- 

Gstet  eum  de  amicis   multa   didicisse.     nam  cum  ad 

quendam    scripsisset    uxor    sua,    quod    voluptatibus 

1  egregio  Novak  ;  rigido  Frankfurter  ;  recto  Baehrens. 
2  iniussu  eius  P  corr.  (uniussu  P1),  defended  by  Bitschofsky 
(meaning  "  without  his  consent") ;  in  usu  eius  Peter2,  fol- 
lowing Petschenig. 

1  From  Germany  he  visited  the  provinces  of  Raetia  and 
Noricum,  and  then  returned  to  the  lower  Rhine,  where  his 
presence  is  commemorated  in  the  name   Forum  Hadriani 
(near  Leyden).     From  Holland  he  crossed  to  Britain.     The 
legend  Adventui  Aug.   Britanniae  appears   on  coins ;    see 
Cohen,  ii'-',  p.  109,  No.  28. 

2  This  fortification  extended  from  Wallsend  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Tyne  to  Bowness  on  the  Firth  of  Solway,  a  distance 
of  73£  English  miles.     Its  remains  show  that  it  consisted  of 
two  lines  of  embankment  with  a  moat  between  them,  and  a 
stone  wall  running  parallel  on  the  north.     In  the  space  be- 
tween the  embankment  and  the  wall  were  small  strongholds 
about  a  mile  apart  with  an  occasional  larger  stronghold,  all 


HADRIAN  XI.  2-6 

And  so,  having  reformed  the  army  quite  in  the 
manner  of  a  monarch,  he  set  out  for  Britain,1  and  122. 
there  he  corrected  many  abuses  and  was  the  first  to 
construct  a  wall,2  eighty  miles  in  length,  which  was 
to  separate  the  barbarians  from  the  Romans. 

He  removed  from  office  Septicius  Clarus,3  the  pre- 
fect of  the  guard,  and  Suetonius  Tranquillus,4  the 
imperial  secretary,  and  many  others  besides,  because 
without  his  consent  they  had  been  conducting  them- 
selves toward  his  wife,  Sabina,  in  a  more  informal 
fashion  than  the  etiquette  of  the  court  demanded. 
And,  as  he  was  himself  wont  to  say,  he  would  have 
sent  away  his  wife  too,  on  the  ground  of  ill- temper 
and  irritability,  had  he  been  merely  a  private  citizen. 
Moreover,  his  vigilance  was  not  confined  to  his  own 
household  but  extended  to  those  of  his  friends,  and 
by  means  of  his  private  agents  5  he  even  pried  into 
all  their  secrets,  and  so  skilfully  that  they  were 
never  aware  that  the  Emperor  was  acquainted  with 
their  private  lives  until  he  revealed  it  himself.  In 
this  connection,  the  insertion  of  an  incident  will  not 
be  unwelcome,  showing  that  he  found  out  much  about 
his  friends.  The  wife  of  a  certain  man  wrote  to  her 
husband,  complaining  that  he  was  so  preoccupied  by 

connected  by  a  military  road  ;  see  inscriptions  dating  from 
Hadrian's  time,  C.I.I/.,  vii.  660  f.,  835. 

3  See  c.  ix.  5. 

4  The  author  of  the  de  Vita  Caesarum  and  the  de  Viris 

6  The  frumentarii,  at  first  petty-officers  connected  with  the 
commissary  of  the  army,  became,  probably  under  Trajan, 
couriers  charged  with  the  conveyance  of  military  dispatches ; 
see  Max.-Balb.,  x.  3 ;  Victor,  Goes.,  xiii.  5,  6.  Many  of  them 
were  then  attached  to  the  imperial  service  as  a  sort  of  secret 
police;  see  also  Macr.,  xii.  4  and  Claud.,  xvii.  1. 



detentus  et  lavacris  ad  se  redire  nollet,  atque  hoc 
Hadrianus  per  frumentarios  cognovisset,  petente  illo 
commeatum  Hadrianus  ei  lavacra  et  voluptates  ex- 
probravit.  cui  ille  :  "  num  et  tibi  uxor  mea,  quod  et 
7mihi,  scripsit  ?  "  et  hoc  quidem  vitiosissimum  putant 
atque  huic  adiungunt  quae  de  adultorum  amore  ac 
nuptarum  adulteriis,  quibus  Hadrianus  laborasse 
dicitur,  adserunt,  iungentes  quod  ne  amicis  quidem 
servaverit  fidem. 

XII.  Compositis  in  Britannia  rebus  transgressus  in 
Galliam  Alexandrina  seditione  turbatus,  quae  nata 
est  ob  Apidem,  qui,  cum  repertus  esset  post  multos 
annos,  turbas  inter  populos  creavit,  apud  quern 

2  deberet    locari,  omnibus    studiose  certantibus.     per 
idem  tempus   in   honorem   Plotinae   basilicam    apud 

3  Nemausum    opere     mirabili    exstruxit.       post    haec 
Hispanias  petiit  et  Tarracone  hiemavit,  ubi  sumptu 

4suo    aedem    Augusti    restituit.       omnibus     Hispams 
Tarraconem     in     conventum    vocatis     dilectumque 

1  The  sacred  bullock  of  the  Egyptians,  begotten,  according 
to  their  belief,  by  a  ray  of  light  from  heaven  (Herodotus,  iii. 
28).    He  was  recognized  by  certain  markings,  including  repre- 
sentations of  the  sun  and  the  moon,  and  his  appearance  was 
the  occasion  of  great  rejoicing.     It  was  apparently  customary 
at  this  period  to  keep  the  young  Apis,  for  a  time  at  least,  in  the 
locality  in  which  he  appeared  (Aelian,  Nat.  An.,  xi.  10).    The 
riot  was  checked  by  a  severe  letter  from  Hadrian  (Dio,  Ixix. 
8,  1,  frag,  from  Petr.  Patr.  exc.  Vat.  108). 

2  According  to  Dio,  Ixix.  10,  3,  the  building  was  erected  in 


HADRIAN  XI.  7— XII.  4 

pleasures  and  baths  that  he  would  not  return  home 
to  her,  and  Hadrian  found  this  out  through  his 
private  agents.  And  so,  when  the  husband  asked  for 
a  furlough,  Hadrian  reproached  him  with  his  fondness 
for  his  baths  and  his  pleasures.  Whereupon  the 
man  exclaimed  :  "What,  did  my  wife  write  you  just 
what  she  wrote  to  me  ?  "  And,  indeed,  as  for  this 
habit  of  Hadrian's,  men  regard  it  as  a  most  grievous 
fault,  and  add  to  their  criticism  the  statements  which 
are  current  regarding  the  passion  for  males  and  the 
adulteries  with  married  women  to  which  he  is  said 
to  have  been  addicted,  adding  also  the  charge  that 
he  did  not  even  keep  faith  with  his  friends. 

XII.  After  arranging  matters  in  Britain  he  crossed 
over  to  Gaul,  for  he  was  rendered  anxious  by  the 
news  of  a  riot  in  Alexandria,  which  arose  on  account 
of  Apis ;  l  for  Apis  had  been  discovered  again  after 
an  interval  of  many  years,  and  was  causing  great  dis- 
sension among  the  communities,  each  one  earnestly 
asserting  its  claim  as  the  place  best  fitted  to  be  the 
seat  of  his  worship.  During  this  same  time  he 
reared  a  basilica  of  marvellous  workmanship  at 
Nimes  in  honour  of  Plotina.2  After  this  he  travelled  122-123. 
to  Spain  3  and  spent  the  winter  at  Tarragona,4  and 
here  he  restored  at  his  own  expense  the  temple  of 
Augustus.  To  this  place,  too,  he  called  all  the 
inhabitants  of  Spain  for  a  general  meeting,  and  when 

honour  of  Plotina  after  her  death,  which  occurred  about  this 

3  See  the  coins  with  the  legend  Adventui  Aug(ust^)  His- 
paniae,  Cohen,  ii2,  p.  110.  Nos.  36-41.     His  benefactions  and 
public  works  were  commemorated  by  coins  inscribed  Resti- 
tutor  Hispaniae,  Cohen,  ii2,  p.  211  f.,  Nos.  1258-1272. 

4  Made  a  Roman  colony  in  45  B.C.  and  the  chief  city  of 
Hispania  Tarraconensis. 



ioculariter,  ut  verba  ipsa  ponit  Marius  Maximus, 
retractantibus  Italicis,  vehementissime  ceteris  pru- 
5denter  et1  caute  consuluit.  quo  quidem  tempore 
non  sine  gloria  gravissimum  periculum  adiit  apud 
Tarraconern  spatians  per  viridiaria  servo  in  se  hospitis 
cum  gladio  furiosius  inruente.  quein  retentum  ille 
ministris  adcurrentibus  tradidit  et,  ubi  furiosum  esse 
constitit,  medicis  curaiidum  dedit  in  nullo  omnino 

6  Per   ea   tempora   et   alias   frequenter   in   plurimis 
locis,  in  quibus  barbari  non  fluminibus  sed  limitibus 
dividuntur,    stipitibus    magnis     in    modum    mural  is 
saepis  funditus  iactis  atque  conexis  barbaros  separavit. 

7  Germanis  regem  constituit,    motus   Maurorum  com- 
8pressit  et  a  senatu  supplicationes  emeruit.     bellum 

Parthorum  per  idem  tempus  in   motu   tantum   fuit, 
idque  Hadriani  conloquio  repressum  est. 

XIII.   Post  haec  per  Asiam  et  insulas  ad  Achaiam 

1  et  omitted  by  P,  added  by  B3. 

1  Levies  from  these  Italian  settlers  seem  to  have  been  for- 
bidden by  Trajan ;  see  Marc.,  xi.  7. 

2  Just  such  a  palisade  has  been  found  on  the    German 
frontier  where  the  rivers  Main  and  Neckar  do  not  constitute 
a  natural  boundary ;  see  the  Limesblatt  of  the  Imperial  Ger- 
man Limeskommission  for  1894,  pp.  302,  483  f.,  and  Pelham, 
Essai/s  on  Roman  History,  p.  200  f. 

2  Although  not  necessarily  in  person  ;  see  C./.L.,  viii.  praef. 
p.  xxi. 



they  refused  to  submit  to  a  levy,  the  Italian  settlers1 
jestingly,  to  use  the  very  words  of  Marius  Maximus, 
and  the  others  very  vigorously,  he  took  measures 
characterized  by  skill  and  discretion.  At  this  same 
time  he  incurred  grave  danger  and  won  great  glory  ; 
for  while  he  was  walking  about  in  a  garden  at  Tarra- 
gona one  of  the  slaves  of  the  household  rushed  at  him 
madly  with  a  sword.  But  he  merely  laid  hold  on 
the  man,  and  when  the  servants  ran  to  the  rescue 
handed  him  over  to  them.  Afterwards,  when  it  was 
found  that  the  man  was  mad,  he  turned  him  over  to 
the  physicians  for  treatment,  and  all  this  time  showed 
not  the  slightest  sign  of  alarm. 

During  this  period  and  on  many  other  occasions 
also,  in  many  regions  where  the  barbarians  are  held 
back  not  by  rivers  but  by  artificial  barriers,  Hadrian 
shut  them  off  by  means  of  high  stakes  planted  deep 
in  the  ground  and  fastened  together  in  the  manner 
of  a  palisade.2  He  appointed  a  king  for  the  Germans, 
suppressed  revolts  among  the  Moors,3  and  won  from 
the  senate  the  usual  ceremonies  of  thanksgiving. 
The  war  with  the  Parthians  had  not  at  that  time  ad- 
vanced beyond  the  preparatory  stage,  and  Hadrian 
checked  it  by  a  personal  conference.4 

XIII.  After  this  Hadrian  travelled  by  way  of  Asia 
and  the  islands  to  Greece,5  and,  following  the  123-125. 

4  The  process  of  abbreviation  has  obscured  the  narrative 
by  omitting  the  description  of  Hadrian's  journey  from  Spain 
to  Syria  in  the  spring  of  123.     This  journey  was  almost  cer- 
tainly made  by  sea  from  Spain  to  Antioch.     The  danger  of 
the  Parthian  war  seems  to  have  been  connected  with   the 
overthrow  of  the  Romanized  pretender,  Parthamaspates  (see 
note  to  c.  v.  4),  and  the  restoration  of  the  legitimate  dynasty 
in  the  person  of  Osrhoes  (cf.  c.  xiii.  8). 

5  His  route  lay  from  the  Euphrates  across  Asia  Minor  to 
Ancyra  in  Galatia  (cf.  I.G.R.,  iii.  209)  and  thence  to  Bithynia, 



navigavit  et  Eleusinia  sacra  exemplo  Herculis  Philip- 
pique  suscepit,  multa  in  Athenienses  contulit  et  pro 
2agonotheta  resedit.  et  in  Achaia  quidem  etiam  illud 
observatum  ferunt  quod,  cum  in  sacris  multi  cultros 
haberent,  cum  Hadriano  nullus  armatus  ingressus 

3  est.      post    in    Siciliam    navigavit,    in    qua    Aetnam 
montem    conscendit,    ut    solis    ortum    videret   arcus 

4  specie,  ut  dicitur,  varium.     inde  Romam  venit  atque 
ex   ea  in  Africam  transiit  ac   multum   beneficiorum 

5  provinciis   Africanis   adtribuit.      nee   quisquam   fere 
principum  tantum  terrarum  tarn l  celeriter  peragravit. 

Denique  cum  post  Africam  Romam  redisset,  statim 

1  tarn  Peter  ;  tantum  P,  Petschenig. 

where  his  arrival  is  commemorated  on  coins  inscribed  Ad- 
ventui  Aug(usti)  Bithyniae  (Cohen,  ii2,  p.  109,  Nos.  26  and  27) 
and  Restitutori  Bithyniae  (id.,  p.  210  f.,  Nos.  1238-1246).  He 
then  travelled  through  Mysia,  founding  the  town  of  Hadriano- 
therae  (see  c.  xx.  13),  to  Ilion  and  thence  southward  to 
Ephesus.  From  here  he  sailed  to  Rhodes  (see  an  inscription 
from  Ephesus,  Dittenberger,  Sylloge2,  No.  388),  northwest 
through  the  Aegean  to  Samothrace  and  Thrace  (see  an 
inscription  from  Callipolis  of  123-124,  C.I.G.,  2013).  Thence  he 
visited  the  provinces  of  Moesia  and  Dacia  (see  Weber,  p.  150  f .), 
and  travelled  southward  through  Macedonia  and  Thessaly 
to  Athens,  where  he  arrived  probably  in  September,  124. 

1  Father  of  Alexander  the  Great. 

2  Admitted  to  the  lower  grade  of  ^.{xn-ris.    On  his  second  visit 
to  Athens  in  128-129  he  was  initiated  into  the  higher  grade, 
of  <?7n$7mjs ;  see  Dio,  Ixix.  11.     An  epigram  inscribed  on  the 
base  of  a  statue  erected  in  honour  of  the  priestess  who  initi- 
ated him  is  extant  (I.G.,  iii.  900  =  Kaibel,  Epigr.  Gr.,  864). 

3  The  Dionysia,  in  March,  125.     Previous  to  this  he  had 
made  a  journey  through  the  Peloponnesus,  visiting  the  prin- 
cipal  cities ;   dedications  to  him  are  recorded  in  extant  in- 
scriptions, and  various  benefactions  of  his  are  mentioned  by 



example  of  Hercules  and  Philip,1  had  himself  initi- 
ated into  the  Eleusinian  mysteries.2  He  bestowed 
many  favours  on  the  Athenians  and  sat  as  president 
of  the  public  games.3  And  during  this  stay  in 
Greece  care  was  taken,  they  say,  that  when  Hadrian 
was  present,  none  should  come  to  a  sacrifice  armed, 
whereas,  as  a  rule,  many  carried  knives.  Afterwards 
he  sailed  to  Sicily,4  and  there  he  climbed  Mount 
Aetna  to  see  the  sunrise,  which  is  many-hued,  they 
say,  like  the  rainbow.  Thence  he  returned  to  Rome,5 
and  6  from  there  he  crossed  over  to  Africa/  where  he  128. 
showed  many  acts  of  kindness  to  the  provinces. 
Hardly  any  emperor  ever  travelled  with  such  speed 
over  so  much  territory. 

Finally,  after   his    return    to   Rome  from   Africa, 
he  immediately  set  out  for  the  East,  journeying  by 

4  Travelling  by  way  of  the  Corinthian   Gulf,  he  visited 
Delphi   (cf.   C.I.G.,  1713),   Actium,  and  Dyrrhachium,  and 
sailed  thence  to  Sicily.     His  arrival  \vas  commemorated  by 
coins  inscribed  Adventui  Aug(usti)  Siciliae  (Cohen,  ii2,  p.  112, 
No.  75),  and  Eestitutori  Siciliae  (id.,  ii2,p.  214,  Nos.  1292- 

5  In  the  summer  of  125.     Coins  commemorating  his  return 
bear  the  legend  Adventui  Aug(usti)  Italiae  (Cohen,  ii2,  p.  110, 
Nos.  42-50). 

6  Here  a  period  of  over  three  years  is  omitted,  in  which 
Hadrian  built  many  public  buildings  in  the  towns  of  Italy. 
Early  in  128  he  finally  accepted  the  title  of  Pater  Patriae 
(cf.  note  to  c.  vi.  4) ;  see  Eckhel,  D. N.,  vi.  515  f. 

7  See  the  coins  inscribed  Adventui  Aug(usti)  Africae  and 
Restitutori  Africae  (Cohen,  ii2,  p.  107  f . ,  Nos.  8-15,  and  p.  209  f., 
Nos.  1221-1232),  and  Adventui  Aug(usti)  Mauretaniae  (Cohen, 
ii2,  p.  Ill,  Nos.  63-71).     His  stay  in  Africa  lasted  about  four 
months  in   the   spring   and  early  summer  of   128.     On  the 
Kalends  of  July  was  delivered  his  famous  allocutio  or  address 
to  the  troops  at  Lambaesis,  fragments  of  which  are  now  in 
the  Louvre. 



ad  orientem  profectus  per  Athenas  iter  fecit  atque 

opera,  quae  apud  Athenienses  coeperat,  dedicavit,  lit 

lovis  Olympii  aedem  et  aram  sibi,  eodemque   modo 

per  Asiam  iter  faciens  templa  sui  nominis  consecravit. 

7deinde  a  Cappadocibus  servitia  castris  profutura  sus- 

Scepit.     toparchas   et  reges   ad   amicitiam    invitavit, 

invitato  etiam  Osdroe  rege  Parthorum  remissaque  illi 

filia,  quam  Traianus  ceperat,  ac  promissa  sella,  quae 

9  itidem  capta  fuerat.     cumque  ad  eum  quidam  reges 

venissent,    ita   cum   his   egit   ut  eos  paeniteret,  qui 

venire  noluerunt,   causa  speciatim  Pharasmanis  qui 

lOeius  invitationem  superbe  neglexerit.      et  circumiens 

quidem  provincias  procuratores  et  praeskles  pro  factis 

supplicio   adfecit,   ita   severe   ut   accusatores  per  se 

XIV.  crederetur  immittere.     Antiochenses  inter   haec   ita 

odio  habuit  ut  Syriam  a  Phoenice  separare  voluerit, 

ne    tot    civitatum    metropolis     Antiochia    diceretur. 

1  His  stay  in  Athens  was  from  September  128  to  March  129. 

2  The  Olympieion,  on  the  southern  edge  of  the  city  near 
the  Ilissos.     After  the  dedication  of  this  building  in  131-132, 
Hadrian    accepted   the   title  'O\v/j.-mos   and   received   divine 
honours  in  the  temple  (Dio,  Ixix.  16,  1)  ;  hence  the  ara  men- 
tioned here. 

3  They  were  later  called  simply  "  Hadrian's  temples,"  and 
it  was  asserted  that  he  had  intended  to  consecrate  them  to 
Christ;  see  Alex.,  xliii.  6.     They  were,  in  fact,  temples  dedi- 
cated to  the  cult  of  the  emperors,  including  Hadrian  himself, 
who  was  worshipped  in  the  cities  of  Asia  Minor  as  well  as  in 
the  Olympieion  at  Athens.     In  inscriptions  he  has  the  cult- 
name  Olympics  or  Zeus  Olympics. 

4  The  camp  of   a  Cappadocian   legion  (12th.,  Fulminata) 
was  at  Melitene,  near  the  upper  Euphrates.    Hadrian  probably 
travelled  thither  from  Antioch.     His  visit  to  the  camp  was 
commemorated  by  coins  inscribed  Exercitus   Cappadocicus 
(Cohen,  ii*f  p.  153,  No.  553). 

6  More  correctly  Osrhoes ;  see  also  note  to  c.  xii.  8. 

6  Antoninus  Pius  refused  to  keep  this  promise;  see  Pius,  ix.  7, 



way  of  Athens.1  Here  he  dedicated  the  public 
works  which  he  had  begun  in  the  city  of  the 
Athenians,  such  as  the  temple  to  Olympian  Jupiter2 
and  an  altar  to  himself;  and  in  the  same  way,  while 
travelling  through  Asia,  he  consecrated  the  temples 
called  by  his  name.3  Next,  he  received  slaves  from 
the  Cappadocians  for  service  in  the  camps.4  To 
petty  rulers  and  kings  he  made  offers  of  friendship, 
and  even  to  Osdroes,5  king  of  the  Parthians.  To 
him  he  also  restored  his  daughter,  who  had  been 
captured  by  Trajan,  and  promised  to  return  the 
throne  captured  at  the  same  time.6  And  when 
some  of  the  kings  came  to  him,  he  treated  them  in 
such  a  way  that  those  who  had  refused  to  come  re- 
gretted it.  He  took  this  course  especially  on  account 
of  Pharasmanes,7  who  had  haughtily  scorned  his 
invitation.  Furthermore,  as  he  went  about  the  pro- 
vinces he  punished  procurators  and  governors  as  their 
actions  demanded,  and  indeed  with  such  severity 
that  it  was  believed  that  he  incited  those  who  brought 
the  accusations.  XIV.  In  the  course  of  these  travels 
he  conceived  such  a  hatred  for  the  people  of  Antioch 
that  he  wished  to  separate  Syria  from  Phoenicia,  in 
order  that  Antioch  might  not  be  called  the  chief 
city  of  so  many  communities.8  At  this  time  also  the 

7  King  of  the  Hiberi,  who  inhabited  part  of  the  district 
which   is  now  Trans-Caucasia.     On  the  gifts  exchanged  by 
him  and  Hadrian  see  c.  xvii.  11-12  and  xxi.  13. 

8  The  statement  that  Hadrian  hated  Antioch  seems  to  be  con- 
tradicted by  the  fact  that  he  built  many  public  buildings  there ; 
see  Malalas,  p.  278  B.     It  may  be  a  deduction  from  the  fact 
that  he  did  raise  three  other  cities  of  Syria,  Tyre,  Damascus 
and  Samosata,  to  the  rank  of  /j.i)Tp6iro\is.     The  actual  division 
of  Syria  into  two  provinces,  Syria  Coele  and  Syria  Phoenice, 
took  place  under  Severus  in  194.    The  obj  ect  of  the  division  was 
to  lessen  the  power  of  the  governor  of  so  important  a  province. 



2moverunt    ea    tempestate    et    ludaei   bellum,   quod 

3  vetabantur  mutilare  genitalia.     sed  in  monte  Casio, 
cum   videndi   solis    ortus    gratia   iiocte    ascendisset, 
imbre  orto  fulmen  decidens  hostiam  et  victimarium 

4  sacrificanti    adflavit.        peragrata     Arabia     Pelusium 
venit  et  Pompeii  tumulum  magnificentius  exstruxit. 

5  Antinoum  suum,  dum   per  Nilum  navigat,  perdidit, 

6  quern  muliebriter  flevit.     de  quo  varia  fama  est,  aliis 
eum  devotum  pro  Hadriano  adserentibus,  aliis  quod 
et  forma  eius  ostentat  et  nimia  voluptas  Hadriani. 

7et  Graeci  quidem  volente  Hadriano  eum  conse- 
craverunt,  oracula  per  eum  dari  adserentes,  quae 
Hadrianus  ipse  composuisse  iactatur. 

1  According  to  Dio,  Ixix.  12-14,  probably  a  more  correct 
account,  the  outbreak  of  the  war  was  due  to  the  anger  of  the 
Jews  at  the  dedication  of  a  temple  to  Jupiter  Capitolinus  on 
the  site  of  the  Temple  of  Jehovah.  This  was  done  in  con- 
nection with  the  "founding"  of  the  new  colony  in  130;  ac- 
cordingly, this  sentence  is  not  in  chronological  order.  The 
war  was  actually  begun  after  Hadrian's  departure  from 
Egypt,  and  finally  necessitated  his  return.  The  outbreak 
was  quelled,  after  much  bloodshed,  in  134. 

a  Probably  the  mountain  of  this  name  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river  Orontes.  This  incident  is  also  narrated  as  having 
happened  to  Hadrian  at  Antioch  immediately  after  he  be- 
came emperor ;  see  Dio,  Ixix.  2,  1. 

3  See  the    coins    inscribed    Adventui    Aug(usti)    Arabiae 
(Cohen,  ii2,  p.  108  f.,  Nos.  20-23).     He  seems  to  have  travelled 
thither   by  way  of   Palmyra  and   Damascus.     His  visit   to 
Gerasa  (mod.  Djerash),  in  the  north-western  part  of  the  pro- 
vince of  Arabia,  is  attested  by  an  inscription  of  130  (I.G.R., 
Hi.   1347).     From   here  he  went  probably  by  way  of  Phila- 
delphia (mod.,  'Amman)  to  Jerusalem,  which  he  "founded  " 
as  the  Colonia  Aelia  Capitolina. 

4  According  to  Dio,  Ixix.  11,  1,  Hadrian  offered  a  sacrifice 
to  the  manes  of  Pompey  and  in  a  line  of  poetry  expressed  his 
sorrow  at  the  meanness  of  the  tomb. 

5  He   also   visited   Alexandria,  and  his   arrival  was  com- 
memorated by  coins  of  the  city  struck  in  130 ;  see  also  the 


Jews  began  war,  because  they  were  forbidden  to 
practise  circumcision.1  As  he  was  sacrificing  on 
Mount  Casius,2  which  he  had  ascended  by  night  in 
order  to  see  the  sunrise,  a  storm  arose,  and  a  flash  of 
lightning  descended  and  struck  both  the  victim  and 
the  attendant.  He  then  travelled  through  Arabia  3 130. 
and  finally  came  to  Pelusium,4  where  he  rebuilt  Pom- 
pey's  tomb  on  a  more  magnificent  scale.5  During  a 
journey  on  the  Nile  he  lost  Antinous,6  his  favourite, 
and  for  this  youth  he  wept  like  a  woman.  Concerning 
this  incident  there  are  varying  rumours  7  ;  for  some 
claim  that  he  had  devoted  himself  to  death  for  Hadrian, 
and  others — what  both  his  beauty  and  Hadrian's  sensu- 
ality suggest.  But  however  this  may  be,  the  Greeks  dei- 
fied him  at  Hadrian's  request,  and  declared  that  oracles 
were  given  through  his  agency,  but  these,  it  is  com- 
monly asserted,  were  composed  by  Hadrian  himself.8 

Roman  coins  with  the  legend  Adventui  Aug(usti)  Alexandria^ 
(Cohen,  ii2,  p.  108,  Nos.  15-18). 

6  This  beautiful  youth  was  a  native  of  Bithynium  in  Bithy- 
nia ;  see  Dio,  Ixix.  11.     He  died  near  Besa,  near  the  southern 
end  of  the  Heptanomis.     Here  Hadrian  founded  a  new  city, 
called  Antinoe  or  Antinoopolis,and  consecrateda  shrine  to  him. 

7  According  to  Dio,  Ixix.  11,  Hadrian  claimed  in  his  auto- 
biography (see  note  to  c.  i.  1)  that  Antinous  was  drowned  in 
the  Nile;  he  then  adds  the  true  cause  of  his  death  was 
his  voluntary  sacrifice  of  himself,  apparently  in  consequence 
of  some  prophecy,  in  order  to  save  the  Emperor's  life. 

8  Here    the    narrative   of   Hadrian's    journey    breaks   off 
abruptly.     After  a  visit  to  Thebes,  where  he  and  Sabina  heard 
"the   singing  Memnon  "  (I.G.R.,  i.  1186  and  1187),  he  re- 
turned to   Alexandria,   and  thence  travelled,  apparently  by 
ship  (Cat.  of  Coins  in  the  Brit.  Mus.,  Alex.,  p.  101,  No.  871), 
to  Syria  and  Asia  Minor.     During  a  stay  at  Athens  he  dedi- 
cated the  Olympieion  (cf.  note  to  c.  xiii.  6)  in  131-132 ;  see 
Dio,  Ixix.  16,  1.     He  was  then  called  to  Judaea  on  account  of 
the  long  duration  of  the  Jewish  revolt  (see  note  to  c.  xiv.  2). 
He  finally  returned  to  Rome  early  in  134. 



8  Fuit  enim  poematum  et  litterarum  nimium  studio- 
sissimus.     arithmeticae  geometriae  picturae  peritis- 

9  simus.      iam  psallendi  et  cantandi  scientiam  prae  se 
ferebat.      in   voluptatibus  nimius ;    iiam    et    de  suis 
dilectis  multa  versibus  composuit.     amatoria  carmina 

10  scripsit.1     idem  armorum  peritissimus  et  rei  militaris 

11  scientissimus,  gladiatoria  quoque  arma  tractavit.    idem 
severus   comis,  gravis   lascivus,  cunctator  festinans,2 
tenax  liberalis,  simulator  simplex,3  saevus  clemens,  et 
semper  in  omnibus  varius. 

XV.   Amicos  ditavit  et  quidem  non  petentes,  cum 

2petentibus    nihil    negaret.       idem    tamen    facile    de 

amicis,   quidquid  insusurrabatur,  audivit  atque  ideo 

prope  cunctos  vel  amicissimos  vel  eos,  quos  summis 

honoribus  evexit,  postea  ut  hostium  loco  habuit,  ut 

3  Attianum   et  Nepotem  et  Septicium  Clarum.     nam 
Eudaemonem  prius  conscium  imperii  ad  egestatem 

4  perduxit,  Polaenum  et  Marcellum  ad  mortem  volun- 

5  tariam  coegit,  Heliodorum  famosissimis  litteris  laces- 

6  sivit,  Titianum  ut  conscium  tyrannidis  et  argui  passus 

7  est  et  proscribi,  Ummidium  Quadratum  et  Catilium 

1  Probably  merely  a  gloss.  2  So  Novak,  deleting  as  a 

gloss  for  comis  laetus,  which  follows  seuerus  in  P,  and  adding 
festinans  to  offset  cunctator ;  Peter  divides :  seuerus  laetus, 
comis  grauis,  lasciuus  cunctator.  3  simplex,  omitted  in  P, 

is  supplied  by  Peter2,  following  Reimarus  ad  Dio  LXIX,  5, 
p.  652  ;  uerus  Peter1,  Novak. 

1  But  see  c.  viii.  7,  and  ix.  4.        2See  c.  iv.  2,  and  xxiii.  4. 

3  Probably  C.  Publicius  Marcellus,  governor  of  Syria  about 

4  Apparently  the  philosopher  mentioned  in  c.  xvi.  10,  and 


HADRIAN  XIV.   8— XV.  7 

In  poetry  and  in  letters  Hadrian  was  greatly 
interested.  In  arithmetic,  geometry,  and  painting 
he  was  very  expert.  Of  his  knowledge  of  flute-play- 
ing and  singing  he  even  boasted  openly^  He  ran  to 
excess  in  the  gratification  of  his  desires,  and  wrote 
much  verse  about  the  subjects  of  his  passion.  He 
composed  love-poems  too.  He  was  also  a  connoisseur 
of  arms,  had  a  thorough  knowledge  of  warfare,  and 
knew  how  to  use  gladiatorial  weapons.  He  was,  in 
the  same  person,  austere  and  genial,  dignified  and 
playful,  dilatory  and  quick  to  act,  niggardly  and 
generous,  deceitful  and  straightforward,  cruel  and 
merciful,  and  always  in  all  things  changeable. 

XV.  His  friends  he  enriched  greatly,  even  though 
they  did  not  ask  it,  while  to  those  who  did  ask,  he 
refused  nothing.  And  yet  he  was  always  ready  to 
listen  to  whispers  about  his  friends,  and  in  the  end 
he  treated  almost  all  of  them  as  enemies,  even  the 
closest  and  even  those  whom  he  had  raised  to  the 
highest  of  honours,  such  as  Attianus  l  and  Nepos2 
and  Septicius  Clarus.  Eudaemon,  for  example,  who 
had  been  his  accomplice  in  obtaining  the  imperial 
power,  he  reduced  to  poverty ;  Polaenus  and  Mar- 
cellus  3  he  drove  to  suicide  ;  Heliodorus  4  he  assailed 
in  a  most  slanderous  pamphlet ;  Titiaiius  5  he  allowed 
to  be  accused  as  an  accomplice  in  an  attempt  to  seize 
the  empire  and  even  to  be  outlawed  ;  Ummidius  Qua- 
dratus,6  Catilius  Severus,  and  Turbo  he  persecuted 

probably  to  be  identified  with  Avidiua  Heliodorus,  the  father 
of  Avidius  Cassius;  see  Av.  Cass.,  i.  1. 

5  Probably  either  T.  Atilius  Rufus  Titianus,  consul  in  127, 
or  Atilius  Titianus,  who  was  accused  affectati  imperil  under 
Pius  and  condemned ;  see  Pius,  vii.  3. 

6  Mentioned  as  a  iuvenis  egregiae  indolisby  Pliny  the  younger 
(Epist.,  vi.  11 ;  vii.  24).     He  was  consul  with  Hadrian  in  118. 



SSevemm  et  Turbonem  graviter  insecutus    est.    Ser- 

vianum    sororis     virum    nona£esimum    iam    annum 

9agentem,  ne  sibi  superviveret,  mor  coe^it :  libertos 

lOdenique    et    nonnullos     milites    insecutus    est.       et 

quamvis  esset  oratione  et  versu  promptissinius  et  in 

omnibus    artibus     peritissimus,     tamen     professores 

omnium  artium   semper   ut  doctior  risit  contempsit 

llobtrivit.      cum  his   ipsis   professoribus  et  philosophis 

libris   vel  carminibus   in vicem  editis   saepe   certavit. 

12  et  Favorinus  quidem,  cum  verbum  eius   quondam  ab 

Hadriano    reprehensum    esset,    atque    ille   cessisset. 

arguentibus  amicis,  quod  male  cederet   Hadriano  de 

verbo     quod    idonei    auctores     usurpassent.     risum 

ISiucundissimum     movit.        ait     enim  :      "Non     recte 

suadetis,    familiares,    qui    non     patimini     me     ilium 

doctiorem     omnibus     credere,     qui     habet     triginta 

legiones  ". 

XVI.   Famne  Celebris   Hadrianus  tam  cupidus  fuit 

ut  libros  vitae  suae  scriptos  a  se  libertis  suis  litteratis 

dederit,    iubens    ut   eos   suis   nominibus  publicarent. 

nam    et    Phlegontis    libri    Hadriani    esse    dicuntur. 

2  Catachannas    libros    obscurissimos   Antimachum  imi- 

Stando  scripsit.      Floro  poetae  scribenti  ad  se : 

1  A  well-known  rhetorician,  a  native  of  Arelate  (Aries)  in 
GauL  He  was  a  friend  of  Plu'.ir:^  and  of  Aulus  Gellius, 
whose  .  ;  •  Atticae  are  full  of  allusions  to  him. 

S0n  the  autobiography  see  note  to  c.  i.  1.  The  ruse  de- 
scribed in  this  passage  was  not  successful,  for  the  true  auth :  r- 
ship  of  the  autobiography  was  known  to  the  wi  .  r  of  the 
present  biography  (see  c.  i.  1 ;  iii.  3  and  5 ;  vii.  2),  and  also  to 
Cassias  Dio  (htix.  11,  2). 

3Antimachu3  of  Colophon  about  400  B.C.;  the  author  of 


HADRIAN  XV.    S— XVI.   3 

vigorously;  and  in  order  to  prevent  .S-rr.  ianus,  his 
brother-in-law,  from  surviving  him,  he  compelled 
him  to  commit  suicide,  although  the  man  was  then  in 
his  ninetieth  year.  And  he  even  took  vengeance  on 
treedmen  and  sometimes  on  soldiers.  And  although 
he  was  very  deft  at  prose  and  at  verse  and  very  ac- 
complished in  all  the  arts,  yet  he  used  to  subject  the 
teachers  of  these  arts,  as  though  more  learned  than 


they,  to  ridicule,  scorn,  and  humiliation.  With  thie- 
very professors  and  philosophers  he  often  debated  by 
means  of  pamphlets  or  poems  issued  by  both  sides  in 
turn.  And  once  Favorinus,1  when  he  had  yielded  to 
Hadrian's  criticism  of  a  word  which  he  had  used,  raised 
a  merrv  laugh  among  his  friends.  For  when  thev  re- 

•  • 

preached  him  for  having  done  wrong  in  yielding  to 
Hadrian  in  the  matter  of  a  word  used  by  reputable 
authors,  he  replied  :  •  •  You  are  urging  a  wrong  cours  e . 
my  friends,  when  you  do  not  suffer  me  to  regard  as  the 
most  learned  of  men  the  one  who  has  thirtv  legions  ' 


XVI.  So  desirous  of  a  wide-spread  reputation  was 
Hadrian  that  he  even  wrote  his  own  biography  :  this 
he  gave  to  his  educated  freedmen,  with  instructions 
to  publish  it  under  their  own  name 5.-  For  indeed, 
Phlegon's  writings,  it  is  s  .:d.  are  Hadrian's  in  reality. 
He  wrote  Catachannae.  a  verv  obscure  work  in  imita- 


tion  of  Antimachus.3  And  when  the  poet  Fioms  4 
wrote  to  him  : 

an  epic,  the  Thecals,  and  of  an  elegiac  poem,  on  the  death  of 
his  wife  Lyde.  In  general,  his  5:~le  ~is  :  :_  =  .iered  obscure, 
and  his  poems  were  full  of  learned  allusions.  According  to 
Dio,  bcx.  4.  Hadrian  preferred  him  to  Honer.  Nothing  is 
knovrn  rftitie  .':.:ichannae. 

'  Fr::s.:>  :"__e  -  s:  inniu;  r  l:rus.  s:~  f  ::  —':.  :ir  verse  - 
t.r  served  in  the  Codex  SaJmasianus,  &  collection  of  miscellan- 
eous poetical  selections;  see  r.:e;r.  Anihalogia  Latin*-.  .  . 
951  i-i  -±---:.. 



Ego  nolo  Caesar  esse, 
ambulare  per  Britannos, 
latitare  per  .   .   -1 
Scythicas  pati  pruinas, 

4  rescripsit : 

Ego  nolo  Floras  esse, 
ambulare  per  tabernas, 
latitare  per  popinas, 
culices  pati  rotundos. 

5  amavit  praeterea  genus  vetustum  dicendi.      contro- 

6  versias     declamavit.       Ciceroni     Catonem,     Vergilio 
Ennium,  Sallustio  Caelium  praetulit  eademque  iacta- 

7  tione  de  Homero  ac  Platone  iudicavit.     mathesin  sic 
scire  sibi  visus  est  ut  vero2  kalendis  lanuariis  scrip- 
serit,  quid  ei  toto  anno  posset  evenire,  ita  ut  eo  anno 
quo   periit   usque   ad   iilam  horam   qua  est  mortuus 
scripserit  quid  acturus  esset. 

8  Sed    quamvis     esset     in     reprehendendis    musicis 
tragicis  comicis  grammaticis  rhetoribus  facilis,  tamen 
omnes  professores  et  honoravit  et  divites  fecit,  licet 

9eos  quaestionibus  semper  agitaverit.  et  cum  ipse 
auctor  esset,  ut  multi  ab  eo  tristes  recederent, 
dicebat  se  graviter  ferre,  si  quern  tristem  videret. 
10  in  summa  familiaritate  Epictetum  et  Heliodorum 
philosophos  et,  ne  nominatim  de  omnibus  dicam, 
grammaticos  rhetores  musicos  geometras  pictores 
astrologos  habuit,  prae  ceteris,  ut  multi  adserunt, 

1  Omitted  in  P,  but  to  be  supplied  from  §  4  (where  Spengel 
would  delete  latitare  per  popinas,  Abh.  d.  bayer.  Akad.  hist, 
phil.  Kl.  IX,  p.  317).  2  uero  Meursius  ;  sero  P. 

1L.  Caelius  Antipater,  an  historian  living  in  the  second 
century  B.C.,  who  wrote  a  histoiy  of  the  Second  Punic  War. 

^According  to  AeL,  iii.  9,  this  statement  is  made  on  the 
authority  of  Marius  Maximus. 


HADRIAN  XVI.  4-10 

"  I  don't  want  to  be  a  Caesar, 
Stroll  about  among  the  Britons, 
Lurk  about  among  the  .... 
And  endure  the  Scythian  winters/' 
he  wrote  back 

"  I  don't  want  to  be  a  Florus, 
Stroll  about  among  the  taverns, 
Lurk  about  among  the  cook-shops, 
And  endure  the  round  fat  insects." 
Furthermore,  he   loved   the  archaic  style  of  writing, 
and  he  used  to  take  part  in  debates.     He  preferred 
Cato  to  Cicero,  Ennius  to    Vergil,  Caelius  l  to  Sal- 
lust  ;  and  with  the  same  self-assurance  he  expressed 
opinions  about  Homer  and  Plato.     In  astrology  he 
considered  himself  so  proficient  that  on  the  Kalends 
of  January  he  would  actually  write   down  all  that 
might  happen  to  him  in  the  whole  ensuing  year,  and 
in  the  year  in  which  he  died,  indeed,  he  wrote  down 
everything  that  he  was  going  to  do,  down  to  the  very 
hour  of  his  death.2 

However  ready  Hadrian  might  have  been  to 
criticize  musicians,  tragedians,  comedians,  gram- 
marians, and  rhetoricians,  he  nevertheless  bestowed 
both  honours  and  riches  upon  all  who  professed  these 
arts,  though  he  always  tormented  them  with  his 
questions.  And  although  he  was  himself  responsible 
for  the  fact  that  many  of  them  left  his  presence  with 
their  feelings  hurt,  to  see  anyone  with  hurt  feelings, 
he  used  to  say,  he  could  hardly  endure.  He  treated 
with  the  greatest  friendship  the  philosophers  Epic- 
tetus 3  and  Heliodorus,  and  various  grammarians, 
rhetoricians,  musicians,  geometricians — not  to  men- 
tion all  by  name — painters  and  astrologers  ;  and  among 

3  The  well-known  Stoic  philosopher. 



lleminente  Favorino.  doctores,  qui  profession!  suae 
inhabiles  videbantur,  ditatos  honoratosque  a  profes- 
sion e  dimisit. 

XVII.  Quos  in  privata  vita  inimicos  habuit,  imper- 
ator  tantum  neglexit,  ita  ut  uni,  quern  capitalem  ha- 

2  buerat,  factus  imperator  diceret  "  Evasisti  ".     iis  quos 
ad  militiam  ipse  per  se  vocavit  equos  mulos  vestes 

3  sumptus  et  omnem  ornatum  semper  exhibuit.     satur- 
nalicia  et  sigillaricia  frequenter  amicis  inopinantibus 
misit  et  ipse  ab  his  libenter  accepit  et  alia  invicem 

4dedit.  ad  deprehendendas  obsonatorum  fraudes, 
cum  plurimis  sigmatibus  pasceret,  fercula  de  aliis 

5mensis  etiam  ultimis  sibi  iussit  adponi.1  omnes 
reges  muneribus  suis  vicit.  publice  frequenter  et 

6  cum  omnibus  lavit.     ex  quo  ille  iocus  balnearis  in- 
notuit  :     nam    cum     quodam     tempore    veteranum 
quendam  notum  sibi  in  militia  dorsum  et  ceteram 
partem  corporis  vidisset  adterere  parieti,2  percontatus, 
cur  se  marmoribus  destringendum  daret,  ubi  audivit 
hoc  idcirco  fieri  quod  servum  non  haberet,  et  servis 

7  eum  donavit  et  sumptibus.    verum  alia  die  cum  plures 
senes  ad  provocandam  liberalitatem  principis  parieti 
se   adtererent,   evocari   eos   iussit   et  alium  ab   alio 

8  invicem    defricari.       fuit    et     plebis     iactantissimus 
amator.     peregrination  is  ita  cupidus  ut  omnia  quae 
legerat  de  locis  orbis  terrarum  praesens  vellet  addis- 

1  sibi  iussit  adponi  Mommsen  ;  quibusque  (quiq  P*)  adponi 
P1 ;  quibusque  iussit  adponi  P  corr. ;  quibusque  adponit  Peter. 
2 parieti  inserted  here  by  Kellerbauer  and  accepted  by  Peter2  ; 
omitted  in  P. 

1The  name  Sigillaria  was  given  to  the  last  days  of  the 
Saturnalia,  in  which  it  was  customary  to  send  as  gifts  little 
figures  (sigilla)  of  pottery  or  pastry. 


HADRIAN  XVI.   11— XVII.  8 

them  Favorinus,  many  claim,  was  conspicuous  above 
all  the  rest.  Teachers  who  seemed  unfit  for  their 
profession  he  presented  with  riches  and  honours  and 
then  dismissed  from  the  practice  of  their  profession. 
XVII.  Many  whom  he  had  regarded  as  enemies 
when  a  private  citizen,  when  emperor  he  merely  ig- 
nored ;  for  example,  on  becoming  emperor,  he  said  to 
one  man  whom  he  had  regarded  as  a  mortal  foe,  "  You 
have  escaped  ".  When  he  himself  called  any  to  mili- 
tary service,  he  always  supplied  them  with  horses, 
mules,  clothing,  cost  of  maintenance,  and  indeed 
their  whole  equipment.  At  the  Saturnalia  and 
Sigillaria  l  he  often  surprised  his  friends  with  presents, 
and  he  gladly  received  gifts  from  them  and  again 
gave  others  in  return.  In  order  to  detect  dishonesty 
in  his  caterers,  when  he  gave  banquets  with  several 
tables  he  gave  orders  that  platters  from  the  other 
tables,  even  the  lowest,  should  be  set  before  himself. 
He  surpassed  all  monarchs  in  his  gifts.  He  often 
bathed  in  the  public  baths,  even  with  the  common 
crowd.  And  a  jest  of  his  made  in  the  bath  became 
famous.  For  on  a  certain  occasion,  seeing  a  veteran, 
whom  he  had  known  in  the  service,  rubbing  his  back 
and  the  rest  of  his  body  against  the  wall,  he  asked 
him  why  he  had  the  marble  rub  him,  and  when  the 
man  replied  that  it  was  because  he  did  not  own  a 
slave,  he  presented  him  with  some  slaves  and  the  cost 
of  their  maintenance.  But  another  time,  when  he 
saw  a  number  of  old  men  rubbing  themselves  against 
the  wall  for  the  purpose  of  arousing  the  generosity 
of  the  Emperor,  he  ordered  them  to  be  called  out 
and  then  to  rub  one  another  in  turn.  His  love  for 
the  common  people  he  loudly  expressed.  So  fond 
was  he  of  travel,  that  he  wished  to  inform  himself  in 



9  cere,      frigora  et  tempestates  ita  patienter  tulit  ut 

lOnumquam  caput  tegeret.1      regibus  multis  plurimum 

detulit,    a   plerisque    vero   etiam    pacem   redemit,   a 

llnonnullis    contemptus    est  ;    multis    ingentia    dedit 

munera,  sed  nulli  maiora  quam   Hiberorum,  cui  et 

elephantum    et     quinquagenariam     cohortem     post 

12  magnifica  dedit  dona,      cum  a  Pharasmane  ipse  quo- 

que    ingentia    dona2    accepisset    atque    inter    haec 

auratas    quoque    chlamydes,    trecentos    noxios    cum 

auratis  chlamydibus  in  arenam  misit  ad  eius  munera 


XVIII.  Cum  iudicaret,  in  consilio  habuit  non  arnicos 

suos  aut  comites  solum  sed  iuris  consultos  et  prae- 

cipue  luventium3  Celsum,  Salvium  lulianum,  Nera- 

tium   Priscum  aliosque,  quos   tamen  senatus    omnis 

2  probasset.     constituit  inter  cetera,  ut  in  nulla  civitate 

domus  aliqua  4  transfereiidae  ad  aliam  urbem  ullius  5 

Smateriae    causa    dirueretur.       liberis     proscriptorum 

J  tegeret  Exc.  Cus.  and  P  corr.  ;  texeretP1  ;  texerit  Peter. 
2 ingentia  munia  dona  P;  munia  deleted  by  Petrarch; 
munia  dono  Peter.  3  luuentium  Gas;. ;  iulium  P.  4  ali- 
qua .  .  .  dirueretur  Petschenig ;  alique  .  .  .  dirueretur  P: ; 
diruerentur  P  corr.  5  ullius  P  corr.  (so  Peter,  but  conj. 

illius) ;  ullis  P1 ;  utilis  Cornelissen  ;  uilis  Mommsen. 

1  Especially   in   connection  with  his  conference  with  the 
minor  potentates  of  the  Orient ;  see  c.  xiii.  8. 

2  Pharasmanes ;  see  also  c.  xiii.  9  and  note. 

3  See  c.  viii.  9  and  note. 

4  His  Digesta  in  thirty-nine  books  were  used  in  the  com- 
pilation of  the  Digest  of  Justinian. 

6  Famous  as  the  compiler  of  the  Edictum  Perpetuum,  a 
systematized  collection  of  praetors'  edicta,  or  statements  of 



person  about  all  that  he  had  read  concerning  all 
parts  of  the  world.  Cold  and  bad  weather  he  could 
bear  with  such  endurance  that  he  never  covered  his 
head.  He  showed  a  multitude  of  favours  to  many 
kings,1  but  from  a  number  he  even  purchased  peace, 
and  by  some  he  was  treated  with  scorn ;  to  many  he 
gave  huge  gifts,  but  none  greater  than  to  the  king 
of  the  Hiberi,2  for  to  him  he  gave  an  elephant  and 
a  band  of  fifty  men,  in  addition  to  magnificent  presents. 
And  having  himself  received  huge  gifts  from  Pharas- 
manes,  including  some  cloaks  embroidered  with  gold, 
he  sent  into  the  arena  three  hundred  condemned 
criminals  dressed  in  gold-embroidered  cloaks  for  the 
purpose  of  ridiculing  the  gifts  of  the  king. 

XVIII.  When  he  tried  cases,  he  had  in  his  council  3 
not  only  his  friends  and  the  members  of  his  staff,  but 
also  jurists,  in  particular  Juventius  Celsus,4  Salvius 
Julianus,5  Neratius  Priscus,6  and  others,  only  those, 
however,  whom  the  senate  had  in  every  instance  ap- 
proved. Among  other  decisions  he  ruled  that  in  no 
community  should  any  house  be  demolished  for  the 
purpose  of  transporting  any  building-materials  to 
another  city.7  To  the  child  of  an  outlawed  person  he 

the  principles  to  be  used  in  administering  justice  ;  see  Eutrop., 
viii.  17,  and  Codex  lust.,  vi.  61,  5.  His  Digesta  in  ninety 
books  are  cited  in  Justinian's  Digest.  See  also  Sev.,  xvii.  5. 

fi  See  note  to  c.  iv.  8. 

7  This  prohibition  is  an  application  of  the  general  principle 
laid  down  in  a  senatus  consultum  of  44  (Bruns6,  No.  51), 
that  no  building  in  Italy  shall  be  demolished  with  a  view  to 
making  profit  out  of  the  demolition.  The  destruction  of 
buildings  for  any  purpose  except  their  immediate  reconstruc- 
tion, unless  permission  has  been  given  by  the  curia,  is  pro- 
hibited in  the  various  laws  of  the  coloniae  and  municipia; 
see  Lex  Col.  Genetivae,  c.  75,  Lex  Mun.  Malac.,  c.  62,  and 
Lex  Mun.  Tarent.,  c.  4. 



4duodecimas  bonorum  concessit.     maiestatis  crimina 

5  non  admisit.     ignotorum  hereditates  repudiavit  nee 

6notorum  accepit,  si  filios  haberent.      de  thesauris  ita 

cavit  ut,  si l  quis  in  suo  repperisset,   ipse  potiretur, 

si  quis  in  alieno,  dimidium   domino  daret,  si  quis  in 

ypublico,  cum  fisco  aequabiliter  partiretur.     servos  a 

dominis    occidi    vetuit    eosque    iussit    damnari    per 

Siudices,   si  digni   essent.      lenoni  et  lanistae  servum 

9  vel  ancillam  vendi  vetuit  causa  non  praestita.     de- 

coctores  bonorum  suorum,  si  suae  auctoritatis  essent, 

catomidiari  in  amphitheatre  et  dimitti  iussit.  ergastula 

10  servorum   et    liberorum    tulit.     lavacra    pro    sexibus 

11  separavit.     si  dominus  in   domo  interemptus   esset, 
non  de  omnibus  servis  quaestioiiem  haberi  sed  de  iis 
qui  per  vicinitatem  poterant  sentire  praecepit. 

XIX.   In  Etruria  praeturam  imperator   egit.     per 

1  si  lacking  in  P1,  added  by  P  corr. 

JIt  was  a  principle  of  Roman  law  that  the  property  of  those 
executed  or  exiled  should  be  confiscated  ;  see  Digest.,  xlviii. 
20,  1  pr.  It  had  become  customary,  however,  to  allow  to  the 
children  a  certain  proportion.  In  the  first  century  this  often 
amounted  to  a  half  (see  Tac.,  Ann.,  iii.  17  ;  xiii.  43) ;  in  the 
time  of  Theodosius  I,  the  law  established  this  amount,  except 
only  in  cases  of  treason,  in  which  the  children  were  to  receive 
one  sixth  ;  see  Cod.  Theod.,  ix.  42,  8  and  24  =  Cod.  lust.,  ix. 
49,  8  and  10.  The  amount  prescribed  by  Hadrian  must  be 
regarded  as  a  minimum. 

2  Originally  the  principle  seems  to  have  been  that  the 
finder  of  treasure  became  the  owner;  so  Hor.,  Sat.,  ii.  6, 10 f. 



granted  a  twelfth  of  the  property.1  Accusations  for 
lese  majesic  he  did  not  admit.  Legacies  from  persons 
unknown  to  him  he  refused,  and  even  those  left  to 
him  by  acquaintances  he  would  not  accept  if  they 
had  any  children.  In  regard  to  treasure-trove,  he 
ruled  that  if  anyone  made  a  find  on  his  own  property 
he  might  keep  it,  if  on  another's  land,  he  should  turn 
over  half  to  the  proprietor  thereof,  if  on  the  state's, 
he  should  share  the  find  equally  with  the  privy-purse.2 
He  forbade  masters  to  kill  their  slaves,  and  ordered 
that  any  who  deserved  it  should  be  sentenced  by  the 
courts.  He  forbade  anyone  to  sell  a  slave  or  a  maid- 
servant to  a  procurer  or  trainer  of  gladiators  without 
giving  a  reason  therefor.  He  ordered  that  those  who 
had  wasted  their  property,  if  legally  responsible,  should 
be  flogged  in  the  amphitheatre  and  then  let  go.  Houses 
of  hard  labour  for  slaves  and  free  he  abolished.  He 
provided  separate  baths  for  the  sexes.  He  issued  an 
order  that,  if  a  slave-owner  were  murdered  in  his  house, 
no  slaves  should  be  examined  save  those  who  were 
near  enough  to  have  had  knowledge  of  the  murder.3 
XIX.  In  Etruria  he  held  a  praetorship  4  while  em- 
Hadrian's  modification  was  adopted  by  Marcus  and  Verus 
(Just.,  Digest.,  xlix.  14,  3,  10),  and  by  Severus  Alexander 
(Alex.,  xlvi.  ^),  and  was  finally  incorporated  in  Justinian's 
Institutes  (ii.  1,  39). 

3  A  senatus  consultant  Silanianum  of  A.D.  10  had  ordained 
that  on  the  murder  of  a  slave-owner  by  a  slave,  all  the  slaves 
present  in   the   house  should   be  examined  by  torture ;  see 
Just.,  Digest,  xxix.  5.     This  was  extended  by  a  senatus  con- 
sultum  of  57  to  include  all  freedmen  present  in  the  house ; 
see  Tac.,  Ann.,  xiii.  32.     For  an  instance  of  such  a  murder 
see  Tac.,  Ann.,  xiv.  42-45. 

4  He  held  the  honorary  post  of  chief  magistrate  of  various 
towns.     Praetor  was  the  original  title  of  this  magistrate  (the 
Roman   consuls   also   were   originally  called  praetores),  and 
many  towns  retained  the  old  name. 



Latina  oppida  dictator  et  aedilis  et  duumvir  fuit,  apud 
Neapolim  demarchus,  in  patria  sua  quiiiquennalis  et 
item  Hadriae  quinquennalis,  quasi  in  alia  patria,  et 
Athenis  archon  fuit. 

2  In  omnibus  paene  urbibus  et  aliquid  aedificavit  et 
Sludos  edidit.  Athenis  rnille  ferarurn  venationem  in 
4stadio  exhibuit.  ab  urbe  Roma  nurnquam  ullum 

5  venatorern    aut    scaenicum    avocavit.       Romae    post 
ceteras  immensissimas   voluptates  in  honorem  socrus 
suae  arornatica   populo  donavit,   in   honorem  Traiani 
bulsarna  et  crocuin   per  gradus   theatri  fluere   iussit. 

6  fabulas  omnis   generis  more  aritiquo  in  theatre  dedit, 

7  hUtriones   aulieos   publicavit.      in  Circo  multas   feras 
Setsaepe  centum  leones  int.erfeoit.     rnilitares  pyrrichas 

populo  frequenter  exhibuit.  gladiatores  frequenter 
9speetavit.  curn  opera  ubique  infinita  fecisset,  nurn- 

quarn  ipse  nisi  in  Traiani  patris  teniplo  nornen  suum 
10  seripsit.  Rornae  instauravit  Pantheum,  Saepta,  Basil- 

1  The  Duoviri  inri  dicundo  were  the  chief  magistrates  of  a 
colony,  arjalogouB  to  the  consuls  at  Homo,  and  gradually 
most  of  the  municipalities  adopted  this  form  of  government. 
It  wan  CUB  ornary  for  the  emperors  to  hold  thin  ma^i  itracy  as 
a  compliment  to  the  town. 

a  Naples,  which  was  a  Greek  city,  retained  the  original 
title  of  its  chief  magistrate,  S-fi^apxo^ ;  see  Straho,  v.  p.  51  fj 
an'l  njJirjy  ins'ifij/ .ions  extending  down  to  the  fourth  century. 

::  Jtalica  in  llispania  liaetica;  see  c.  i.  1. 

4  In    112,   before-  he   be'-amc  emperor;  see  the  inscription 
from  Athens,  C'./.L.,  iii.  .0-00  =  Dessau,  Ins.  Sel.,  .'JOB. 
•;  c.  ix.  '.)  and  note. 

'Originally  a  war-dance,  hut  sometimes  used  in  panto- 
rnimea  (';f.  Suet.,  Nero,  xii.  2). 

7  Se<-  QOte  to  c.  vii.  fj. 

'uirnnally  f^uilt  by  Agrippa  in  27  B.C.  Tlie  present  build- 
in;;  bears  the  inscription  of  A^rippa,  A/.  Ayriyipa  L.  f.  consul 
tff Hium)  fecit,  but  an  examination  of  the  bncks  used  in  its 


HADRIAN   XIX.   2-10 

peror.  In  the  Latin  towns  he  ^  as  dictator  and  aedile 
and  duumvir.1  in  Naples  demareh.-  in  h;s  native  city5 
duumvir  with  the  powers  of  censor.  This  office  he 
held  at  Hadria.  too,  his  second  native  city,  as  it  were. 
and  at  Athens  he  \\as  archon.4 

In  almost  every  city  he  built  some  building  and 
cave  public  games.  At  Athens  he  exhibited  in  the 
stadium  a  hunt  of  a  thousand  wild  beasts,  but  he 
never  called  awav  from  Rome  a  single  wild-beast- 

»  V- 

hunter  or  actor.  In  Rome,  in  addition  to  popular 
entertainments  of  unbounded  extravagance,  he  ga\  e 
sp-.ces  to  the  people  in  honour  of  his  mother-in-law.-"1 
and  in  honour  of  Trajan  he  c.uised  essences  of  balsam 
and  sartron  to  be  poured  over  the  seats  of  the  theatre. 
And  in  the  theatre  he  presented  plays  of  all  kinds  in 
the  ancient  manner  and  had  the  court-players  appear 
before  the  public.  In  the  Circus  he  had  many  wild 
beasts  killed  and  often  a  whole  hundred  of  lions. 
He  often  ca\  e  the  people  exhibitions  of  military 
Pyrrhic  dances.5  and  he  frequently  attended  gladia- 
torial shows.  He  built  public  buildings  in  a";l  places 
and  without  number,  but  he  inscribed  his  own  name 
on  none  of  them  except  the  temple  of  his  father 
Trajan."  At  Rome  he  restored  the  Pantheon/  the 
Voting-enclosure,11  the  of  Neptune/--'  \ev\ 

construction  has  H  :ie  fact  that  U  ifl  .  TN 

of  Hadrian. 

9  In  the  Campu?  Martins.  tadfoi 

voting.  Thebuilc.  •         kS  ,1  ulius  Caosar  V  -    ftdbj 

Acr  v.:.   .v.\     .:-     >.:;::.  ^Pio,  liii.  23).    I:v..s< 

under  Titus  (DiOtlxvi  -  rebuilt  under  Itomil 

V-. :'.-.  of  .'.-.;•  -  .      A.;    r^ain'JoB.e   h>  ,  cm- 

mer..  :    :•   viotonos  ow  Sextus  -  '•      m] 

Dio,  liii.  21     ind  bomad  under  Titus.      The  north  wall  ,' 
Hadrian's  buildiv.c  .-.  .  columns  A ro  e\:.-.-.  :.  and  farm 

part  of  tho  facade  of  the  modern  stock- exchange, 



icam  Neptuni,  sacras  aedies  plurimas,  Forum  August!, 
Lavacrum  Agrippae  ;  eaque  omnia  propriis  auctorum l 

llnominibus  consecravit.  fecit  et  sui  nominis  pontem 
et  sepulchrum  iuxta  Tiberim  et  aedem  Bonae  Deae. 

12transtulit  et  Colossum  stantem  atque  suspensum  per 
Decrianum  architectum  de  eo  loco  in  quo  nunc  Tern- 
plum  Urbis  est,  ingenti  molimine,  ita  ut  operi  etiam 

13elephantos  viginti  quattuor  exhiberet.     et  cum  hoc 

simulacrum  post  Neronis  vultum  deletum,  cui  antea 

dicatum  fuerat,  Soli  consecrasset,  aliud  tale  Apolo- 

doro  architecto  auctore  facere  Lunae  molitus  est. 

XX.  In  conloquiis  etiam  humillimorum  civilissimus 

fuit,  detestans  eos  qui  sibi  hanc  voluptatem  humani- 
tatis  quasi  servantes  2  fastigium  principis  inviderent. 

2apud  Alexandriam  in  Museo  multas  quaestiones  pro- 
fessoribus  proposuit  et  propositas  ipse  dissolvit. 

sMarius  Maximus  dicit   eum  natura   crudelem  fuisse 

1  auctorum  Peter,  from  Suet.  Dotnit.  5 ;  ueterum  P.         2  ser- 
uantes  Roos,  Mn.  41,  p.  144  ;  seruantis  P. 

1  North-west  of  the  Forum  Romanum,  and  containing  the 
temple  of  Mars  Ultor. 

2  Immediately  south  of  the  Pantheon,  built  by  Agrippa  in 
25  B.C.  (Dio,  liii.  27).     These  baths  were  burned  under  Titus 
but  rebuilt  under  Domitian  (Martial,  iii.  20  and  36). 

3  The  Mausoleum  Hadriani,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Tiber, 
now  the   Castel  S.  Angelo.     The   bridge   named    after  him 
Pons  Aelius  led  to  it.     The  Mausoleum  was  finally  completed 
by  Antoninus  Pius  in  139  ;  see  Pius,  viii.  2,  and  C.I.L.,  vi.  984 
=  Dessau,  Ins.  Sel,  322. 

4  The  Aedes  Bonae  Deae  Subsaxanae  was  on  the  slope  of 
the   eastern   peak   of   the   Aventine   Hill    (the   Remuria   or 
Saxum)  ;  for  its  legend  see  Ovid,  Fast.,  v.  155. 


HADRIAN  XIX.   11— XX.  3 

many  temples,  the  Forum  of  Augustus,1  the  Baths  of 
Agrippa,'2  and  dedicated  all  of  them  in  the  names  of 
their    original    builders.     Also    he    constructed    the 
bridge  named  after  himself,  a  tomb  on  the  bank  of 
the  Tiber,3  and  the  temple  of  the  Bona  Dea.4     With 
the  aid  of  the  architect  Decrianus  he  raised  the  Co- 
lossus 5  and,  keeping  it  in  an  upright  position,  moved 
it  away  from  the  place  in  which  the  Temple  of  Rome  6 
is  now,  though  its  weight  was  so  vast  that  he  had  to 
furnish  for  the  work  as  many  as  twenty-four  elephants. 
This   statue   he  then  .consecrated   to  the  Sun,  after 
removing  the  features  of  Nero,  to  whom  it  had  previ- 
ously been  dedicated,  and  he  also  planned,  with  the 
assistance  of  the  architect  Apollodorus,  to  make  a 
similar  one  for  the   Moon. 

XX.  Most  democratic  in  his  conversations,  even 
with  the  very  humble,  he  denounced  all  who,  in  the 
belief  that  they  were  thereby  maintaining  the  imperial 
dignity,  begrudged  him  the  pleasure  of  such  friendli- 
ness. In  the  Museum  at  Alexandria7  he  propounded 
many  questions  to  the  teachers  and  answered  himself 
what  he  had  propounded.  Marius  Maximus  says  that 

6  A  colossal  statue  of  Nero  which  stood  in  the  vestibule  of 
Nero's  Golden  House;  see  Suet.,  Nero,  xxxi.  1.  According 
to  Suetonius  it  was  120  feet  high,  according  to  Pliny  (N.H., 
xxxiv.  45)  106J  feet.  The  statue  was  moved  by  Hadrian  to 
a  place  immediately  north-west  of  the  Colosseum,  where  a 
portion  of  its  base  is  still  preserved. 

6  The  Temple  of  Venus  and  Rome,  built  by  Hadrian  in  135 
from  a  plan  made  by  himself;  see  Dio,  Ixix.  4.     It  stood  on 
the  Velia  at  the  highest  point  of  the  Sacra  Via  on  a  part  of 
the  site  of  Nero's    Golden   House.     The  western  portion  is 
built  into  the  church  of  S.  Francesca  Romana,  the  eastern 
portion  is  partly  extant. 

7  An  academy  founded  by  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  in  imita- 
tion of  the  schools  of  Plato  and  Aristotle  at  Athens. 



et   idcirco  multa  pie  fecisse  quod   timeret,  ne   sibi 
idem  quod  Domitiano  accidit  eveniret. 

4  Et  cum  titulos  in    operibus    non    amaret,    multas 
civitates   Hadrianopolis  appellavit,  ut  ipsam  Cartha- 

5  ginem  et  Athenarum  partem.     aquarum  ductus  etiam 

6  infinites    hoc    nomine    nuncupavit.     fisci  advocatum 
primus  instituit. 

7  Fuit  memoriae  ingentis,  facultatis  immensae  ;  nam 
ipse   et  orationes    dictavit    et    ad    omnia   respondit. 

8  ioca  eius  plurima  exstant  ;  nam  fuit  etiam  dicaculus. 
unde  illud  quoque  innotuit  quod,  cum  cuidam  canes- 
centi  quiddam   negasset,  eidem  iterum  petenti  sed 
infecto  capite  respondit  :  "  lam  hoc  patri  tuo  negavi  ". 

gnomina    plurimis    sine    nomenclatore    reddidit,  quae 
semel  et  congesta  simul  audiverat,  ut  nomenclatores 

10  saepius    errantes    emendarit.     dixit    et  veteranorum 
nomina,    quos    aliquando    dimiserat.     libros  statim  l 
lectos  et  ignotos  quidem  plurimis  memoriter  reddidit. 

11  uno  tempore  scripsit  dictavit  audivit  et  cum  amicis 
fabulatus    est,     si    potest    credi.2      omnes    publicas 
rationes  ita  complexus  est  ut  domum  privatam  quivis 

12  paterfamilias  diligens  non  satis  iiovit.3    equos  et  canes 

1  So   P  ;    strictim  Peter2  ;   rairtim  Novak.  2  si  potest 

(potes  P1)  credi  removed  by  the  edd.,  so  Haupt,  Opusc.  III. 
p.  421,  but  Vahlen  (ind.  lect.  Ber.  bib.  1880/1,  p.  13)  would 
retain,  joining  to  the  following.  3non  satis  nouit  P,  which 
Haupt  would  remove  (loc.  cit.)  ;  non  setius  norit  Momrnsen, 

1  Domitian  was  assassinated  by  some  palace-attendants. 

2  This  portion  of  the  city  lay  east  of  the  Acropolis,  between 
the  old  wall  of  Themistocles  and  the  Ilissus.     A  gate  in  the 
old  wall  was  replaced  by  a  new  one,  bearing  on  its  two  sides 
respectively  the  lines  :  — 

At'S'  eiV  'AOrivai  97j<rea>j  rj  irplv  Tr6\is. 
A'iS'  eur'  'A.Spiavov  Ka\  ou^l  0rjtreajy  7r6\is- 

(I.G.,  iii.  401). 

HADRIAN  XX.  4-12 

he  was  naturally  cruel  and  performed  so  many  kind- 
nesses only  because  he  feared  that  he  might  meet 
the  fate  which  had  befallen  Domitian.1 

Though  he  cared  nothing  for  inscriptions  on  his 
public  works,  he  gave  the  name  of  Hadrianopolis  to 
many  cities,  as,  for  example,  even  to  Carthage  and  a 
section  of  Athens ; 2  and  he  also  gave  his  name  to 
aqueducts  without  number.  He  was  the  first  to  ap- 
point a  pleader  for  the  privy-purse.3 

Hadrian's  memory  was  vast  and  his  ability  was  un- 
limited ;  for  instance,  he  personally  dictated  his 
speeches  and  gave  opinions  on  all  questions.  He 
was  also  very  witty,  and  of  his  jests  many  still  sur- 
vive. The  following  one  has  even  become  famous  : 
When  he  had  refused  a  request  to  a  certain  gray- 
haired  man,  and  the  man  repeated  the  request  but 
this  time  with  dyed  hair,  Hadrian  replied  :  "  I  have 
already  refused  this  to  your  father".  Even  without 
the  aid  of  a  nomenclator  he  could  call  by  name  a 
great  many  people,  whose  names  he  had  heard  but 
once  and  then  all  in  a  crowd ;  indeed,  he  could 
correct  the  nomenclators  when  they  made  mistakes, 
as  they  not  infrequently  did,  and  he  even  knew  the 
names  of  the  veterans  whom  he  had  discharged  at 
various  times.  He  could  repeat  from  memory,  after 
a  rapid  reading,  books  which  to  most  men  were  not 
known  at  all.  He  wrote,  dictated,  listened,  and, 
incredible  as  it  seems,  conversed  with  his  friends,  all 
at  one  and  the  same  time.  He  had  as  complete  a 
knowledge  of  the  state-budget  in  all  its  details  as 

3  The  advocatus  fisci  represented  the  interests  of  the  privy- 
purse  in  law-suits  in  which  it  became  involved.  The  office 
was  held  by  knights  and  constituted  the  first  step  in  the 
equestrian  cursus  honor  urn. 



13  sic  amavit  ut   iis   sepulchra   constitueret.     oppidum 

Hadrianotheras  in  quodam  loco,  quod  illic  et  feliciter 

esset  venatus  et  ursam  occidisset  aliquando,  constituit. 

XXI.   De  iudicibus  omnibus  semper  cuncta  scru- 

tando    tamdiu    requisivit  quamdiu    verum  inveniret. 

2  libertos  suos   nee  sciri  voluit  in  publico  nee  aliquid 
apud  se  posse,  dicto  suo  omnibus   superioribus  priii- 
cipibus  vitia  imputans  libertorum,  damnatis  omnibus 

3  libertis  suis,  quicumque  se  de  eo  iactaverant.     unde 
exstat  etiam  illud  severum l  quidem  sed  prope  ioculare 
de  servis.     nam  cum  quodam  tempore  servum  suum 
inter  duos  senatores  e  conspectu  ambulare  vidisset, 
misit  qui  ei  colaphum  daret  diceretque2  :   "  Noli  inter 

4eos  ambulare  quorum  esse  adhuc  potes  servus  ".  in- 
ter cibos  unice  amavit  tetrapharmacum,  quod  erat  de 
phasiano  sumine  perna  et  crustulo. 

5  Fuerunt  eius  temporibus  fames  pestilentia  terrae 
motus,  quae  omnia,  quantum  potuit,  procuravit  mul- 

6  tisque  civitatibus  vastatis  per  ista  subvenit.     fuit  etiam 

7  Tiberis  inundatio.     Latium  multis  civitatibus  dedit, 
tributa  multis  remisit. 

1  seuerum  Petschenig  ;  seuero  P  ;  seuere  P  corr. ;  seue  B2, 
whence  Peter  saeue.  2so  Mommsen ;  colafum  daret  et 

diceret  P  corr.  (from  P1  colla  fundar  et  qui) ;  qui  et  collafum 
daret ;  cui  "  Noli,"  etc.  Bitschofsky. 

1  Especially  for  his  favourite  huntiDg-horse  Borysthenes, 
•which  died  at  Apte  in  Gallia  Narbonensis  ;  in  its  honour  he 
erected  a  tomb  with  a  stele  and  an  inscription  ;  see  Dio,  Ixix. 
10.    The  inscription  is  preserved,  C.I.L.,  xii.  1122  =  Biicheler, 
Carm.  Epigr.,  ii.  1522. 

2  In  Bithynia. 

3  Also  called  pentapharmacum  ;  see  AeL,  v.  4  f.    It  was  also 
a  favourite  dish  of  Severus  Alexander's;  see  Alex.,  xxx.  6. 


HADRIAN  XX.  13— XXI.  7 

any  careful  householder  has  of  his  own  household. 
His  horses  and  dogs  he  loved  so  much  that  he  pro- 
vided burial-places  for  them/  and  in  one  locality  he 
founded  a  town  called  Hadrianotherae,2  because  once 
he  had  hunted  successfully  there  and  killed  a  bear. 

XXI.  He  always  inquired  into  the  actions  of  all  his 
judges,  and  persisted  in  his  inquiries  until  he  satisfied 
himself  of  the  truth  about  them.  He  would  not  allow 
his  freedmen  to  be  prorninenc  in  public  affairs  or  to 
have  any  influence  over  himself,  and  he  declared  that 
all  his  predecessors  were  to  blame  for  the  faults  of 
their  freedrnen  ;  he  also  punished  all  his  freedmen 
who  boasted  of  their  influence  over  him.  With  regard 
to  his  treatment  of  his  slaves,  the  following  incident, 
stern  but  almost  humorous,  is  still  related.  Once 
when  he  saw  one  of  his  slaves  walk  away  from  his 
presence  between  two  senators,  he  sent  someone  to 
give  him  a  box  on  the  ear  and  say  to  him  :  "  Do  not 
walk  between  those  whose  slave  you  may  some  day 
be".  As  an  article  of  food  he  was  singularly  fond 
of  tetrapharmacum,3  which  consisted  of  pheasant, 
sow's  udders,  ham,  and  pastry. 

During  his  reign  there  were  famines,  pestilence, 
and  earthquakes.  The  distress  caused  by  all  these 
calamities  he  relieved  to  the  best  of  his  ability,  and 
also  he  aided  many  communities  which  had  been 
devastated  by  them.  There  was  also  an  overflow 
of  the  Tiber.  To  many  communities  he  gave  Latin 
citizenship,4  and  to  many  others  he  remitted  their 

4 The  ius  Lalii  was  a  peculiar  status,  granted  originally 
to  certain  of  the  cities  of  Latium.  It  conferred  on  their 
inhabitants  certain  private  rights  of  a  Eoman  citizen,  especi- 
ally those  of  holding  property  and  trading  at  Rome  and  of 
intermarriage  with  Romans.  In  the  time  of  the  Empire  the 



8  Expeditiones  sub  eo  graves  nullae  fuerunt ;  bella 

9  etiam  silentio  paene  transacta.     a  railitibus  propter 
curam  exercitus  nimiam1  multum  amatus  est,  simul 

10  quod  in  eos  liberalissimus  fuit.     Parthos  in  amicitia 
semper    habuit,    quod    inde    regem    retraxit,    quern 

11  Traianus  imposuerat.     Armeniis  regem  habere  per- 

12  misit,  cum  sub  Traiano  legatum  habuissent.     a  Meso- 
potamiis 2  non   exegit  tributum,   quod  Traianus   im- 

13  posuit.      Albanos  et  Hiberos  amicissimos  habuit,  quod 
reges    eorurn    largitionibus  prosecutus    est,  cum    ad 

14  ilium    venire    contempsissent.      reges    Bactrianorum 
legates  ad  eum   amicitiae   petendae   causa  supplices 

XXII.  Tutores  saepissime  dedit.     disciplinam  civi- 

2lem  non  aliter  tenuit  quam  militarem.     senatores  et 

equites  Romanes  semper  in  publico  togatos  esse  iussit, 

3  nisi  si  a  cena  reverterentur.     ipse,  cum  in  Italia  esset, 

4  semper  togatus  processit.     ad    convivium  venientes 
senatores  stans  excepit  semperque  aut  pallio  tectus 

5  discubuit  aut  toga,     summa  diligentia  in  dies  3  sumptus 
convivii   constituit  et  ad  antiquum  modum  redegit. 

gvehicula  cum  ingentibus  sarcinis  urbem  ingredi  pro- 

7  hibuit.     sederi  equos  in  civitatibus  non  sivit.     ante 

octavam  horam  in  publico  neminem  nisi  aegrum  lavari 

1  nimiam  P  corr.,  Novak  ;  nimiae  P1 ;  nimie  Peter2.  2a 
Mesopotamiis  Novak  after  P  corr.  omitting  a ;  Mesopotamenos 
P1,  Peter.  3  toga,  summa  diligentia  in  dies  Mommsen  ; 

toga  summissa  diligentia  indices  P  ;  iudicis  Peter. 

possession  of  this  status  meant  chiefly  local  autonomy  and 
the  bestowal  of  Roman  citizenship  on  local  magistrates. 
1  Except  the  war  in  Judaea ;  see  c.  xiv.  2  and  note. 


HADRIAN  XXI.  8— XXII.   7 

There  were  no  campaigns  of  importance  during  his 
reign,1  and  the  wars  that  lie  did  wage  were  brought 
to  a  close  almost  without  arousing  comment.  The 
soldiers  loved  him  much  on  account  of  his  very  great 
interest  in  the  army2  and  for  his  great  liberality  to 
them  besides.  The  Parthians  always  regarded  him 
as  a  friend  because  he  took  away  the  king3  whom 
Trajan  had  set  over  them.  The  Armenians  were 
permitted  to  have  their  own  king,4  whereas  under 
Trajan  they  had  had  a  governor,  and  the  Mesopotam- 
ians  were  relieved  of  the  tribute  which  Trajan  had 
imposed.  The  Albanians  5  and  Hiberians  he  made  his 
friends  by  lavishing  gifts  upon  their  kings,  even 
though  they  had  scorned  to  come  to  him.  The  kings 
of  the  Bactrians  sent  envoys  to  him  to  beg  humbly 
for  his  friendship. 

XXII.  He  very  often  assigned  guardians.  Disci- 
pline in  civil  life  he  maintained  as  rigorously  as  he  did 
in  military.  He  ordered  senators  and  knights  to  wear 
the  toga  whenever  they  appeared  in  public  except 
when  they  were  returning  from  a  banquet,  and  he 
himself,  when  in  Italy,  always  appeared  thus  clad. 
At  banquets,  when  senators  came,  he  received  them 
standing,  and  he  always  reclined  at  table  dressed 
either  in  a  Greek  cloak  or  in  a  toga.  The  cost  of  a 
banquet  he  determined  on  each  occasion,  all  with 
the  utmost  care,  and  he  reduced  the  sums  that 
might  be  expended  to  the  amounts  prescribed  by 

2  See  c.  x. 

3  i.e.  Parthamaspates ;  see  c.  v.  4  and  note. 

4  i.e.  he  relinquished  their  country  together  with  the  other 
conquests  of  Trajan  east  of  the  Euphrates;  see  c.  v.  1  and  3 
and  notes. 

6  The  eastern  part  of  Trans-Caucasia,  east  of  the  Hiberi 
(for  whom  see  c.  xvii.  11). 



8p.'issiis  est.      ab  epistulis  et  a  libellis  primus  equites 

9  Romanos   habuit.      eos  quos   paupnvs   et   innocentes 

vidit    sponte    ditavit,    quos    vero    callidit.ate    ditatos, 

lOetiam    odio    habuit.        sacra     Romana    diligentissime 

curavit,     pere^rina    conternpsit.        pontificis     maximi 

11  oflirium    p.-.rc^it.      causas    Romae   atque    in   provi'iciis 

frequenter  audivit,  adliibitis  in  eonsilio  suo  consiilibus 

l^atque  practonbus   et  opt.iniis   srnat.oribus.      Fucinurn 

].'{ laciun  cinisit..     (juattuor  COnsulares  per  omnem  Italiani 

lliudicj-s   <-<)iisl,ituit.      (juando  in    Africani  venit,  ad  ad- 

venliiin  cius  post,  quinquennium  pluit,  atque  ideo  ab 

African  is  est. 

XXIII.    IVra^ratis     sane    omnibus    orbis     partibus 

capil.e   nudo  et  in  sunuiiis   plerumque  imbrilnis  atque 

2  frifforibus  in  tnorbum  ineidit.  Lectualem.     factusque  de 

succcssorc   priinuin    de    Scrviano    cogitavit, 

1  I'.  iMnnin;1;  t,ln!  //<•/•  Orchid  of  181  B.C.  tin-  Roman 
rcpulilic.  t,iird  by  a  surer';  ion  of  sumptuary  laws  to  rn.i.iirt 

the  conBtantly  increasing  cost  of  i';iin|iirt,s.    Tbr  Lei-  i<\\nna 

of  Itil  I-..C.  fixed  ii  maximum  of  100;.s  f^r  tbe  \\vi\\\\.  b<  Inlays, 
of  10  for  Ordinary  day B )  l,be  lii.l.lri-  sum  was  laf.rr  in- 
cre!i.s('d  l,o  :i()  f/.s.sf.s'.  Tbe  I ,<•  i  Conii'l'm  of  Sulla  allowed  tbree 
i'd  :;>•  ,lnce  ;  fur  bolida.ys  and  tbirt.y  for  ol.brr  days  ;  Uns 

was  increased  by  a  law  of  Au",u  1,0  IAVO  hundred 

SOSt  ei-ee:;  ;   :;rr  (  IcHlllS,  11.  iM  Illld   Ma  ToblUS,  S<lt.,  I'll.  17.      Wblch 

Bum  is  Hi'  anl,  beer  is  unfortunately  imt.  elr«ar. 

M)ii'  of  |,br.  most  important  of  Hadrian's  reforms.  The 
great,  OOUrt  offices  bad  previously  been  held  rbiellv  by  freod- 
niou  of  l.lio  eni|M'ior  as  pnval.e  posta  iu  Ills  household. 
Hadrian,  in  providing  that  they  ahould  bo  hold  by 



the  ancient  laws.1  He  forbade  the  entry  into  Rome 
of  heavily  laden  wagons,  and  did  not  permit 
riding  on  horseback  in  cities.  None  but  invalids 
were  allowed  to  bathe  in  the  public  baths  before 
the  eighth  hour  of  the  day.  1  L>  was  the  first  to 
put  knights  in  charge  of  the  imperial  correspond- 
ence and  of  the  petition^  addressed  to  the-  emperor.- 
Those  men  whom  he  saw  to  be  poor  and  innocent  he 
enriched  of  his  own  accord,  but  those  who  had  become 
rich  through  sharp  practice  he  actually  regarded 
with  hatred.  He  despised  foreign  cults,  but  native 
Roman  ones  he  observed  most  scrupulously  ;  more- 
over, he  always  performed  the  duties  of  pontifex 
maximus.  lie  tried  a  great  number  of  lawsuits  him- 
self both  in  Rome  and  in  the  provinces,  ami  to  his 
council  ;?  lie  called  consuls  ami  praetors  and  the  fore- 
most of  the  senators.  He  drained  the  Fueine  Lake.4 
He  appointed  four  men  of  consular  rank  as  judges 
for  all  Italy.  When  he  went  to  Africa  •'  it  rained  on 
his  arrival  for  the  first  time  in  the  space  of' five  years, 
ami  for  this  he  was  beloved  by  the  Africans. 

\\lll.    After  traversing,  as  he  did.  all  parts  of  the 
world  with  bare   head  ami  often  in  severe  storms  and 

transformed  them  into  official  government  positions.  More- 
over, tins  opening  to  the  equestrian  order  of  a  eareer  of  great 
intlueiuv  and  distinction  led  to  the  resalt  that  by  the  end  of 
the  third  century  most  of  the  important  administrative  po^ts 
were  held  by  knights. 

;:  Set1  c.  viii.  i>  and  note. 

4 Now  Lugo  di  tYlano.  It  is  in  the  centre  of  Italy,  due 
east  of  Home.  An  a',  tempt  to  drain  it  by  means  of  a  tunnel 
was  made  by  Claudius  ^see  Tae..  A  >;>;.,  \i.  ;V>  an  1  o7).  but  not 
very  sue  •essfnlly.  Another  at.enr.t.  made  by  Trajan,  is  re- 
corded in  an  inscription  (C.I.L.,  ix.  3015). 

6  See  c.  xiii.  4. 



3  quern  postea,  ut  diximus,  mori  coegit,  item1  Fuscum, 
quod  imperium  praesagiis  et  ostentis  agitatus  speraret. 

4  in  sumtna  detestatione  habuit   Platorium    Nepotem, 
quern  tantopere  ante  dilexit  ut  veniens  ad  eum  aegro- 
tantem  Hadrianus  impune  non  admitteretur,  suspic- 

5  ioiiibus    adductus,    et    eodem    modo    et    Terentium 
Gentianum,  et  hunc  vehementius,  quodasenatu  diligi 

6  tune  videbat.     omnes  postremo,  de  quorum  imperio 
cogitavit,  quasi   futures  imperatores    detestatus    est. 

7et  omnem  quidem  vim  crudelitatis  ingenitae  usque  eo 
repressit  donee  in  Villa  Tiburtina  profluvio  sanguinis 

8  paene  ad  exitum  venit.  tune  libere  Servianum  quasi 
adfectatorem  imperil,  quod  servis  regiis  cenam  misis- 
set,  quod  in  sedili  regio  iuxta  lectum  posito  sedisset, 
quod  erectusad  stationes  militum  senex  nonagenarius 
processisset,  mori  coegit,  multis  aliis  interfectis  vel 

9aperte  vel  per  insidias  ;  quando  quidem  etiam  Sabina 
uxor  non  sine  fabula  veneni  dati  ab  Hadriano  de- 
functa  est. 

10  Tune    Ceionium    Commodum,     Nigrini    generum 
insidiatoris  quondam,  sibi  forma  commendatum  adop- 

11  tare  constituit.     adoptavit  ergo  Ceionium  Commodum 

1  item  om.  in  P,  inserted  by  Peter. 

1  See  c.  xv.  8. 

2  Pedanius  Fuscus,  the  grandson  of  Servianus,  was  killed 
at  the  age  of  eighteen ;  see  Dio,  Ixix.  17. 

3  See  c.  iv.  2  and  note. 

4  D.  Terentius  Gentianus  held  an  important  command  in 
Trajan's  wars  in  Dacia  and  became  a  patron  of  the  colony  of 
Sarmizegetusa,  the  capital  of  the  province ;  see  C.I.L.,  iii.  1463. 

6  See  c.  xxvi.  5. 

Ri.e.  the  guard  that  was  regularly  on  duty  at  the  Palace; 
see  Suetonius,  Tib.,  xxiv.  1  ;  Nero,  xxi.  1. 



frosts,  he  contracted  an  illness  which  confined  him  to 
his  bed.  And  becoming  anxious  about  a  successor 
he  thought  first  of  Servianus.  Afterwards,  however, 
as  I  have  said,1  he  forced  him  to  commit  suicide  ; 
and  Fuscus,2  too,  he  put  to  death  on  the  ground  that, 
being  spurred  011  by  prophecies  and  omens,  he  was 
hoping  for  the  imperial  power.  Carried  away  by 
suspicion,  he  held  in  the  greatest  abhorrence  Platorius 
Nepos,3  whom  he  had  formerly  so  loved  that,  once, 
when  he  went  to  see  him  while  ill  and  was  refused  ad- 
mission, he  nevertheless  let  him  go  unpunished.  Also 
he  hated  Terentius  Gentianus,4  but  even  more  vehe- 
mently, because  he  saw  that  he  was  then  beloved  by 
the  senate.  At  last,  he  came  to  hate  all  those  of 
whom  he  had  thought  in  connection  with  the  imperial 
power,  as  though  they  were  really  about  to  be  em- 
perors. However,  he  controlled  all  the  force  of  his 
innate  cruelty  down  to  the  time  when  in  his  Tiburtine 
Villa  5  he  almost  met  his> death  through  a  hemorrhage. 
Then  he  threw  aside  all  restraint  and  compelled 
Servianus  to  kill  himself,  on  the  ground  that  he  aspired 
to  the  empire,  merely  because  he  gave  a  feast  to  the 
royal  slaves,  sat  in  a  royal  chair  placed  close  to  his 
bed,  and,  though  an  old  man  of  ninety,  used  to  arise 
and  go  forward  to  meet  the  guard  of  soldiers.6  He 
put  many  others  to  death,  either  openly  or  by 
treachery,  and  indeed,  when  his  wife  Sabina  died, 
the  rumour  arose  that  the  Emperor  had  given  her 

Hadrian  then  determined  to  adopt  Ceionius  Com- 136. 
modus,  son-in-law  of  Nigrinus,  the  former  conspirator, 
and  this  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  his  sole  recommen- 
dation   was    his    beauty.      Accordingly,    despite    the 
opposition   of  all,    he   adopted   Ceionius   Comrnodus 



Verum  invitis  omnibus  eumque  Helium  Verum  Cae- 

12  sarem    appellavit.     ob    cuius    adoptationem l    ludos 
circenses  dedit    et    donativum    populo    ac    militibus 

13  expendit.     quern   praetura  honoravit  ac  statim   Pan- 
noniis  imposuit  decreto  consulatu  cum    sumptibus.2 
eundem    Commodum  secundo    consulem  designavit. 

14  quern  cum  minus  sanum  videret,  saepissime  dictitavit : 
"  In  caducum  parietem  nos  inclinavimus  et  perdidi- 
mus  quater  milies  sestertium,  quod  populo  et  militi- 

15  bus  pro  adoptione  Commodi  dedimus  ".     Commodus 
autem  prae  valetudine  nee  gratias  quidem  in  senatu 

16agere  potuit  Hadriano  de  adoptione.  denique  ac- 
cepto  largius  antidote  ingravescente  valetudine  per 
somnum  periit  ipsis  kalendis  lanuariis.  quare  ab 
Hadriano  votorum  causa  lugeri  est  vetitus. 

XXIV.  Et  3  mortuo  Helio  Vero  Caesare  Hadrianus 
ingruente  tristissima  valetudine  adoptavit  Arrium 
Antoninum,  qui  postea  Pius  dictus  est,  et  ea  quidem  4 

1  adoptationem  P,  Petschenig  ;  adoi  tionem  Peter.         2  con- 
sulatus  consumptibus  P  set.  P;  sed  Gas.,  Peter.  4  et 

ea  quidem  Jordan  ;  et  eadem  P. 

1  More  correctly,  L.  Ceionius  Commodus;  he  was  adopted 
under  the  name  L.  Aelius  Caesar.  The  cognomen  Verus, 
given  to  him  here  and  in  his  biography  (Ael.,  ii.  1  and  6),  is 
not  attested  by  inscriptions  or  coins,  and  seems  to  have  arisen 
through  a  confusion  with  his  son,  adopted  by  Antoninus  Pius, 
and,  after  his  accession  to  the  throne,  called  L.  Auielius 
Verus.  The  form  Helius  which  is  used  throughout  the  Historic, 



Verus  a  and  called  him  Ae.ius  Verus  Caesar.  On  the 
occasion  of  the  adopt  on  he  gave  games  in  the  Circus 
and  bestowed  largess  upon  the  populace  and  the 
soldiers.'2  He  dignified  Commodus  with  the  office  of 
praetor  3  and  immediately  placed  him  in  command  of 
the  Pannonian  provinces,  and  also  conferred  on  him 
the  consulship  together  with  money  enough  to  meet 
the  expenses  of  the  office.  He  also  appointed  Com- 
modus to  a  second  consulship.  And  when  he  saw 
that  the  man  was  diseased,  he  used  often  to  say  : 
"  We  have  leaned  against  a  tottering  wall  and  have 
wasted  the  four  hundred  million  sesterces  which  we 
gave  to  the  populace  and  the  soldiers  on  the  adoption 
of  Commodus  4  ".  Moreover,  because  of  his  ill-health, 
Commodus  could  not  even  make  a  speech  in  the  senate 
thanking  Hadrian  for  his  adoption.  Finally,  too  large 
a  quantity  of  medicine  was  administered  to  him,  and 
thereupon  his  illness  increased,  and  he  died  in  his  sleep 
on  the  very  Kalends  of  January.5  Because  of  the  date  1  Jan.,  1! 
Hadrian  forbade  public  mourning  for  him,  in  order 
that  the  vows  tor  the  state  might  be  assumed  as  usual. 
XXIV.  After  the  death  of  Aelius  Verus  Caesar, 
Hadrian  was  attacked  by  a  very  severe  illness,  and  25  Feb., 
thereupon  he  adopted  Arrius  Antoninus6  (who  was 

Augusta  has   no  warrant  whatsoever ;    its   substitution  for 
Aeaus  is  probably  due  to  some  editor. 

2  Of.  Ael.,  iii.  3;  vi.  1. 

3  This  statement,  as  found  here  and  in  Ael.,  iii.  2,  is  incorrect, 
for  he  was  praetor  in  130  and  consul  in  136,  the  year  in  which 
he  was  adopted.     He  was  consul  for  the  second  time  in  137 
and  was  then  placed  in  command  of  the  two  provinces  of 

4  Of.  Ael.,  vi.  3.  5Cf.  Ael,i\.  7. 

6  More  correctly,  T.  Aurelius  Fulvus  Boionius  Arrius 
Antoninus  ;  see  Pius,  i.  1.  After  his  adoption  his  name  was 
T.  Aelius  Caesar  Antoninus. 



lege  ut  ille  sibi  duos  adoptaret,  Annium  Verum  et  Mar- 
2  cum  Antoninum.  hi  suntqui  postea  duo  pariter  August! 
Sprimi  rem  publicam  gubernaverunt.  et  Antoninus 

quidera  Pius  idcirco  appellatus  dicitur  quod  socerum 

4  fessum  aetate  manu  sublevaret,  quamvis  alii  cogno- 
mentum  hoc  ei  dicant  inditum,  quod  multos  senatores 

5  Hadriano  iam    saevienti  abripuisset,    alii,    quod    ipsi 
Hadriano    magnos   honores  post  mortem    detulisset. 

6  Antonini  adoptionem  plurimi  tune  factam  esse  dolue- 
runt,  speciatim  Catilius  Severus,  praefectus  urbi,  qui 

7  sibi  praeparabat  imperium.     qua  re  prodita  successore 
accepto  dignitate  privatus  est. 

8  Hadrianus  autem  ultimo  vitae  taedio  iam  adfectus 

9  gladio    se  transfigi  a  servo    iussit.     quod    cum   esset 
proditum   et    in    Antonini    usque    notitiam    venisset, 
ingressis    ad  se   praefectis   et   filio    rogantibusque  ut 
aequo  animo  necessitatem  morbi  ferret,  dicente  Anto- 
nino  parricidam  se   futurum  si  Hadrianum  adoptatus 

10  ipse  pateretur  occidi,1  iratus  illis  auctorem  proditionis 
iussit   occidi,  qui    tamen  ab    Antonino  servatus  est. 

11  statimque  testamentum  scripsit  nee  tamen  actus  rei 

1  dicente  .  .  .  occidi  follows  in  P  statimque  .  .  .  pra^ter- 
misit;  transposed  to  follow  ut  .  .  .  ferretby  Gemoll,  so  Peter2. 

1  The  names  of  the  two  adopted  sons  of  Antoninus  Pius  are 
entirely  conlused.     The  biographer  is  referring  here  to  L. 
Ceionius  Commodus,  the  son  of  L.  Aelius  Caesar,  called,  after 
his  adoption  by  Antoninus,  L.  Aelius  Aurelius  Commodus. 
On  his  succession  to  the  throne,  he  took  the  cognomen  of  his 
adoptive  brother  Annius  Verus  (M.  Aurelius  Antoninus)  and 
reigned  as  L.  Aurelius  Verua. 

2  His  name  before  adoption  was  M.  Annius  Verus ;  after 
adoption  he  seems  to  have  been  called  M.  Aelius  Aurelius 
Verus.     On  the  death  of  Antoninus  Pius  he  called  himself 
M.  Aurelius  Antoninus. 

3  So  also  Pius,  ii.  3.  4  See  c.  xxv.  8  and  Pius,  ii.  4. 



afterwards  called  Pius),  imposing  on  him  the  condition 
that  he  adopt  two  sons,  Annius  Verus  l  and  Marcus 
Antoninus.2  These  were  the  two  who  afterwards 
ruled  the  empire  together,  the  first  joint  Augusti. 
And  as  for  Antoninus,  he  was  called  Pius,  it  is  said, 
because  he  used  to  give  his  arm  to  his  father-in-law 
when  weakened  by  old  age.3  However,  others  assert 
that  this  surname  was  given  to  him  because,  as 
Hadr:an  grew  more  cruel,  he  rescued  many  senators 
from  the  Emperor  4  ;  others,  again,  that  it  was  because 
he  bestowed  great  honours  upon  Hadrian  after  his 
death.5  The  adoption  of  Antoninus  was  lamented  by 
many  at  that  time,  particularly  by  Catilius  Severus,6 
the  prefect  of  the  city,  who  was  making  plans  to  secure 
the  throne  for  himself.  When  this  fact  became  known, 
a  successor  was  appointed  for  him  and  he  was  deprived 
of  his  office. 

But  Hadrian  was  now  seized  with  the  utmost  dis- 
gust of  life  and  ordered  a  servant  to  stab  him  with  a 
sword.  When  this  was  disclosed  and  reached  the 
ears  of  Antoninus,  he  came  to  the  Emperor,  together 
with  the  prefects,  and  begged  him  to  endure  with 
fortitude  the  hard  necessity  of  illness,  declaring 
furthermore  that  he  himself  would  be  no  better  than 
a  parricide,  were  he,  an  adopted  son,  to  permit 
Hadrian  to  be  killed.  The  Emperor  then  became 
angry  and  ordered  the  betrayer  of  the  secret  to  be 
put  to  death ;  however,  the  man  was  saved  by 
Antoninus.  Then  Hadrian  immediately  drew  up  his 
will,  though  he  did  not  lay  aside  the  administration 
of  the  empire.  Once  more,  however,  after  making 

5  See  c.  xxvii.  4  and  Pius,  ii.  5. 

6  He  had  been  the  colleague  of  Antoninus  in  the  consulship 
in  120 ;  see  Pius,  ii.  9. 



12  publicae  praetermisit.     et  post  testameiitum  quidem 
iterum  se  conatus  x  occidere  subtraeto  pu^ione  saevior 

13  factus  est.     petiit  et  venenum  a  medico,  qui  se  ipse, 
ne  daret,  occidit. 

XXV.  Ea  tempestate  supervenit  quaedam  mulier, 
quae  diceret  somnio  se  monitam  ut  insinuaret  Hadri- 
an o,  ne  se  occideret.  quod  esset  bene  valiturus  ;  quod 
cum  non  fecisset,  esse  caecatam.  iussam  tamen  iterum 
Hadriano  eadem  dicere  atque  genua  eius  osculare, 

2  oculos-  recepturam  si  id  feoisset.     quod  cum  insom- 
iiium  3  implesset,  oculos  recepit,  cum  aqua,  quae  in 

3  fano  erat,  ex  quo  venerat,  oculos  abluisset.     venit  et 
de    Pan  noil  ia    quidam    vetus    caecus    ad    febrientem 

4  Hadrianum     eumque     contigit.     quo    facto    et    ipse 
oculos  recepit    et   Hadrianum   febris  reliquit,  quam- 
vis    Marius    Maximus   haec    per   simulationem    facta 

5  Post  haec  Hadrianus  Baias  petiit  Antonino  Romae 

6  ad  imperandum   relicto.      ubi    cum    iiihil    proficeret, 
arcessito  Antonino  in  conspectu  eius  apud  ipsas  Baias 

7periit  die  VI  id  mini  luliarum.  invisusque  omnibus 
sepultus  est  in  villa  Ciceroniana  Puteolis. 

8  Sub  ipso  mortis  tempore  et  Servianum  nonaginta 
annos  agentem,  ut4  supra  dictum  est,  ne  sibi  super- 
viveret  5  atque,  ut  putabat,  imperaret,  mori  coegit  et 
ob  leves  offensas  plurimos  iussit  occidi,  quos  Anton- 

lcst  con.  P.  2oc«/osom.  in  P,  supplied  by  Gleye;  uisum 

(added   after  recept-ura)).),  P  corr.,  so  Peter, 'but  see   Novak 

I,  p.  3.          sinso)nnij(m  Cas. ;  in  sownio  P;  somnium^ovuk. 

B  corr.,  oru.  in  P  ;  supra  iLctum  est  deleted  by  Peter. 

*superviverei  Petrarch;  suprauiueret  P,  Peter. 

1  See  c.  xv.  8  and  xxiii.  2  and  8. 


HADRIAN  XXIV.  ia— XXV.  8 

his  will,  he  attempted  to  kill  himself,  but  the  dagger 
was  taken  from  him.  He  then  became  more  violent, 
and  he  even  demanded  poison  from  his  physician, 
who  thereupon  killed  himself  in  order  that  he  might 
not  have  to  administer  it. 

XXV.  About  this  time  there  came  a  certain  woman, 
who  said  that  she  had  been  warned  in  a  dream  to 
coax  Hadrian  to  refrain  from  killing  himself,  for  he 
was  destined  to  recover  entirely,  but  that  she  had 
failed  to  do  this  and  had  become  blind  ;  she  had  never- 
theless been  ordered  a  second  time  to  give  the  same 
message  to  Hadrian  and  to  kiss  his  knees,  and  was 
assured  of  the  recovery  of  her  sight  if  she  did  so. 
The  woman  then  carried  out  the  command  of  the 
dream,  and  received  her  sight  after  she  had  bathed 
her  eyes  with  the  water  in  the  temple  from  which 
she  had  come.  Also  a  blind  old  man  from  Pannonia 
came  to  Hadrian  when  he  was  ill  with  fever,  and 
touched  him  ;  whereupon  the  man  received  his  sight, 
and  the  fever  left  Hadrian.  All  these  things,  how- 
ever, Marius  Maximus  declares  were  done  as  a  hoax. 

After  this  Hadrian  departed  for  Baiae,  leaving 
Antoninus  at  Rome  to  carry  on  the  government. 
But  he  received  no  benefit  there,  and  he  thereupon 
sent  for  Antoninus,  and  in  his  presence  he  died  there 
at  Baiae  on  the  sixth  day  before  the  Ides  of  July.  10  July, 
Hated  by  all,  he  was  buried  at  Puteoli  on  an  estate 
that  had  belonged  to  Cicero. 

Just  before  his  death,  he  compelled  Servianus,  then 
ninety  years  old,  to  kill  himself,  as  has  been  said 
before,1  in  order  that  Servianus  might  not  outlive 
him,  and,  as  he  thought,  become  emperor.  He  like- 
wise gave  orders  that  very  many  others  who  were 
guilty  of  slight  offences  should  be  put  to  death ;  these, 



Qinus    reservavit.       et    moriens    quidem    hos    versus 
fecisse  dicitur  : 

Animula  vagula  blandula 
hospes  comesque  corporis, 
quae  nunc  abibis  in  loca 
pallidula  rigida  nudula  ? 
nee  ut  soles  dabis  iocos ! 

10  tales  autem  nee  multos  l  meliores  fecit  et  Graecos. 

11  Vixit  annis   LXII,2  mensibus  V,  diebus  XVII.  im- 
peravit  annis  XX/  raensibus  XI. 

XXVI.   Statura  fuit  procerus,  forma  comptus,  flexo 

ad  pectinem  capillo,  promissa  barba,  ut  vulnera,  quae 

in  facie  naturalia  erant,  tegeret,  habitudine  robusta. 

2equitavit  ambulavitque  plurimum  armisque  et  pilo  se 

3  semper    exercuit.       venatus    frequentissime    leonem 
manu  sua  occidit.     venando  autem  iugulum  et  costam 
fregit.      venationem  semper  cum  amicis  participavit. 

4  in  convivio  tragoedias  comoedias  Atellanas  sambucas 

5  lectores  poetas  pro  re  semper  exbibuit.     Tiburtinam 
Villam  mire  exaedificavit,  ita  ut  in  ea  et  provinciarum 
et    locorurn    celeberrima    nomina    inscriberet,    velut 
Lyceum,  Academian,  Prytaneum,  Canopum,  Poicilen, 
Tempe  vocaret.     et,  ut  nihil  praetermitteret,  etiam 
inferos  finxit. 

6  Signa  mortis  haec  habuit :  natali   suo   ultimo,  cum 

1  multos  P  ;  multo  Peter.  -  LXII  Salm.  ;  LXXII  P. 

3  XX  Cas.  ;  XXI  P. 

translated  by  A.  O'Brien-Moore. 

2  The  name  was  derived  from  Atella,  a  Campanian  town, 
where,  it  was  supposed,  farces  of  this  type  originated. 

3  This  palace  was  built  by  Hadrian  during  the  last  years  of 
his  reign ;    it  was   a   characteristic  expression   of   both   his 



however,  were  spared  by  Antoninus.  And  he  is  said, 
as  he  lay  dying,  to  have  composed  the  following  lines  : 

"  O  blithe  little  soul,  thou,  flitting  away, 
Guest  and  comrade  of  this  my  clay, 
Whither  now  goest  thou,  to  what  place 
Bare  and  ghastly  and  without  grace  ? 
Nor,  as  thy  wont  was,  joke  and  play."  l 

Such  verses  as  these  did  he  compose,  and  not  many 
that  were  better,  and  also  some  in  Greek. 

He  lived  62  years,  5  months,  17  days.  He  ruled 
20  years,  1 1  months. 

XXVI.  He  was  tall  of  stature  and  elegant  in  ap- 
pearance ;  his  hair  was  curled  on  a  comb,  and  he  wore 
a  full  beard  to  cover  up  the  natural  blemishes  on 
his  face ;  and  he  was  very  strongly  built.  He  rode 
and  walked  a  great  deal  and  always  kept  himself  ill 
training  by  the  use  of  arms  and  the  javelin.  He  also 
hunted,  and  he  used  often  to  kill  a  lion  with  his  own 
hand,  but  once  in  a  hunt  he  broke  his  collar-bone  and 
a  rib ;  these  hunts  of  his  he  always  shared  with  his 
friends.  At  his  banquets  he  always  furnished,  ac- 
cording to  the  occasion,  tragedies,  comedies,  Atellan 
farces,2  players  on  the  sambuca,  readers,  or  poets. 
His  villa  at  Tibur  3  was  marvellously  constructed,  and 
he  actually  gave  to  parts  of  it  the  names  of  provinces 
and  places  of  the  greatest  renown,  calling  them,  for 
instance,  Lyceum,  Academia,  Prytaiieum,  Canopus, 
Poecile  and  Tempe.  And  in  order  not  to  omit  any- 
thing, he  even  made  a  Hades. 

The  premonitions  of  his  death  were  as  follows  :   On 

eccentricity  and  his  magnificence.  Its  extensive  remains, 
covering,  together  with  its  gardens,  about  160  acres,  are  still 
to  be  seen  on  the  edge  of  the  plain  about  three  miles  south- 
east of  Tibur  (Tivoli). 



Antoninum  commendaret,  praetexta  sprnte  delapsa 

7  caput  ei  aperuit.      anulus.  in  quo  imago  ips  us  scuipta 

8  erat,  sponte  de  digito  delapsus  est.     ante  diem  naialis 
eius   iiescio    qui    ad    senatum    ululans    venit,    contra 
quern    Hadrianus   ita   motus  est  quasi  de  sua  morte 

9  loqueretur,  cum  eius  verba  nullus  agnosceret.     idem 
cum  vellet  in  senatu  dicere  "  post  filii  mei  mortem," 

10"  post  meam  "  dixit.  somiiiavit  praeterea  se  a  patre 
potionem  soporiferam  impetrasse.  item  somniavit  a 
leone  se  oppressum  esse. 

XXVII.    In   mortuum    eum   a   multis    multa    suiit 

2  dicta,     acta    eius    inrita    fieri    senatus   volebat.     nee 
appellatus    esset1    divus,    nisi     Antoninus    rogasset. 

3  templum    denique   ei    pro    sepulchro  apud   Puteolos 
constituit  et  quinquennale  certamen  et  flamines  et 
sodales  et  multa  alia,  quae  ad  honorem  quasi  numinis 

4  pertinerent.       qua    re,  ut    supra    dictum   est,    multi 
putant  Antoninum   Pium  dictum. 

1  est  P. 

1  He  was  praying,  according  to  the  regular  Roman  custom, 
with  a  part  of  his  toga  drawn  over  his  head. 

?For  the  significance  of  this  omen  see  note  to  c.  iii.  7. 

3  The  Sodales  were  a  board  of  priests  to  whom  was  com- 
mitted the  cult  of  a  deified  emperor.  Under  the  empire  there 
were,  in  all,  four  such  boards  :  the  Sodales  Angus  tales,  created 
for  the  cult  of  Augustus,  and  alter  the  deification  of  Claudius 



his  last  birthday,  when  he  was  commending  Antoninus 
to  the  gods,  his  bordered  toga  fell  down  without 
apparent  cause  and  bared  his  head.1  His  ring,  on 
which  his  portrait  was  carved,  slipped  of  its  own 
accord  from  his  finger.2  On  the  day  before  his 
birthday  some  one  came  into  the  senate  wailing ;  by 
his  presence  Hadrian  was  as  disturbed  as  it  he  were 
speaking  about  his  own  death,  for  no  one  could  under- 
stand what  he  was  saying.  Again,  in  the  senate, 
when  he  meant  to  say,  "after  my  son's  death,"  he 
said,  "after  mine".  Besides,  he  dreamed  that  he 
had  asked  his  father  for  a  soporific ;  he  also  dreamed 
that  he  had  been  overcome  by  a  lion. 

XXVII.  Much  was  said  against  him  after  his  death, 
and  by  many  persons.  The  senate  wished  to  annul 
his  acts,  and  would  have  refrained  from  naming  him 
"the  Deified'  had  not  Antoninus  requested  it. 
Antoninus,  moreover,  finally  built  a  temple  tor  him 
at  Puteoli  to  take  the  place  ot  a  tomb,  and  he  also 
established  a  qu.nquennial  contest  and  flamens  and 
sudales3  and  many  other  institutions  which  appertain 
to  the  honour  ot  one  regarded  as  a  god.  It  is  tor  this 
reason,  as  has  been  said  before,  that  many  think  that 
Antoninus  received  the  surname  Pius.4 

extended  to  Sodales  Augusiales  C  laud  i  ales ;  the  Sodales 
Flaviales  for  Vespasian,  after  the  deification  of  Titus  extended 
to  Sodales  Flaviales  Titiales ;  the  Sodales  Had*  tanales ;  and 
the  Sodales  Antomniani  created  in  161.  The  theory  was  that 
one  sodalitas  should  care  for  the  cults  of  the  emperors  of  the 
same  house. 

4  See  c.  xxiv,  5  and  note. 




Diocletiano  Augusto  Aelius  Spartianus 

s  u  u  s  sal. 

I.  In  animo  mihi  est,  Diocletiane  Auguste,  tot  prin- 
cipum maxim e,  non  solum  eos  qui  principum  locum 
in  hac  statione  quam  temperas  retentarunt,  ut  usque 
ad  divum   Hadrianum   feci,  sed  illos   etiam   qui   vel 
Caesarum  nomine  appellati   sunt   nee   principes   aut 
Augusti  fuerunt  vel  quolibet  alio  genere  aut  in  famam 
aut  in  spem  principatus  venerunt,  cognitioni  numinis 

2tui  sternere.  quorum  praecipue  de  Helio  Vero 
dicendum  est,  qui  primus  tantum  Caesaris  nomen 
accepit,  adoptione  Hadriani  familiae  principum  ad- 

Sscitus.  et  quoniam  nimis  pauca  dicenda  sunt,  nee 
debet  prologus  inormior  1  esse  quam  fabula,  de  ipso 
iam  loquar. 

II.  Ceionius  Commodus,  qui  et  Helius  Verus  appel- 

1  enormior  P3 ;  aV  morosior  P4. 

1  On  his  adoption  by  Hadrian  he  took  the  cognomen  Caesar, 




To    Diocletian     Augustus,    his    devoted    servant, 
A  elius  Spartianus,  greeting  : 

I.  It  is  my  purpose,  Diocletian  Augustus,  greatest 
of  a  long  line  of  rulers,  to  present  to  the  knowledge 
of  your  Divine  Majesty,  not  only  those  who  have  held 
as  ruling  emperors  the  high  post  which  you  maintain 
— I  have  done  this  as  far  as  the  Deified  Hadrian— 
but  also   those  who  either  have  borne  the  name  of 
Caesar,  though  never  hailed  emperors  or  Augusti,  or 
have  attained  in  some  other  fashion  to  the  fame  of  the 
imperial  power  or  the  hope  of  gaining  it.     Among 
these  I  must  tell  first  and  foremost  ot  Aelius  Verus, 
who  through  his  adoption  by  Hadrian  became  a  mem- 
ber of  the  imperial  family,  and  was  the  first  to  receive 
only  the  name  ot  Caesar.1     Since  1  can  tell  but  little 
of  him,  and  the  prologue  should  not  be  more  extensive 
than  the  play,  I  shall  now  proceed  to  tell  of  the  man 

II.  The  life  of  Ceionius  Commodus,  also  called  Aelius 

but,  as  he  did  not  become  emperor,  he  never  assumed  any  of 
the  imperial  titles.  From  this  time  on,  it  was  customary  for 
the  son  of  the  reigning  emperor  to  bear  the  name  Caesar. 



latus  est,  quern  sibi  Hadrianus  aevo  ingravescente 
morbis  tristioribus  pressus  peragrato  iam  orbe  terrarum 
adoptavit,  nihil  habet  in  sua  vita  memorabile,  nisi  quod 

2  primus  tantum  Caesar  est  appellatus,  non  testamento, 
ut  antea  solebat,  neque  eo   modo  quo  Traianus  est 
adoptatus,  sed  eo  prope  genere  quo  nostris  temporibus 
a   vestra    dementia   Maximianus   atque   Constantius 
Caesares  dicti  sunt  quasi  quidam  priiicipuni  filii  veri 
et l  designati  augustae  maiestatis  heredes. 

3  Et  quoniam  de  Caesarum  nomine  in  huius  praecipue 
vita  est  .\liquid  disputandum,  qui  hoc  solum  nomen 
indeptus  2  est,  Caesarem  vel  ab  elephanto,  qui  lingua 
Maurorum  caesai  dicitur,  in   proelio   caeso,  eum  qui 
primus  sic  appellatus  est  doctissimi  viri  et  eruditis- 

4  simi  putant  dictum,  vel  quia  mortua  matre  et  ventre 
caeso  sit  natus,  vel  quod  cum  magnis   crinibus  sit 
utero  parentis  effusus,  vel  quod  oculis  caesiis  et  ultra 
humanum  morem   viguerit.     certe  quaecumque  ilia, 

5  felix  necessitas  fuit,  unde  tarn  clarum  et  duraturum 
cum  aeternitate  mundi  nomen  effloruit. 

6  Hie  ergo,  de  quo  sermo  est,  primum  Lucius  Au- 
relius  Verus  est  dictus,  sed  ab  Hadriano  adscitus  in 
Heliorum  familiam,  hoc  est  in  Hadriani,  transcriptus 

lueri  et  Obrecbt  and  others;  uiri  et  P;  uirtute  Peter,  fol- 
lowing Bernhardy.  *  aV  adeptus  P  corr. 

1  On  the  correct  form  of  his  name  see  note  to  Hadr.,  xxiii.  11. 

2  In  136  ;  see  Hadr.,  xxiii.  10. 

3  The  biographer  seems  to  be  thinking  of  the  testamentary 
adoption  of  Octavian  by  Julius  Caesar. 

4  Trajan,  on  his  adoption,  did  not  assume  the  name  Caesar ; 
this  seems  to  be  the  only  difference. 

5  The  elephant  appears  as  an  emblem  on  a  coin  of  Julius 
Caesar ;  see  Cohen,  i2,  p.  17,  No.  49. 

6  A  caeso  matris  utero  dictus,  Plin.,  Nat.  Hist.,  vii.  47. 

7  i.e.,  caesaries.     This  etymology  is  given  by  Festus,  p.  57, 


AELIUS  II.  2-6 

Verus,1  adopted  by  Hadrian  2  after  his  journey  through 
the  world,  when  he  was  burdened  by  old  age  and 
weakened  by  cruel  disease,  contains  nothing  worthy 
of  note  except  that  he  was  the  first  to  receive  only 
the  name  of  Caesar.  This  was  conferred,  not  by  last 
will  and  testament,  as  was  previously  the  custom,3  nor 
yet  in  the  fashion  in  which  Trajan  was  adopted,4  but 
well  nigh  in  the  same  manner  as  in  our  own  time  your 
Clemency  conferred  the  name  of  Caesar  on  Maxim- 
ianus  and  on  Constantius,  as  on  true  sons  of  the  imperial 
house  and  heirs  apparent  of  your  August  Majesty. 

Now  whereas  I  must  needs  tell  something  of  the 
name  of  the  Caesars,  particularly  in  a  life  of  the  man 
who  received  this  name  alone  of  the  imperial  titles, 
men  of  the  greatest  learning  and  scholarship  aver 
that  he  who  first  received  the  name  of  Caesar  was 
called  by  this  name,  either  because  he  slew  in  battle 
an  elephant,5  which  in  the  Moorish  tongue  is  called 
caesai,  or  because  he  was  brought  into  the  world  after 
his  mother's  death  and  by  an  incision  in  her  abdomen/ 
or  because  he  had  a  thick  head  of  hair  7  when  he  came 
forth  from  his  mother's  womb,  or,  finally,  because  he 
had  bright  grey  eyes  8  and  was  vigorous  beyond  the 
wont  of  human  beings.  At  any  rate,  whatever  be  the 
truth,  it  was  a  happy  fate  which  ordained  the  growth 
of  a  name  so  illustrious,  destined  to  last  as  long  as  the 
universe  endures. 

This  man,  then,  of  whom  I  shall  write,  was  at  first 
called  Lucius  Aurelius  Verus,9  but  on  his  adoption  by 
Hadrian  he  passed  into  the  family  of  the  Aelii,  that 

and  both   this  and  the  preceding  derivation  are  listed   by 
Isidorus  (Orig.y  ix.  3,  12). 

8  i.e.,  oculis  caesiis. 

9  An  error;  see  note  to  Hadr.,  xxiii.  11. 



7  et  appellatus  est  Caesar,  huic  pater  Ceionius  Corn- 
modus  fuit,  quern  alii  Verum,  alii  Lucium  Aurelium, 

g  multi  Annium  prodiderunt.  maiores  omnes  nobilis- 
simi,  quorum  origo  pleraque  ex  Etruria  fuit  vel  ex 

9  Faventia.  et  de  huius  quidem  familia  plenius  in 
vita  Lucii  Aurelii  Ceionii  Commodi  Veri  Antonini, 
filii  huiusce,  quern  sibi  adoptare  Antoninus  iussus 
10  est,  disseremus.  is  enim  liber  debet  omnia  quae  ad 
stemma  generis  pertinent  continere,  qui  habet  prin- 
cipem  de  quo  plura  dicenda  sunt. 

III.  Adoptatus  autem  Helius  Verus  ab  Hadriano  eo 
tempore  quo  iam,  ut  superius  diximus,  parum  vigebat 

2et  de  successore  necessario  cogitabat.  statimque 
praetor  factus  et  Pannoniis  dux  ac  rector  impositus, 
mox  consul  creatus  et,  quia  erat  deputatus  1  imperio, 

siterum  consul  designatus  est.  datum  etiam  populo 
congiarium  causa  eius  adoptionis  conlatumque  militi- 
bus  sestertium  termilies,  circenses  editi,  neque  quic- 
quam  praetermissum  quod  posset  laetitiam  publicam 

4  frequentare.  tantumque  apud  Hadrianum  principem 
valuit  ut  praeter  adoptionis  adfectum,  quo  ei  vide- 
batur  adiunctus,  solus  omnia,  quae  cuperet,  etiam  per 

5litteras    impetraret.       nee     provinciae    quidem,    cui 

6  praepositus  erat,  defuit  ;  nam  bene  gestis  rebus  vel 

1  deputans  P1 ;  al*  iam  deputatus  P  corr. 

1  L.  Ceionius  Commodus,  consul  in  106.     None  of  the  vari- 
ous names  given  in  the  following  clauses  was  ever  borne  by 

2  For  the  correct  form  of  his  name  and  for  his  adoption  by 
Antoninus  Pius  see  Hadr.,  xxiv.  1  and  note. 

3  See  Hadr.,  xxiii.  10  f. 

4  On  this  error  see  note  to  Hadr.,  xxiii.  13. 


AELIUS  II.  7— III.  6 

is,  into  Hadrian's,  and  received  the  name  of  Caesar. 
His  father  was  Ceionius  Commodus,1  whom  some  have 
called  Verus,  others,  Lucius  Aurelius,  and  many, 
Annius.  His  ancestors,  all  men  of  the  highest  rank, 
had  their  origin  for  the  most  part  in  Etruria  or 
Faventia.  Of  his  family,  however,  we  will  speak  at 
greater  length  in  the  life  of  his  son,  Lucius  Aurelius 
Ceionius  Commodus  Verus  Antoninus,2  whom  An- 
toninus was  ordered  to  adopt.  For  all  that  pertains 
to  the  family-tree  should  be  included  in  the  work 
which  deals  with  a  prince  of  whom  there  is  more  to 
be  told. 

III.  Aelius  Verus  was  adopted  by  Hadrian  at  the 
time  when,  as  we  have  previously  said,3  the  Emperor's 
health  was  beginning  to  fail  and  he  was  forced  to  take 
thought  for  the  succession.  He  was  at  once  made 
praetor  4  and  appointed  military  and  civil  governor  of 
the  provinces  of  Pannonia  ;  afterwards  he  was  created  136. 
consul,  and  then,  because  he  had  been  chosen  to 
succeed  to  the  imperial  power,  he  was  named  for  a  137. 
second  consulship.  On  the  occasion  of  his  adoption 
largess  was  given  to  the  populace,5  three  hundred 
million  sesterces  were  distributed  among  the  soldiers, 
and  races  were  held  in  the  Circus  ;  in  short,  nothing 
was  omitted  which  could  signalize  the  public  rejoicing. 
He  had,  moreover,  such  influence  with  Hadrian,  even 
apart  from  the  affection  resulting  from  his  adoption, 
which  seemed  a  firm  enough  tie  between  them,  that 
he  was  the  only  one  who  obtained  his  every  desire, 
even  when  expressed  in  a  letter.  Besides,  in  the 
province  to  which  he  had  been  appointed  he  was  by 
no  means  a  failure  ;  for  he  carried  on  a  campaign  with 
success,  or  rather,  with  good  fortune,  and  achieved 

5  Cf.  c.  vi.  1  and  Hadr.}  xxiii.  12. 



potius  feliciter  etiams'  non  summi,  medii  tamen  ob- 
tinuit  ducis  tamam. 

7  Hie  tamen  vaietudinis  adeo  miserae  fuit  ut  Hadria- 
num  statim  adoptionis  paenituerit  potueritque  l  eum 
amovere  a  tarn  ilia  imperatoria,  cum  saepe  de  aliis 

S  cogitaret,  si  forte  vixisset.-  fertur  denique  ab  Us 
qui  Hadriani  vitam  diligentius  in  litteras  rettulerunt 
Hadrianum  Veri  scisse  genituram  et  eum,  quern  lion 
multum  ad  rem  publicam  regendam  probarat,  ob  hoc 
tantum  adoptasse  ut  suae  satisfaceret  voluptati  et, 
ut  quidam  dicunt,  iuri  iurando,  quod  intercessisse 
inter  ipsum  ac  Verum  secretis  condicionibus  fere- 

9  batur.  fuisse  eiiim  Hadrianum  peritum  matheseos 
Marius  Maximus  usque  adeo  demonstrat  ut  eum  dicat 
cuncta  de  se  scisse,  sic  ut  omnium  dierum  usque  ad 

.  horam  mortis  futures  actus  ante  perscripserit.      satis 
praeterea  constat  eum  de  3  Vero  saepe  dixisse  : 
"  Ostendent  terris  hunc  tantum  fata  neque  ultra 
esse  sinent." 

2quos  vrersus  cum  aliquando  in  hortulo  spatians  canti- 
taret  atque  adesset  unus  ex  litteratis,  quorum  Hadria- 
nus  sp^ciosa  societate  guudebat,  velletque  addere 

"  nimium  vobis  Roman  a  propago 
visa  potens,  superi,  propria  haec  si  dona  fuissent," 

3  Hadrianus  dixisse  fertur  "  hos  versus  vita  non  capit 
Veri,"  illud  addens  : 

1So  P1 ;  aV  pet iu frit  P  corr.  ;  uolueritque  Oberdick   and 
others.  2  uohuritqiie  eum  amoncr?  .  .  .  et  amouisaet  si 

forte  vixisset  Novak.          3  So  P  ;  eundem  de  Peter,  following 
B,  eiidem. 

lCi.  Hadr.,  xvi.  7. 

2  This  and   the  two  following  quotations  from  the  Am  fid 
are  taken  from  the  famous  passage,  vi.  b69-SS6,  commemorat- 


AELIUS  III.  7— IV.  3 

the  reputation,  if  not  of  a  pre-eminent,  at  least  of  an 
average,  commander. 

Verus  had,  however,  such  wretched  health  that 
Hadrian  immediately  regretted  the  adoption,  and 
since  he  often  considered  others  as  possible  successors, 
he  might  have  removed  him  altogether  from  the  im- 
perial family  had  Verus  chanced  to  live  longer.  In 
fact,  it  is  reported  by  those  who  have  set  down  in 
writing  all  the  details  of  Hadrian's  life,  that  the  Em- 
peror was  acquainted  with  Verus'  horoscope,  and  that 
he  adopted  a  man  whom  he  did  not  really  deem  suit- 
able to  govern  the  empire  merely  for  the  purpose  of 
gratifying  his  own  desires,  and,  some  even  say,  of 
complying  with  a  sworn  agreement  said  to  have  been 
contracted  on  secret  terms  between  himself  and 
Verus.  For  Marius  Maximus  represents  Hadrian  as  so 
expert  in  astrology,  as  even  to  assert  that  he  knew  all 
about  his  own  future,  and  that  he  actually  wrote  down 
beforehand  what  he  was  destined  to  do  on  every  day 
down  to  the  hour  of  his  death.1  IV.  Furthermore, 
it  is  generally  known  that  he  often  said  about  Verus  : 
"  This  hero  Fate  will  but  display  to  earth 

Nor  suffer  him  to  stay."  2 

And  once  when  Hadrian  was  reciting  these  verses 
while  strolling  about  in  his  garden,  one  of  the  literary 
men,  in  whose  brilliant  company  he  delighted,3  hap- 
pened to  be  present  and  proceeded  to  add, 

"  The  race  of  Rome, 

Would  seem  to  You,  O  Gods,  to  be  too  great, 

Were  such  gifts  to  endure." 

Thereupon  the  Emperor  remarked,  it  is  said,  "  The 
life  of  Verus  will  not  admit  of  these  lines,"  and  added, 

ing  Marcellus,  the  nephew  and  heir  presumptive  of  Augustus, 
who  died  in  23  B.C.  at  the  age  of  twenty  years. 
3Cf.  Hadr.,x\i.  St. 




Manibus  date  lilia  plenis  ; 
purpureos  spargam  flores  animamque  nepotis 
his  saltern  accumulem  donis  et  fungar  inani 

4  cum  quidem  etiam  illud  dicitur  cum  l  risione  dixisse  : 
5 "  Ego  mihi  divum  adoptavi  non  filium  ".  hunc  2 
tamen  cum  consolaretur  unus  de  litteratis  qui  aderat 
ac  diceret:  "  Quid  3  ?  si  non  recte  constellatio  eius  col- 
lecta  est  quern  credimus  esse  victurum  ?  '  Hadrianus 
dixisse  fertur  :  "  Facile  ista  dicis  tu,  qui  patrimonii 

6  tui  non  rei  publicae  quaeris  heredem  ".    unde  apparet 
eum  habuisse  in  animo   alium  deligere  atque  hunc 
ultimo  vitae  suae  tempore  a  re  publica  summovere. 

7  sed  eius   consiliis  iuvit   eventus.     nam   cum  de  pro- 
vincia  Helius  redisset  atque  orationem  pulcherrimam, 
quae  hodieque  legitur,  sive  per  se  seu  per  scriniorum 
aut  dicendi  magistros  parasset,  qua  kalendis  lanuariis 
Hadriano  patri  gratias  ageret,  accepta  potione,  qua 
se  aestimaret  iuvari,  kalendis  ipsis  lanuariis  periit. 

Siussusque  ab  Hadriano,  quia  vota  interveniebant,  non 


V.   Fuit  hie  vitae  laetissimae,  eruditus  in  litteris, 

Hadriano,    ut    malevoli    loquuntur,    acceptior  forma 
2quam  moribus.      in  aula  diu  non  fuit,  in  vita  privata 

etsi  minus  probabilis,  minus  tamen  reprehendendus 

1  aV  eum  P  corr.  2  nunc  tamen  cum  eum  P  and  Peter  ; 

tune  Petschenig.         3  So  P  ;  quod  Peter1  with  B. 

1  An  allusion  to  the  practice  of  deifying  deceased  members 
of  the  imperial  family.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  Aeliua 
was  not  deified. 


AEL1US  IV.  4— V.  2 

"  Bring  lilies  with  a  bounteous  hand  ; 

And  I  the  while  will  scatter  rosy  blooms, 

Thus  doing  honour  to  our  kinsman's  soul 

With  these  poor  gifts — though  useless  be  the  task." 
At  the  same  time,  too,  Hadrian,  it  is  reported,  re- 
marked with  a  laugh  :  "I  seem  to  have  adopted,  not  a 
son,  but  a  god  "-1  Yet  when  one  of  these  same  literary 
men  who  was  present  tried  to  console  him,  saying : 
"What  if  a  mistake  has  been  made  in  casting  the 
horoscope  of  this  man  who,  as  we  believe,  is  destined 
to  live  "  ?  Hadrian  is  said  to  have  answered  :  "  It  is 
easy  for  you  to  say  that,  when  you  are  looking  for  an 
heir  to  your  property,  not  to  the  Empire  ".  This 
makes  it  clear  that  he  intended  to  choose  another 
heir,  and  at  the  end  of  his  life  to  remove  Verus  from 
the  government  of  the  state.  However,  fortune  aided 
his  purpose.  For  after  Verus  had  returned  from  his 
province,  and  had  finished  composing,  either  by  his 
own  efforts  or  with  the  help  of  imperial  secretaries 
or  the  rhetoricians,  a  very  pretty  speech,  still  read 
nowadays,  wherein  he  intended  to  convey  his  thanks 
to  his  father  Hadrian  on  the  Kalends  of  January,  he  Uan.,  138. 
swallowed  a  potion  which  he  believed  would  benefit 
him  and  died  on  that  very  day  of  January.2  All  public 
lamentation  for  him  was  forbidden  by  Hadrian  because 
it  was  the  time  for  assuming  the  vows  for  the  state. 

V.  Verus  was  a  man  of  joyous  life  and  well  versed 
in  letters,  and  he  was  endeared  to  Hadrian,  as  the 
malicious  say,  rather  by  his  beauty3  than  by  his 
character.  In  the  palace  his  stay  was  but  a  short 
one  ;  in  his  private  life,  though  there  was  little  to  be 
commended,  yet  there  was  little  to  be  blamed. 

3  Of.  Hadr.t  xxiii.  16  f.  a  Ci  Hadr.,  xxiii.  10. 



ac  memor  familiae  suae,  comptus,  decorus,  pulchritu- 
dinis  regiae,  oris  venerandi,  eloquentiae  celsioris, 

3versu  facilis,  in  re  publica  etiam  non  inutilis.  huius 
voluptates  ab  iis  qui  vitam  eius  scripseruiit  multae 
feruntur,  et  quidem  ]  non  infames  sed  aliquatenus 

4diffluentes.  nam  tetrapharmacum,  seu  potius  penta- 
pharmacum,  quo  postea  semper  Hadrianus  est  usus, 
ipse  dicitur  repperisse,  hoc  est  sumeii  phasianum 

5  pavonem  pernam  crustulatam  et  aprunam.      de  quo 
genere  cibi  aliter  retert  Marius  Maximus,  non  penta- 
pharmacum  sed  teirapharmacum  appellans,  ut  et  nos 

6  ipsi  in  eius  vita  persecuti  sumus.      fertur  etiam  aliud 
7geiius  voluptatis,  quod  Verus  invenerat.     nam  lectum 

eminentibus  quattuor  anacliteriis  fecerat  minuto  re- 
ticulo  undique  inclusum  eumque  foliis  rosae,  quibus 
demptum  esset  album,2  replebat  iacensque  cum  con- 
cubinis  velamine  de  liliis  facto  se  tegebat  unctus 

Sodoribus  Persicis.  iam  ilia  frequentantur  a  nonnullis 
quod  et  accubitationes  ac  mensas  de  rosis  ac  liliis 
fecerit  et  quidem  purgatis,  quae  etsi  non  decora,  non 

9  tamen  ad  perniciem  publicam  prompta  sunt.     atque 

idem  Apicii  Caelii  relata,  idem  Ovidii  libros  Amorum3 

in  lecto  semper  habuisse,  idem  Martialem,  epigram- 

lOmaticum  poetam,  Vergilium  suum  dixisse.     iam  ilia 

1  et  quidem  Lessing  ;  eqic.dem  P,  Peter.  2  udum  Ober- 

dick ;  tabum  Novak.  s  So  Peter  ;  atque  idem  ouidii  ab 

aliis  relata  idem  apicii  libros  amorum  P,  which  Salm.  ar- 
ranged :  idem  Apicii  relata  idem  Ouidii  libros  am. 

1  Hadr.,  xxi.  4. 

2  Apparently  the   extant  Apicii   Caelii  de  re  coquinaria 
libri  X,  a  collection  of  culinary  recipes,  which,  however,  in 
its  present  form  is  to  be  dated  in  the  third  century.     The 
name  of  the  compiler  was  probably  taken  from  that  of  M. 
Gavius  Apicius,  a  noted  gourmet  of  the  time  of  Tiberius. 


AELIUS  V.  s-io 

Furthermore,  he  was  considerate  of  his  family,  well- 
dressed,  elegant  in  appearance,  a  man  of  regal  beauty, 
with  a  countenance  that  commanded  respect,  a 
speaker  of  unusual  eloquence,  deft  at  writing  verse, 
and,  moreover,  not  altogether  a  failure  in  public  life. 
His  pleasures,  many  of  which  are  recorded  by  his 
biographers,  were  not  indeed  discreditable  but  some- 
what luxurious.  For  it  is  Verus  who  is  said  to  have 
been  the  inventor  of  the  tetrapharmacum,  or  rather 
pentapharmacum,  of  which  Hadrian  was  thereafter 
always  fond,  namely,  a  mixture  of  sows'  udders, 
pheasant,  peacock,  ham  in  pastry  and  wild  boar.  Of 
this  article  of  food  Marius  Maximus  gives  a  different 
account,  for  he  calls  it,  not  pentapharmacum,  but 
tetrapharmacum,  as  we  have  ourselves  described  it  in 
our  biography  of  Hadrian.1  There  was  also  another 
kind  of  pleasure,  it  is  said,  of  which  Verus  was  the 
inventor.  He  constructed,  namely,  a  bed  provided 
with  four  high  cushions  and  all  inclosed  with  a  fine 
net ;  this  he  filled  with  rose-leaves,  from  which  the 
white  parts  had  been  removed,  and  then  reclined  on 
it  with  his  mistresses,  burying  himself  under  a  coverlet 
made  of  lilies,  himself  anointed  with  perfumes  from 
Persia.  Some  even  relate  that  he  made  couches  and 
tables  of  roses  and  lilies,  these  flowers  all  carefully 
cleansed,  a  practice,  which,  if  not  creditable,  at  least 
did  not  make  for  the  destruction  of  the  state. 
Furthermore,  he  always  kept  the  Recipes  of  Caelius 
Apicius  2  and  also  Ovid's  Amores  at  his  bedside,  and 
declared  that  Martial,3  the  writer  of  Epigrams,  was 
his  Vergil.  Still  more  trivial  was  his  custom  of 
fastening  wings  on  many  of  his  messengers  after  the 

3  M.  Valerius  Martialis,  born  about  40,  died  about  102. 



leviora  quod  cursoribus  suis  exemplo  Cupidinum  alas 
frequenter  adposuit  eosque  ventoruvn  nominibus  saepe 
vocitavit,  Boream  alium,  alium  Notum  et  item  Aqui- 

11  lonem  aut  Circium  ceterisque  nominibus  appellans  et 
indefesse  atque  inhumaniter  faciens  cursitare.     idem 
uxori  conquerenti  de   extraneis   voluptatibus  dixisse 
fertur  :   "  Patere  me  per   alias    exercere    cupiditates 

meas  ;  uxor  enim  dignitatis   nomen   est,  non  volup- 

i  •    >' 

12  tatis    . 

Eius  est  films  Antoninus  Verus,  qui  adoptatus  est 

13  a  Marco,  vel  certe  cum  Marco,  et  cum  eodem  aequale 
gessit  imperium.     nam  ipsi  suiit  qui  primi  duo  Augusti 
appellati  sunt,  et  quorum  fastis  consularibus  sic  nomina 

14  praescribuntur  ut  dicantur  non  l  duo  Antonini  sed  2 
duo  Augusti.       tantumque    huius    rei    et  novitas    et 
dignitas   valuit   ut   fasti   consulares  nonnulli    ab    his 
sumerent  ordinem  consulum. 

2  VI.  Pro  eius  adoptione  infinitam  pecuniam  populo 
et  militibus  Hadrianus  dedit.  sed  cum  eum  videret 
homo  paulo  argutior  miserrimae  valetudinis,  ita  ut 

3 scutum  solidius  iactare  non  posset,  dixisse  fertur: 
"  Ter  milies  perdidimus,  quod  exercitui  populoque 
dependimus  ;  si  quidem  satis  in  caducum  parietem 

4  incubuiinus  3  et  qui  non  ipsam  rem  publicam,  sed  nos 

^  ipsos  sustentare  vix  possit ".  et  haec  quidem  Hadria- 
nus cum  praefecto  suo  locutus  est.  quae  cum  pro- 
didisset  praefectus,  ac  per  hoc  Helius  Caesar  in  dies 
magis  magisque  sollicitudine,  utpote  desperati  hominis, 

1  non  tantum  P  corr.        "  set  P  corr.  ;  et  P1.        3  So  P  corr. 
and  Peter2  ;  incuibimus  P1. 

1  On  this  error  see  Marc.,  v.  1  and  note. 

2  i.e.  by  Antoninus  Pius ;  see  c.  ii.  9  and  note. 

AELIUS  V.  11— VI.  5 

fashion  of  Cupids,  and  often  giving  them  the  names 
of  the  winds,  calling  one  Boreas,  another  Notus,  others 
Aquilo,  or  Circius,  or  some  other  like  name,  and  forc- 
ing them  to  bear  messages  without  respite  or  mercy. 
And  when  his  wife  complained  about  his  amours  with 
others,  he  said  to  her,  it  is  reported :  "  Let  me  in- 
dulge my  desires  with  others  ;  for  wife  is  a  term  of 
honour,  not  of  pleasure". 

His  son  was  Antoninus  Verus,  who  was  adopted 
by  Marcus,1  or  rather,  with  Marcus,2  and  received  an 
equal  share  with  him  in  the  imperial  power.  For 
these  are  the  men  who  first  received  the  name  of 
Augustus  conjointly,  and  whose  names  are  inscribed 
in  the  lists  of  the  consuls,  not  as  two  Antonini  but 
as  two  Augusti.  And  such  was  the  impression 
created  by  the  novelty  and  the  dignity  of  this  fact 
that  in  some  of  the  lists  the  order  of  the  consuls 
begins  with  the  names  of  these  emperors. 

VI.  On  the  occasion  of  the  adoption  of  Verus, 
Hadrian  bestowed  a  vast  sum  of  money  on  the  popu- 
lace and  the  soldiery.3  But,  being  a  rather  sagacious 
man,  when  he  saw  that  Verus  was  in  such  utterly 
wretched  health  that  he  could  not  brandish  a  shield 
of  any  considerable  weight,  he  remarked,  it  is 
said : 4  "  We  have  lost  the  three  hundred  million 
sesterces  which  we  paid  out  to  the  army  and  to 
the  people,  for  we  have  indeed  leaned  against  a 
tottering  wall,  and  one  which  can  hardly  bear  even 
our  weight,  much  less  that  of  the  Empire".  This 
remark,  indeed,  Hadrian  made  to  his  prefect,  but  the 
man  repeated  it,  and  as  a  result  Aelius  Caesar  grew 
worse  every  day  from  anxiety,  as  a  man  does  who  has 

3  Cf.  c.  iii.  3  and  Hadr.,  xxiii.  12. 

4  Cf.  Hadr.,  xxiii.  14. 



adgravaretur,  praefecto  suo  Hadrianus,  qui  rem  pro- 
diderat,  successorein  dedit,  volens  videri  quod  verba 

6  tristia  temperasset.  sed  nihil  profuit  ;  nam,  ut 
diximus,  Lucius  Ceionius  Commodus  Verus  Helius 
Caesar  (nam  his  omnibus  nominibus  appellatus  est) 
periit  sepultusque  est  imperatorio  funere,  neque  quic- 

7quam  de  regia  ni  mortis  habuit  dignitatem,  doluit 
ergo  illius  mortem  ut  bonus  pater,  non  ut  bonus 
princeps.  nam  cum  amici  solliciti  quaererent,  qui 
adoptari  posset,  Hadrianus  dixisse  fertur  iis  :  "  Etiam 

Svivente  adhuc  Vero  decreveram  ".     ex  quo  ostendit 

9aut  iudicium  suum  aut  scientiam  futurorum.  post 
hunc  denique  Hadrianus  diu  anceps  quid  faceret, 
Antoninum  adoptavit  Pium  cognomine  appellatum. 
cui  condicionem  addidit,  ut  ipse  sibi  Marcum  et  Verum 
Antoninus  adoptaret  filiamque  suam  Vero,  non  Marco 
10  daret.  nee  diutius  vixit  gravatus  languore  ac  diverse 
genere  morborum,  saepe  dicens  sanum  principem  mori 
debere  noil  debilem. 

VII.   Statuas   sane    Helio   Vero  per  totum   orbem 
colossas  poni  iussit,  templa  etiam  in  nonnullis  urbibus 

2  fieri,  denique  illius  merito  filium  eius  Verum,  nepotem 
utpote  suum,  qui  pereunte  Helio  in  familia  ipsius 
Hadriani  remanserat,  adoptandum  Anton ino  Pio  cum 
Marco,  ut  iam  diximus,  dedit,  saepe  dicens  :  "  Habeat 

1  On  the  resignation  of  the  prefect,  see  note  to  Hadr.,  ix.  4. 

2  See  note  to  c.  ii.  1. 

3  Annia  Galeria  Faustina  the  younger  ;  see  Pius,  x.  2. 


AELIUS  VI.  6— VII.  2 

lost  hope.  Thereupon  Hadrian  appointed  a  successor l 
for  the  prefect  who  had  divulged  the  remark,  wishing 
to  give  the  impression  that  he  had  qualified  his  harsh 
words.  But  it  profited  him  nothing,  for  Lucius 
Ceionius  Commodus  Verus  Aelius  Caesar  (for  he  was 
called  by  all  these  names  2)  died  and  was  accorded  an 
emperor's  funeral,  nor  did  he  derive  any  benefit  from 
his  imperial  position  save  honour  at  his  death. 
Hadrian,  then,  mourned  his  death  as  might  a  good 
father,  not  a  good  emperor.  For  when  his  friends 
anxiously  asked  who  couid  now  be  adopted,  Hadrian 
is  said  to  have  replied  to  them  :  "  I  decided  that  even 
when  Verus  was  still  alive,"  thereby  showing  either 
his  good  judgment  or  his  knowledge  of  the  future. 
After  Verus'  death  Hadrian  was  in  doubt  for  a  time 
as  to  what  he  should  do,  but  finally  he  adopted 
Antoninus,  who  had  received  the  surname  Pius.  And 
he  imposed  on  Antoninus  the  condition  that  he  in 
turn  should  adopt  Marcus  and  Verus,  and  should  give 
his  daughter3  in  marriage  to  Verus,  rather  than  to 
Marcus.  Nor  did  Hadrian  live  long  thereafter,  but 
succumbed  to  weakness  and  illnesses  of  various  kinds, 
all  the  while  declaring  that  a  prince  ought  to  die, 
not  in  an  enfeebled  condition,  but  in  full  vigour. 

VII.  Hadrian  gave  orders  that  colossal  statues  of 
Verus  should  be  set  up  all  over  the  world,  and  in  some 
cities  he  even  had  temples  built.  Finally,  out  of  re- 
gard for  him,  Hadrian  gave  his  son  Verus  (who  had 
remained  in  the  imperial  household  after  his  father's 
death)  to  Antoninus  Pius,  as  I  have  already  said,4  to 
be  adopted  as  his  son  along  with  Marcus,  treating  the 
boy  as  if  he  were  his  own  grandson ;  and  he  often 
remarked :  "  Let  the  Empire  retain  something  of 

:     '  Let  the   Empire  retain  som 
4  o.  ii.  9  ;  v.  12  ;  vi.  9 ;  Hadr.,  xxiv.  1. 



3  res  publica   quodcumque   de    Vero  ".     quod  quidera 
contrarium  iis    quae    de    adoptionis    paenitentia    per 
auctores  plurimos  intimata  sunt,  cum  Verus  posterior 
nihil  dignurn  praeter  clementiam  in  moribus  habuerit, 
quod  imperatoriae  farailiae  lumen  adterret. 

4  Haec  stint  quae  de  Vero  Caesare  mandanda  litteris 

5  fiierunt.   de  quo  idcirco  non  tacui,  quia  mihi  propositum 
fuit  omnes,,  qui  post   Caesarem  dictatorem,  hoc   est 
divum  lulium.  vel  Caesares  vel  August!  vel  principes 
appellati  sunt.  quique  in  adoptationem  venerunt,  vel 
imperatorum  filii  aut  parentes  Caesarum  nomine  con- 
secrati  sunt,  singulis  libris  exponere,  meae  satisfaciens 
conscientiae,  etiamsi  multis  nulla  sit  necessitas  talia 

AELIUS  VII.  3-5 

Verus".  This  indeed  contradicts  all  that  very  many 
authors  have  written  with  regard  to  Hadrian's  regret 
for  his  adoption  of  Verus,  since,  save  for  a  kindly 
character,  there  was  nothing  in  the  character  of  the 
younger  Verus  capable  of  shedding  lustre  on  the  im- 
perial family. 

These  are  the  facts  about  Verus  Caesar  which  have 
seemed  worthy  of  being  consigned  to  letters.  I  was 
unwilling  to  leave  him  unmentioned  for  the  reason 
that  it  is  my  purpose  to  set  forth  in  single  books  the 
lives  of  all  the  successors  of  Caesar  the  Dictator,  that 
is,  the  Deified  Julius,  whether  they  were  called 
Caesars  or  Augusti  or  princes,  and  of  all  those  who 
came  into  the  family  by  adoption,  whether  it  was  as 
sons  or  as  relatives  of  emperors  that  they  were  im- 
mortalized by  the  name  of  Csesar,  and  thereby  to 
satisfy  my  own  sense  of  justice,  even  if  there  be  many 
who  will  feel  no  compelling  need  of  seeking  such 




I.  Tito  Aurelio  Fulvo  Boionio  Antonino  Pio  pater- 
num  genus  e  Gallia  Transalpina,  Nemausense  scilicet, 

2  avus  Titus  Aurelius  Fulvus,  qui  per  honores  diversos 
ad    secundum    consulatum    et    praefecturam     urbis 

3  pervenit,  pater  Aurelius  Fulvus,  qui  et  ipse  fuit  con- 

4  sul,   homo  tristis   et   integer,   avia   materna   Boionia 
Procilla,  mater  Arria  Fadilla,  avus  maternus  Arrius 
Antoninus,  bis  consul,  homo  sanctus  et  qui  Nervam 

5  miseratus     esset,     quod     imperare     coepisset,     soror 

6  uterina  lulia  Fadilla,  vitricus  lulius  Lupus  consularis, 

7  socer  Aiinius  Verus,  uxor  Annia   Faustina,  filii  mares 
duo,  duae  feminae,  gener  per  maiorem  filiam  Lamia 
Silanus,  per  minorem  Marcus  Antoninus  fuere. 

lrThe  correct  form  of  his  name  prior  to  his  adoption  was 
T.  Aurelius  Fulvus  Boionius  Arrius  Antoninus ;  see  C.I.L., 
viii.  8239. 

2 The  year  is  unknown;  his  first  consulship  was  in  85. 
He  had  previously  commanded  the  Third  Legion,  the  Oallica, 
and  had  been  honoured  by  Otho  for  successes  against  the 

3  His  first  consulship  was  in  69  ;  the  year  of  the  second  is 
not   known.     He   was   one  of    the   correspondents    of    the 
younger  Pliny. 

4  See  Marc.,  i.  2. 

5  Her  full  name  was  Annia  Galeria  Faustina. 

6  Their  names  are  given  in   their  sepulchral  inscriptions 
from  the   Mausoleum  of  Hadrian  as   M.   Aurelius  Fulvus 





I.  Titus  Aurelius  Fulvus  Boionius  Antoninus  Pius  l 
was  descended,  on  his  father's  side,  from  a  family  which 
came  from  the  country  of  Transalpine  Gaul,  more 
specifically,  from  the  town  of  Nimes.  His  grandfather 
was  Titus  Aurelius  Fulvus,  who  after  various  offices 
of  honour  attained  to  a  second  consulship2  and  the 
prefecture  of  the  city  ;  his  father  was  Aurelius  Fulvus, 
also  consul,  and  a  stern  and  upright  man.  His 
mother  was  Arria  Fadilla  ;  her  mother  was  Boionia 
Procilla  and  her  father  Arrius  Antoninus,  twice  con- 
sul 3  and  a  righteous  man,  who  pitied  Nerva  that  he 
assumed  the  imperial  power.  Julia  Fadilla  was  his 
mother's  daughter,  his  stepfather  being  Julius  Lupus, 
a  man  of  consular  rank.  His  father-in-law  was 
Annius  Verus 4  and  his  wife  Annia  Faustina,5  who 
bore  him  two  sons  6  and  two  daughters,  of  whom  the 
elder  7  was  married  to  Lamia  Silanus  and  the  younger  8 
to  Marcus  Antoninus. 

Antoninus  and  M.  Galerius  Aurelius  Antoninus ;  see  C.I.L., 
vi.  988  and  989.  Both  died  before  their  father  was  adopted 
by  Hadrian. 

7  Aurelia  Fadilla.      She  died  before  her  father's  adoption 
(cf.  c.  iii.  6).     Her  sepulchral  inscription  is  preserved  (C.I.L., 
vi.  990). 

8  Annia  Galeria  Faustina  the  younger.     On  her  marriage 
to  Marcus  see  c.  x.  2  and  note. 



8  Ipse  Antoninus    Pius    natus    est    XIII.    kal.    Oct. 
Flavio  Domitiano    XII.  et    Cornelio    Dolabella    con- 
sulibus  in  villa  Laiiuvina.     educatus  Lorii  in  Aurelia, 
ubi   postea   palatium    exstruxit,  cuius    hodieque  re- 

9  liquiae  manent.    pueritiam  egit  cum  avo  paterno,  mox 
cum  materno,  omnes  suos  religiose  colens,  atque  adeo 
et  consobrinorum    et   vitrici  et    multorum  adfmium 
hereditate  ditatus  est. 

II.  Fuit  vir  forma  conspicuus,  ingenio  l  clarus,  mori- 
bus  clemens,  nobilis  vultu,  placidus  ingenio,  singu- 
laris2  eloquentiae,  nitidae  litteraturae,  praecipue 
sobrius,  diligens  agri  cultor,  mitis,  largus,  alieni  ab- 
stinens,  et  omnia  haec  cum  mensura  et  sine  iactantia, 

2  in  cunctis  postremo  laudabilis  et  qui  merito  Numae 

3  Pompilio  ex  bonorum  sententia  comparatur.3      Pius 
cognominatus  est  a  senatu,  v°l  quod  soceri  fessi  iam 
aetatem  manu  praesente  senatu  levaret  (quod  quidem 
non  satis  magnae  pietatis  est  argumeiitum,  cum  impius 
sit  magis  qui  ista  non  faciat,  quam  pius  qui  debitum 

4reddat4),   vel  quod   eos   quos   Hadrianus  per  malam 

5  valetudinem    occidi    iusserat,    reservavit,    vel    quod 
Hadriano  contra  omnium  studia  post  mortem  infinites 

6  atque  immensos  honores  decrevit,  vel  quod,  cum  se 

1  ingenio  deleted  by  Peter,  following  Salm.,  who  divides: 
forma  conspicuus,  clarus  monbus,  clemens,  nobilis,  uultu 
placidus,  ingenio  singulari,  eloquentiae  nitidae,  lithraturae 
praecipuae,  sobrius,  diligens  agri  cut  tor,  etc.  ;  P  punctuates : 
forma  conspicuus  ingenio  clarus  .  moribus  clemens .  nobilis 
uultu  placidus  ingenio  .  singulari  eloquentiae  .  nitidae  lit- 
teraturae .  praecipue  sobrius  .  diligens  .  agri  cultor.,  etc. 
*singularis  P  corr.  3conparatus  P;  conparetur  Keller- 

bauer.  4quod  quidem  .  .  .  reddat  suspected  as  a  marginal 

comment  by  Kellerbauer,  probably  rightly. 

aln  southern  Etruria,  about  ten  miles  W.  of  Rome.  The 
Via  Aurelia  ran  N.W.  from  Borne  along  the  coast  of  Etruria. 



Antoninus  himself  was  born  at  an  estate  at  Lanu-  19  Sept. 
vium  on  the  thirteenth  day  before  the  Kalends  of8b' 
October  in  the  twelfth  consulship  of  Domitiaiiand  first 
of  Cornelius  Dolabella.  He  was  reared  at  Lorium1  on 
the  Aurelian  Way,  where  he  afterwards  built  the 
palace  whose  ruins  stand  there  to-day.  He  passed 
his  childhood  first  with  his  paternal  grandfather,  then 
later  with  his  maternal ;  and  he  showed  such  a  duti- 
ful affection  toward  all  his  family,  that  he  was  en- 
riched by  legacies  from  even  his  cousins,  his 
stepfather,  and  many  still  more  distant  kin. 

II.  In  personal  appearance  he  was  strikingly  hand- 
some, in  natural  talent  brilliant,  in  temperament 
kindly  ;  he  was  aristocratic  in  countenance  and  calm 
in  nature,  a  singularly  gifted  speaker  and  an  elegant 
scholar,  conspicuously  thrifty,  a  conscientious  land- 
holder, gentle,  generous,  and  mindful  of  others'  rights. 
He  possessed  all  these  qualities,  moreover,  in  the 
proper  mean  and  without  ostentation,  and,  in  fine, 
was  praiseworthy  in  every  way  and,  in  the  minds  of 
all  good  men,  well  deserving  of  comparison  with 
Numa  Pompilius.  He  was  given  the  name  of  Pius 
by  the  senate,2  either  because,  when  his  father-in-law 
was  old  and  weak,  he  lent  him  a  supporting  hand  in 
his  attendance  at  the  senate  (which  act,  indeed,  is 
not  sufficient  as  a  token  of  great  dutifulness,  since  a 
man  were  rather  undutiful  who  did  not  perform  this 
service  than  dutiful  if -he  did),  or  because  he  spared 
those  men  whom  Hadrian  in  his  ill-health  had  con- 

2  The  first  three  of  the  following  reasons  for  the  bestowal 
of  the  surname  Pius  on  Antoninus  are  also  given  in  Hadr., 
xxiv.  3-5.  'Jhe  third  is  also  given  in  Dio,  Jxx.  2,  1,  and 
the  last  in  Eutrop.,  viii.  8;  Suidas,  s.  v.  Antonimts ;  and 
Orosius,  vii.  14,  1. 



Hadrianus    interimere    vellet,    ingenti     custodia    et 
7diligentia    fecit,    ne    id   posset   admittere,    vel    quod 

vere  natura  clementissimus  et  nihil  temporibus  suis 
Sasperum    fecit.       idem    faenus   trientarium,   hoc   est 

minimis  usuris,  exercuit,  ut  patrimonio  suo  plurimos 

9      Fuit    quaestor   liberalis,    praetor  splendidus,   con- 

10  sul  cum  Catilio  Severe,     hie  in  omni  privata  vita  1  in 
agris  frequentissime  vixit,  sed  clarus  in  locis  omnibus 

11  fuit.     ab  Hadriano  inter  quattuor  consulares,  quibus 
Italia  committebatur,  electus  est  ad  earn  partem  Italiae 
regendam  in  qua  plurimum  possidebat,  ut  Hadrianus 
viri  talis  et  honori  consuleret  et  quieti. 

III.  Huic,  cum  Italiam  regeret,  imperii  omen  est 
factum.  nam  cum  tribunal  ascendisset,  inter  alias 
adclamationes  dictum  est  'Auguste,  dii  te  servent'. 

2  proconsulatum  Asiae  sic  egit  ut  solus  avum  vinceret. 

3  in  proconsulatu  etiam  sic  imperii  omen  accepit :  nam 
cum  sacerdos  femina  Trallibus  2  ex  more  proconsules 

luita  om.  in  P,  supplied  (before  priuata)  by  P  corr. 
2  trallis  P. 

1  Of.  Hadr.,  xxiv.  9. 

2  The  early  rate  of  interest,  said  to  have  been  fixed  by  the 
Twelve  Tables,  seems  to  have  been  10  per  cent.     In  the  later 
republican  period  12  per  cent,  was  frequently  exacted,  but  in 
54  B.C.  money  could  be  had  for  4  per  cent,  and  the  rise  of  the 



demned  to  death,  or  because  after  Hadrian's  death  he 
had  unbounded  and  extraordinary  honours  decreed 
for  him  in  spite  of  opposition  from  all,  or  because, 
when  Hadrian  wished  to  make  away  with  himself, 
by  great  care  and  watchfulness  he  prevented  him 
from  so  doing,1  or  because  he  was  in  fact  very  kindly 
by  nature  and  did  110  harsh  deed  in  his  own  time. 
He  also  loaned  money  at  four  per  cent,  the  lowest 
rate  ever  exacted,2  in  order  that  he  might  use  his 
fortune  to  aid  many. 

As  quaestor a  he  was  generous,  as  praetor  illustrious, 
and  in  the  consulship  he  had  as  colleague  Catiliusl20. 
Severus.  His  life  as  a  private  citizen  he  passed 
mostly  on  his  estates  but  he  was  well-known  every- 
where. He  was  chosen  by  Hadrian  from  among  the 
four  men  of  consular  rank  under  whose  jurisdiction 
Italy  was  placed,4  to  administer  that  particular  part 
of  Italy  in  which  the  greater  part  of  his  own  holdings 
lay  ;  from  this  it  was  evident  that  Hadrian  had  regard 
for  both  the  fame  and  the  tranquillity  of  such  a  man. 

III.  An  omen  of  his  future  rule  occurred  while  he 
was  administering  Italy ;  for  when  he  mounted  the 
tribunal,  among  other  greetings  some  one  cried, 
"  God  save  thee,  Augustus  ".  His  proconsulship  in 
Asia5  he  conducted  in  such  a  fashion  that  he  alone 
excelled  his  grandfather ;  and  in  this  proconsulship, 
too,  he  received  another  omen  foretelling  his  rule ; 
for  at  Tralles  a  priestess,  being  about  to  greet  him 
after  the  custom  of  the  place  (for  it  was  their  custom 

rate  to  8  per  cent,  was  a  matter  for  comment ;  see  Cicero, 
ad  Att.,  iv.  15,  7  ;  ad  Quint.  Fr.,  ii.  14,  4. 

3  About  111. 

4  See  Hadr.,  xxii.  13. 

8  About  135.  An  inscription  set  up  at  Ephesus  during  his 
proconsulship  is  extant;  see  C.I.L.,  iii.  2965. 



semper   hoc  nomine   salutaret,   non  dixit   'Ave    pro 

4  consule/   seel   '  Ave   imperator*.     Cyzici l   etiam    de 
simulacro  del  ad  statuam  eius  corona  translata  est. 

5  et    post   consulatum   in   viridiario  taurus  marmoreus 
cornibus  ramis  arboris  adcrescentibus  adpensus  est, 
et  fulgur  caelo  sereno  sine  noxa  in  eius  domum  venit, 
et  in  Etruria  dolia,  quae  defossa  fuerant,  supra  terram 
reperta  sunt,  et  statuas  eius  in  omni  Etruria  examen 
apium    replevit,    et    somnio    saepe    monitus    est    dis 
penatibus  eius  2  Hadriani  simulacrum  inserere. 

6  Proficiscens    ad    proconsulatum     filiam    maiorem 

7  amisit.     de  huius  uxore  multa  dicta  sunt  ob  nimiam 
libertatem    et    vivendi    facilitatem,     quae    iste    cum 

Sanimi  dolore  compressit.  post  proconsulatum  in 
consiliis  Hadriani  Romae  frequens  vixit,  de  omnibus, 
de3  quibus  Hadrianus  consulebat,  mitiorem  sententiam 
semper  cstendens. 

IV.  Genus  sane  adoptionis  tale  fertur  :  mortuo  Helio 
Vero,  quern  sibi  Hadrianus  adoptaverat  et  Caesarem 

2  nuncupaverat,  dies  senatus  habebatur ;  eo  Arrius 
Antoninus  soceri  vestigia  levans  4  venit  atque  idcirco 

Sab  Hadriano  dicitur  adoptatus.  quae  causa  sola  esse 
adoptionis  nee  potuit  omnino  nee  debuit,  maxime 
cum  et  semper  rem  publicam  bene  egisset  Antoninus 

1  cilici  P1  (for  cidici;  Salm.) ;  cilicie  (i.e.  ae)  P  corr.  2  So 
Peter ;  monitus  sed  penitus  eius  P ;  monitus  est  penatibus  eius 
Gas. ;  monitus  se  dis  penatibus  eius  Salm.  s  de  om.  in  P, 

supplied  by  Jordan.  4  uel  lauans  P  corr. 

1  Aurelia  Fadilla ;  see  note  to  c.  i.  7. 


to  greet  the  proconsuls  by  their  title),  instead  of 
saying  "Hail,  proconsul,"  said  "Hail,  imperator "  ; 
at  Cyzicus,  moreover,  a  crown  was  transferred  from  an 
image  of  a  god  to  a  statue  of  him.  After  his  consul- 
ship, again,  a  marble  bull  was  found  hanging  in  his 
garden  with  its  horns  attached  to  the  boughs  of 
a  tree,  and  lightning  irom  a  clear  sky  struck  his 
home  without  inflicting  damage,  and  in  Etruria 
certain  large  jars  that  had  been  buried  were  found 
above  the  ground  again,  and  swarms  of  bees  settled 
on  his  statues  throughout  all  Etruria,  and  frequently 
he  was  warned  in  dreams  to  include  an  image  of 
Hadrian  among  his  household  gods. 

While  setting  out  to  assume  his  proconsular  office 
he  lost  his  elder  daughter.1  About  the  licence  and 
loose  living  of  his  wife  a  number  of  things  were  said, 
which  he  heard  with  great  sorrow  and  suppressed. 
On  returning  from  his  proconsulship  he  lived  for 
the  most  part  at  Rome,  being  a  member  of  the  coun- 
cils of  Hadrian,2  and  in  all  matters  concerning  which 
Hadrian  sought  his  advice,  ever  urging  the  more 
merciful  course. 

IV.  The  manner  of  his  adoption,  they  say,  was  some- 
what thus  :  After  the  death  of  Aelius  Verus,  whom 
Hadrian  had  adopted  and  named  Caesar,  a  day 
was  set  for  the  meeting  of  the  senate,  and  to  this 
Arrius  Antoninus  came,  supporting  the  steps  of  his 
father-in-law.  For  this  act,  it  is  said,  Hadrian 
adopted  him.3  But  this  could  not  have  been  the 
only  reason  for  the  adoption,  nor  ought  it  to  have 
been,  especially  since  Antoninus  had  always  done  well 
in  his  administration  of  public  office,  and  in  his  pro- 

2  See  note  to  Hadr.,  viii.  9. 

3  But  see  c.  ii.  3  ;  Hadr.,  xxiv.  3. 



et  in  proconsulatu  se  sanctum  gravemque  praebuisset. 

4  ergo  cum  eum  Hadriaiius  adoptare  se  velle  publicasset, 
acceptum  est  spatium  deliberandi,  utrum  adrogari  ab 

5  Hadriano  vellet.     adoptionis  lex  huiusmodi  data  est, 
ut  quemadmodum   Antoninus  ab    Hadriano  adopta- 
batur  ita  sibi  ille   adoptaret  M.   Antoninum,   fratris 
uxoris  suae  filium,   et  L.   Verum,  Helii  Veri,  qui  ab 
Hadriano  adoptatus  fuerat,  filium,  qui  postea  Verus 

6  Antoninus  est   dictus.     adoptatus  est  V.  kal.   Mart, 
die,  in  senatu  gratias  agens  quod  de  se  ita  sensisset 

7  Hadrianus,    factusque    est   patri    et    in    imperio  pro- 

8  consular!   et   in  tribunicia  potestate  collega.      huius 
primum  hoc  fertur  quod,  cum  ab  uxore  l  argueretur 
quasi    parum    nescio     quid     suis     largiens,    dixerit : 
"  Stulta,    posteaquam    ad    imperium    transivimus,   et 

9illud  quod  habuimus  ante  perdidimus  ".  congiarium 
lOpopulo2  de  proprio  dedit  et  ea  quae  pater  pro- 
miserat.  et  ad  opera  Hadrian!  plurimum  contulit  et 
aurum  coronarium,  quod  adoptionis  suae  causa 
oblatum  fuerat,  Italicis  totum,  medium  provinciali- 
bus  reddidit. 

1  ab  uxore  P  corr.  (P1  omits  ab) ;  uxor  Mommsen  ;  cum  ab 
uxore  argueretur  quasi  carum  (or  rarum)  nescio  quid  suis 
largiens  Salm.  2  militibus,  before populo  in  P,  deleted  by 
Jordan  ;  militibus  ac  populo  vulg. 

!Cf.  Hadr.,  xxiv.  1 ;  Ael,  vi.  9  ;  Dio,  Ixix.  21,  1.     On  the 
names  of  his  two  adopted  sons  see  notes  to  Hadr.,  xxiv.  1. 

2  According  to  the  Calendar  of  Philocalus  of  351  the  date 
was  afterwards  commemorated  by  races  in   the   circus   at 
Lorium  ;  see  C.I.L.,  i2,  pp.  258  and  310. 

3  By  the  bestowal  of   these   two  powers,  the  basis  of  the 
civil  and  of  the  military  power  of  the  emperor  respectively, 
he  became  consors  imperil,  or  partner  in  the  imperial  power. 
Such  a  position  had  often  been  besiowed  on  the  heir  apparent 
of  the  emperor.      With  regard  to   the   proconsular  power, 



consulship  had  shown  himself  a  man  of  worth  and 
dignity.  At  any  rate,  when  Hadrian  announced  a 
desire  to  adopt  him,  he  was  given  time  for  deciding 
whether  he  wished  to  be  adopted.  This  condition 
was  attached  to  his  adoption,1  that  as  Hadrian  took 
Antoninus  as  his  son,  so  he  in  turn  should  take  Mar- 
cus Antoninus,  his  wife's  nephew,  and  Lucius  Verus, 
thenceforth  called  Verus  Antoninus,  the  son  of  that 
Aelius  Verus  whom  Hadrian  had  previously  adopted. 
He  was  adopted  on  the  fifth  day  before  the  Kalends  25  Feb., 
of  March,2  while  returning  thanks  in  the  senate  for 
Hadrian's  opinion  concerning  him,  and  he  was  made 
colleague  to  his  father  in  both  the  proconsular  and 
the  tribunician  power.3  It  is  related  as  his  first 
remark,  that  when  he  was  reproved  by  his  wife 
because  he  was  not  sufficiently  generous  to  his  house- 
hold in  some  trifling  matter,  he  said :  "  Foolish 
woman,  now  that  we  have  gained  an  empire,  we  have 
lost  even  what  we  had  before  ".  To  the  people  he 
gave  largess  on  his  own  account4  and  also  paid  the 
moneys  that  his  father  had  promised.  He  contributed 
a  large  amount  of  money,  too,  to  Hadrian's  public 
works,5  and  of  the  crown-gold 6  which  had  been 
presented  to  him  on  the  occasion  of  his  adoption,  he 
returned  all  of  Italy's  share,  and  half  of  their  share 
to  the  provinces. 

the  convention  was  always  observed  that  it  was  valid  only  in 
the  provinces,  and  the  title  of  proconsul  was  not  borne  by  the 
emperor  within  the  confines  of  Italy. 

4  Commemorated  by  coins  of  139  with  the  legend  Libera- 
litas;  see  Cohen,  ii2,  p.  3L6  f.,  Nos.  480-482. 

5  Attested  by  inscriptions  from  various  towns  of  Italy;  see 
E.  E.  Bryant,  Reign  uf  Ant.  Pius  (Cambridge,  1896),  p.  38. 

6  See  Hadr.,  vi.  5  and  note. 



V.  Et  patri,  cum  advixit,1  religiosissime  paruit.  sed 
Hadriano  apud  Baias  mortuo  reliquias  eius  Romam 
pervexit  sancte  ac  reverenter  atque  in  hortis  Domitiae 
conlocavit,  etiam  repugnaiitibus  cunctis  inter  divos 

2  eum  rettulit.     uxorem  Faustinam  Augustam  appellari 
a  senatu  permisit.    Pii  appellationem  recepit.     patri  et 
matri  atque  avis  et  fratribus  iam  mortuis  statuas  decre- 
tas  libenter  accepit.     circenses  natali  suo  dicatos  non 
respuit  aliis  honoribus  refutatis.     clipeum   Hadriano 
magnificentissimum  posuit  et  sacerdotes  instituit. 

3  Factus    imperator   nulli    eorum    quos     Hadrianus 
provexerat   successorem   dedit   fuitque  ea  constantia 
ut    septenis    et    novenis    annis    in    provinciis    bonos 

4  praesides  detineret.     per  legates  suos  plurima  bella 
gessit.     nam  et  Britannos  per  Lollium  Urbicum  vicit 
legatum    alio    muro     caespiticio     summotis     barbaris 
ducto,  et  Mauros  ad  pacem  postulandam  coegit,   et 

lcum  aduixit  P] ;  quoad  uixit  P  corr. ;  dum  aduixit  Salm; 
cum  aduixerit  Peter. 

1  See  Hadr.,  xxv.  6.  2  See  Hadr.,  xxvii.  2. 

8  On  the  coins  issued  in  her  honour  during  her  life-time  she 
is  regularly  called  Faustina  Aug.  Antonini  Aug.  P.  P. ;  see 
Cohen,  ii2.  p.  424  f. 

4  The  name  appears  on  coins  of  the  latter  part  of  138  ;  see 
Cohen,  ii2.  p.  277,  No.  66  f. 

6  On  such  games  see  Hadr.,  viii.  2  and  note.  Races  in 
honour  of  Antoninus  are  listed  for  the  19  September  (his  birth- 
day) in  the  Calendar  of  Philocalus. 

6  The  clipeus  was  a  shield-shaped  plate  of  metal,  in  this 
case  doubtless  of  gold.     It  contained,  sometimes  an  honor- 
ary inscription,  sometimes  a  bust  in  high  relief. 

7  See  Hadr.,  xxvii.  3  and  note. 

8Q.  Lollius  Urbicus  had  held  a  command  in  the  war  in 
Judaea  under  Hadrian,  and  later  had  been  governor  of 
Germania  Inferior. 

9  Probably  in  142,  for  in  an  inscription  of  this  year  he  is 
designated  as  Imp.  II. ;  see  C.I.L.,  x.  515  =  Dessau,  Ins.  Sel.t 



V.  His  father,  as  long  as  he  lived,  he  obeyed  most 
scrupulously,  and  when  Hadrian  passed  away  at 
Baiae  l  he  bore  his  remains  to  Rome  with  all  piety 
and  reverence,  and  buried  him  in  the  gardens  of 
Domitia ;  moreover,  though  all  opposed  the  measure, 
he  had  him  placed  among  the  deified.2  On  his  wife 
Faustina  he  permitted  the  senate  to  bestow  the  name 
of  Augusta,3  and  for  himself  accepted  the  surname 
Pius.4  The  statues  decreed  for  his  father,  mother, 
grandparents  and  brothers,  then  dead,  he  accepted 
readily ;  nor  did  he  refuse  the  circus-games  ordered 
for  his  birthday,5  though  he  did  refuse  other  honours. 
In  honour  of  Hadrian  he  set  up  a  superb  shield  6  and 
established  a  college  of  priests.7 

After  his  accession  to  the  throne  he  removed  none 
of  the  men  whom  Hadrian  had  appointed  to  office, 
and,  indeed,  was  so  steadfast  and  loyal  that  he  re- 
tained good  men  in  the  government  of  provinces  for 
terms  of  seven  and  even  nine  years.  He  waged  a 
number  of  wars,  but  all  of  them  through  his  legates. 
For  Lollius  Urbicus,8  his  legate,  overcame  the 
Britons  9  and  built  a  second  wall,  one  of  turf,10  after 
driving  back  the  barbarians.  Through  other  legates  or 
governors,  he  forced  the  Moors  to  sue  for  peace,11  and 

340.  The  victory  is  commemorated  on  coins  with  the  legend 
Britannia  and  designs  signifying  a  victory  ;  see  Cohen,  ii-.  p. 
281  f.,  Nos.  113-116,  119.  The  revolt  was  begun  by  the 
Brigantes,  who  lived  just  south  of  Hadrian's  wall ;  see  Paus., 
viii.  43,  4. 

10  It  ran  from  the  Firth  of  Forth,  to  the  Firth  of  Clyde,  a 
distance  of  40  mile?;.     It  was  constructed  by  the  soldiers  of 
three  legions,  the  II.  Augusta,  the  VI.  Victrix,  and  the  XX. 
Valeria  Victrix ;  see  C. J.L.,  vii.  p.  191-194. 

11  The  rebellion  seems  to  have  been  in  western  Mauretania, 
the  province  of  Mauretania  Tingitana;  see  Paus.,  viii.  43, 



Germanos  et  Dacos  et  multas  gentes  atque  ludaeos 

5rebellantes    contudit    per    praesides    ac    legates,     in 

Achaia   etiam   atque   Aegypto   rebelliones    repressit. 

VI.  Alanos  molientis  saepe  refrenavit.     procuratores  suos 

et   modeste  suscipere  tributa  iussit   et   excedentes1 

modum  rationem  factorum  suorum  reddere  praecepit, 

nee  umquam  ullo  laetatus  est  lucre,  quo  provincialis 

2  oppressus  est.     contra  procuratores  suos  conquerentes 
libenter  audivit. 

3  lis    quos    Hadrianus   damnaverat  in  seiiatu  indul- 
gentias   petiit,    dicens   etiam    ipsum   Hadrianum    hoc 

4  fuisse  facturum.      imperatorium  fastigium  ad  summam 
civilitatem   deduxit,    umle    plus    crevit,   recusantibus 
aulicis  ministris,  qui  illo  nihil  per  internuntios  agente 
nee    terrere     poterant    homines    aliquando    nee    ea 

5  quae   occulta   non   erant   vendere.      senatui    tantum 
detulit  imperator  quantum,  cum  privatus  esset,  deferri 

6sibi  ab  alio  principe  optavit.      patris  patriae  nomen 
delatum  a  senatu,  quod  primo  distulerat,  cum  ingenti 

1  So  P  corr. ;  terdecentes  Pl. 

3,  and  C.I.I/.,  iii.  5211-5215.  It  probably  took  place  about 
145,  although  it  is  aigued  by  Bryant  (op.  cit.  p.  71  f.)  that  it  is 
to  be  placed  in  152.  The  victory  is  commemorated  in  an  in- 
scription in  Rome,  C  I.L.,  vi.  1208. 

1  This  victory  is  a1  so  commemorated  in  the  inscription 
C./.Z/  ,  vi.  1208.  The  time  of  this  campaign  is  set  by  Bryant 
(p.  52)  as  between  140  and  145. 

2About  157.  See  Aristid.,  Or.,  xiv,  vol.  i.  351  Dind.,  and 
C.I.L.,  iii.  1416. 

3It  is  described  by  Aristides  (Or.,  xiv.  i.  351  Dind.)  as  an 
outbreak  of  those  who  lived  on  the  shore  of  the  Red  Sea. 
According  to  Joannes  Malalas  (p.  280  f.  Bonn)  Antoninus  went 
in  person  to  Alexandria  at  the  time  of  the  revolt,  but  this  is 
almost  certainly  an  error  (cf.  c  vii.  11). 

4  This  people  lived  in  south-eastern  Russia,  between  the  Don 
and  the  Caspian  Sea,  and  had  made  raids  into  Armenia  and 



crushed  the  Germans l  and  the  Dacians  2  and  many 
other  tribes,  and  also  the  Jews,  who  were  in  revolt. 
In  Achaea  also  and  in  Egypt3  he  put  down  rebellions 
and  many  a  time  sharply  checked  the  Alani  4  in  their 
raiding.  VI.  His  procurators  were  ordered  to  levy 
only  a  reasonable  tribute,  and  those  who  exceeded  a 
proper  limit  were  commanded  to  render  an  account 
of  their  acts,  nor  was  he  ever  pleased  with  any  reven- 
ues that  were  onerous  to  the  provinces.  Moreover, 
he  was  always  willing  to  hear  complaints  against  his 

He  besought  the  senate  to  pardon  those  men  whom 
Hadrian  had  condemned,5  saying  that  Hadrian  him- 
self had  been  about  to  do  so.  The  imperial  pomp  he 
reduced  to  the  utmost  simplicity  and  thereby  gained 
the  greater  esteem,  though  the  palace-attendants  op- 
posed this  course,  for  they  found  that  since  he  made 
no  use  of  go-betweens,  they  could  in  no  wise  terrorize 
men  or  take  money  for  decisions  about  which  there 
was  no  concealment.6  In  his  dealings  with  the 
senate,  he  rendered  it,  as  emperor,  the  same  respect 
that  he  had  wished  another  emperor  to  render  him 
when  he  was  a  private  man.  When  the  senate 
offered  him  the  title  of  Father  of  his  Country,  he 

Cappadocia  in  the  time  of  Hadrian.  They  afterwards  spread 
toward  the  west,  and  invaded  the  Empire  by  way  of  Moesia. 

5  See  Hadr.,  xxv.  8. 

6  Under  those  emperors  who  were  careless  in  the  announce- 
ment of  decisions  or  in  "answers  to  petitions  it  was  not  un- 
usual for  a  dishonest  favourite  or  official  to  demand  money 
from  petitioners  for  securing  a  favourable  answer;  he  would 
then  either  actually  influence  the  emperor  in  his  decision,  or, 
more  often,  merely  claim  that  a  favourable  decision  had  been 
secured  by  his  own  efforts,  and  demand  the  payment  of  the 
bribe.     This  practice  was  known  as  fumos  vendere;   see  c. 
ari.  1 ;  Alex.,  xxiii.  8  ;  xxxvi.  2. 



7gratiarum  actione  suscepit.      tertio  anno  imperil  sui 

Faustinam  uxorem  perdidit,  quae  a  senatu  consecrata 

est  delatis  circensibus  atque  templo  et  flaminicis  et 

statuis  aureis  atque  argenteis ;   cum  etiam  ipse  hoc 

concesserit,  ut  imago  eius  cunctis  circensibus  ponere- 

8tur.       statuam    auream    delatam    a    senatu    positam 

9  suscepit.        M.      Antoninum     quaestorem    consulem 

lopetente  senatu  creavit.      Annium  Verum,  qui  postea 

dictus  est  Antoninus,  ante  tempus  quaestorem  desig- 

11  navit.     neque   de   provinciis   neque   de   ullis   actibus 
quicquam  constituit,  nisi  quod  prius  ad  amicos  rettulit, 

12  atque  ex  eorum  sententia  formas  composuit.     visus 
est  sane  ab  amicis  et  cum  privatis  vestibus  et  domes- 
tica  quaedam  gerens. 

VII.  Tanta   sane  diligentia  subiectos  sibi  populos 

rexit  ut  omnia  et  omnes,  quasi   sua  essent,  curaret. 

2  provinciae  sub  eo  cunctae  floruerunt.     quadruplatores 

3exstincti    sunt.     publicatio     bonorum     rarior    quam 

umquam    fuit,    ita    ut    unus     tantum     proscriberetur 

1  See  Hadr.,  vi.  4  and  note.     Pius  accepted   the  title  in 
139,  for  it  appears  for  the  first  time  on  coins  of  this  year ;  e.g., 
Cohen,  ii2.  p.  279,  No.  98  f. 

2  Many   coins   were   struck  in   her  honour  with  the  title 
Diva  Faustina.     The  actual  apotheosis  is  represented  by  her 
ascension  to  heaven  on  an  eagle  with  the  legend  Consecratio ; 
see  Cohen,  ii3.  p.  427,  Nos.  182-185. 

3  On  the  Sacra  Via,  near  the  eastern  end  of  the  Forum.    It 
is  still  standing  and  is  used  as  the  church  of  S.  Lorenzo  in 
Miranda.     It  was  also  dedicated  to  Antoninus  after  his  death 



at  first  refused  it,1  but  later  accepted  it  with  an 
elaborate  expression  of  thanks.  On  the  death  of 
his  wife  Faustina,  in  the  third  year  of  his  reign,  the  141. 
senate  deified  her,2  and  voted  her  games  and  a 
temple3  and  priestesses  and  statues  of  silver  and  of 
gold.  These  the  Emperor  accepted,  and  further- 
more granted  permission  that  her  statue  be  erected 
in  all  the  circuses ;  and  when  the  senate  voted 
her  a  golden  statue,  he  undertook  to  erect  it  himself. 
At  the  instance  of  the  senate,  Marcus  Antoninus,  140. 
now  quaestor,  was  made  consul ;  also  Annius  Verus,4 
he  who  was  afterwards  entitled  Antoninus,  was  ap- 
pointed quaestor  before  the  legal  age.5  Never  did 
he  resolve  on  measures  about  the  provinces  or  render 
a  decision  on  any  question  without  previously  con- 
sulting his  friends,6  and  in  accordance  with  their 
opinions  he  drew  up  his  final  statement.  And  indeed 
he  often  received  his  friends  without  the  robes  of 
state  and  even  in  the  performance  of  domestic  duties. 
VII.  With  such  care  did  he  govern  all  peoples 
under  him  that  he  looked  after  all  things  and  all  men 
as  if  they  were  his  own.  As  a  result,  the  provinces 
all  prospered  in  his  reign,  informers  were  abolished, 
the  confiscation  of  goods  was  less  frequent  than 
ever  before,  and  only  one  man  was  condemned  as 
guilty  of  aspiring  to  the  throne.  This  was  Atilius 

(c.  xiii.  4),  and  the  names  of  both  Antoninus  and  Faustina 
appear  in  the  inscription  on  the  architrave  (C.I.L.,  vi.  1005). 

4  i.e.,  Lucius  Verus. 

5  In  the  time  of  the  empire  the  minimum  age  was  twenty- 
five.     Exceptions  to  this,  however,  were  common  in  the  case 
of  members  of   the   imperial   family ;  see   also   the   case   of 
Marcus  (Marc.,  v.  6).     Verus  was  made  quaestor  at  the  age 
of  twe.ity-three  ;  see  Verus,  ii.  11. 

6 Apparently,  the  members  of  his  consilium;  see  Hadr., 
viii.  9. 



4adfectatae  tyrannidis  reus,  hoc  est  Atilius  Titianus, 
senatu  puniente,  a  quo  conscios  requiri  vetuit,  filio 
eius  ad  omnia  semper  adiuto.  periit  et  Prisciaiius 
reus  adfectatae  tyrannidis,  sed  morte  voluntaria.  de 
qua  coniuratione  quaeri  vetuit. 

5  Victus   Aiitonini    Pii   talis   fuit   ut  esset  opulentia 
sine  reprehensione,  parsimonia  sine  sordibus,  et  mensa 
eius   per  proprios   servos,  per  proprios   aucupes  pis- 

6  catores   ac    venatores    instrueretur.       balneum,    quo 
usus  fuisset,  sine  mercede  populo  exhibuit  nee  omnino 

7  quicquam  de  vitae  privatae  qualitate  mutavit.     salaria 
multis  subtraxit,  quos  otiosos  videbat  accipere,  dicens 
nihil  esse  sordidius,   immo   crudelius,   quam   si  rem 
publicam  is  adroderet  qui  nihil   in   earn  suo  labore 

8  conferret.       unde   etiam    Mesomedi    lyrico    salarium 
inminuit.     rationes    omnium    provinciarum    adprime 

9  scivit    et    vectigalium.       patrimonium    privatum    in 
filiam    contulit,    sed    fructus    rei    publicae    donavit. 

10  species  imperatorias  superHuas  et  praedia  vendidit  et 
in  suis  propriis  iuiidis  vixit  varie  ac  pro  temporibus. 

11  nee  ullas  expeditiones  obiit,  nisi  quod  ad  agros  suos 
profectus  est  et  ad  Campaniam,  dicens  gravem  esse 
provincialibus  comitatum  principis,  etiam  nimis  parci. 

12  et  tamen  ingenti  auctoritate  apud  omnes  gentes  fuit, 
cum  in  urbe  propterea  sederet,  ut  undique  nuntios, 
medius  utpote,  citius  posset  accipere.1 


aV  anticipare  P  corr. 

1  See  note  to  Hadr.,  xv.  6.  2  Hadr.,  vii.  4. 

3 In  view  of  this  statement,  it  seems  necessary  to  refuse 
credence  to  the  assertion  of  Aristides  (Or.,  xxiii.  i.  453  f.  Dind.) 
and  Malalas  (p.  280  Bonn)  that  Antoninus  went  in  person  to 
Egypt  and  Syria;  see  note  to  c.  v.  5. 



Titianus,1  and  it  was  the  senate  itself  that  conducted 
his  prosecution/-  while  the  Emperor  forbade  any  in- 
vestigation about  the  fellow-conspirators  of  Atilius 
and  always  aided  his  son  to  attain  all  his  desires. 
Priscianus  did  indeed  die  for  aspiring  to  the  throne, 
but  by  his  own  hand,  and  about  his  conspiracy  also 
the  Emperor  forbade  any  investigation. 

The  board  of  Antoninus  Pius  was  rich  yet  never 
open  to  criticism,  frugal  yet  not  stingy  ;  his  table  was 
furnished  by  his  own  slaves,  his  own  fowlers  and 
fishers  and  hunters.  A  bath,  which  he  had  previously 
used  himself,  he  opened  to  the  people  without  charge, 
nor  did  he  himself  depart  in  any  way  from  the  manner 
of  life  to  which  he  had  been  accustomed  when  a  private 
man.  He  took  away  salaries  from  a  number  of  men 
who  held  obvious  sinecures,  saying  there  was  nothing 
meaner,  nay  more  unfeeling,  than  the  man  who  nibbled 
at  the  revenues  of  the  state  without  giving  any  service 
in  return  ;  for  the  same  reason,  also,  he  reduced  the 
salary  of  Mesomedes,  the  lyric  poet.  The  budgets  of 
all  the  provinces  and  the  sources  of  revenue  he  knew 
exceedingly  well.  He  settled  his  private  fortune  on 
his  daughter,  but  presented  the  income  of  it  to  the 
state.  Indeed,  the  superfluous  trappings  of  royal  state 
and  even  the  crown-lands  he  sold,  living  on  his  own 
private  estates  and  varying  his  residence  according  to 
the  season.  Nor  did  he  undertake  any  expedition3 
other  than  the  visiting  ot  his  lands  in  Campania,  aver- 
ring that  the  equipage  of  an  emperor,  even  of  one  over 
frugal,  was  a  burdensome  thing  to  the  provinces.  And 
yet  he  was  regarded  with  immense  respect  by  all  na- 
tions, for,  making  his  residence  in  the  city,  as  he  did,  for 
the  purpose  of  being  in  a  central  location,  he  was  able  to 
receive  messages  from  every  quarter  with  equal  speed. 



VIII.  Congiarium  populo  dedit,  militibus  donativum 
addidit.      puellas  alimentarias  in  honorem  Faustinae 

2  Faustinianas  constituit.       opera    eius    haec    exstant : 
Romae    templum    Hadriani,    honori    patris    dicatum, 
Graecostadiura   post  incendium  restitutum,  instaura- 
tum  Amphitheatrum,  sepulchrum  Hadriani,  templum 

3  Agrippae,   Pons  Sublicius,    Phari   restitutio,    Caietae 
portus,    Tarracinensis     portus     restitutio,     lavacrum 
Ostiense,  Antiatum  aquae  ductus,  templa  Lanuviana. 

4  multas  etiam  civitates  adiuvit  pecuiiia,  ut  opera  vel 
nova  facerent  vel  vetera  restituerent,  ita  ut  et  magis- 
tratus  adiuvaret  et  senatores  urbis  ad  functiones  suas. 

5  Hereditates  eorum  qui  filios  habebant  repudiavit. 
primus  constituit,  ne  poenae  causa  legatum  relictum 

Gmaneret.     successorem  viventi  bono  iudici  nulli  dedit 

1  On  nine  different  occasions,  according  to  coins  with  the 
legend  Libiralitas;  see  Cohen,  ii2.  p.  316-322,  Nos.  480-532. 

a  In  145,  on  the  occasion  of  the  marriage  of  his  daughter 
Faustina  to  Marcus;  see  c.  x.  2. 

3  Similar   endowments   for   destitute   children   had    been 
made  by  Nerva  (Aur.  Viet.,  Epit.,  xii.  4)  and  by  Trajan  (Dio, 
Ixviii.  5,  and  C.I.I/.,  xi.  1146).     This  memorial  to  Faustina 
was    commemorated     on    coins    with    the    legend    Puellae 
Faustinianae ;  see  Cohen,  ii2.  p.  433,  Nos.  261-263.     A  similar 
endowment  in   memory  of   the   younger  Faustina   was   es- 
tablished by  Marcus  ;  see  Marc.,  xxvi.  6. 

4  Situated  in  the  Campus  Martius,  probably  not  far  from 
the  Pantheon.     It  is  represented  as  an  octastyle  temple  on  a 
coin  of  151 ;  see  Cohen,  h2.  p.  330,  No.  618.     The  temple  was 
probably  dedicated  in  145;  see  Verus,  iii.  1. 

6  Probably  the  Graecostasis.  It  was  a  sort  of  platform, 
between  the  Senate-house  and  the  Rostra,  used  by  envoys 
from  foreign  nations;  see  Varro,  Ling.  Lat.,  v.  155. 

6  See  c.  ix.  i.  7  i.e.  the  Colosseum. 

8  See  Hadr.,  xix.  11  and  note. 

9  If  this  reading  is  correct  the  Pantheon  must  be  meant ; 
see  note  to  Hadr.,  xix.  10.    However,  perhaps  it  is  an  error 



VIII.  He  gave  largess  to  the  people,1  and,  in  ad- 
dition, a  donation  to  the  soldiers,2  and  founded  an 
order  of  destitute  girls,  called  Faustinianae  3  in  honour 
of  Faustina.  Of  the  public  works  that  were  con- 
structed by  him  the  following  remain  to-day :  the 
temple  of  Hadrian  4  at  Rome,  so  called  in  honour  of 
his  father,  the  Graecostadium,5  restored  by  him  after 
its  burning,6  the  Amphitheatre,7  repaired  by  him,  the 
tomb  of  Hadrian,8  the  temple  of  Agrippa,9  and  the 
Pons  Sublicius,10  also  the  Pharus,  the  port  at  Caieta, 
and  the  port  at  Tarracina,  all  of  which  he  restored, 
the  bath  at  Ostia,11  the  aqueduct  at  Antium,  and  the 
temples  at  Lanuvium.  Besides  all  this,  he  helped 
many  communities12  to  erect  new  buildings  and  to 
restore  the  old  ;  and  he  even  gave  pecuniary  aid  to 
Roman  magistrates  and  senators  to  assist  them  in  the 
performance  of  their  duties. 

He  declined  legacies  from  those  who  had  children 
of  their  own  and  was  the  first  to  establish  the  rule 
that  bequests  made  under  fear  of  penalty 13  should  not 
be  valid.  Never  did  he  appoint  a  successor  to  a 
worthy  magistrate  while  yet  alive,  except  in  the  case 

for  Templum  Augusti,  the  restoration  of  which  is  commemo- 
rated on  coins  of  Pius;  see  Cohen,  ii2,  p.  270,  Nos.  1-12. 

10  The  earliest,  and  for  a  long  time  the  only,  bridge  across 
the  Tiber.     It  was  built  of  piles,  and  after  the  construction  of 
other  bridges  was  preserved  for  religious   and   sentimental 
reasons.     Its  site  was  near  the  Forum  Boarium,  now  the 
Piazza  della  Bocca  di  Verita. 

11  This  had  been  promised  by  Hadrian ;  see  the  dedicatory 
inscription,  C.I.L.,  xiv.  98  =  Dessau,  Ins.  SeL,  334. 

12  For  a  list  see  Bryant,  p,  116  f. 

13  Apparently  an  allusion  to  the  law  which  provided  that  a 
senator  must  leave  a  specified  sum  to  the  public  treasury  (or 
to  the  emperor) .    This  was  rescinded  by  Pius;  see  Zonaras, 
xii.  1,  p.  593  D.,  and  Malalas,  xi.  p.  281  Dind. 



7  nisi  Orfito  praefecto  urbi,  sed  petenti.     nam  Gavius 
Maximus  praefectus  praetorii  usque  ad  vicensimum 
annum  sub  eo  pervenit,  vir  severissimus,  cui  Tattius 

8  Maximus  sv^eessit.     in   cuius    demortui   locum   duos 
praefectos  substituit  Fabium  Cornelium   Repentinum 

9et     Furium     Victorinum.1      sed     Pepentinus    fabula 
famosa  2  percussus  est,  quod  per  concuDmam  principis 

10  ad  praefecturam  venisset.     usque  adeo  sub  eo  nul)  us 
percussus  est  senator,  ut  etiam  parricida  confessus  in 
insula   deserta    poneretur,    quia    vivere    illi    naturae 

11  legibus   non   licebat.      vini   olei  et    tritici    penuriam 
per  aerarii   sui   damnum 3  emendo  et   gratis  populo 
dando  sedavit. 

IX.  Adversa  eius    temporibus   haec   provenerunt : 

fames,  de  qua  diximus,  Circi  ruina,  terrae  motus,  quo 

Rhodiorum  et  Asiae  oppida  conciderunt,  quae  omnia 

mirifice  instauravit,  et   Romae  incendium,  quod  tre- 

2centas  quadraginta  insulas  vel  domos  absumpsit.     et 

1  So  Borghesi  and  Hirschfeld  ;  Fabium  Repentinum  et  Cor- 
nelium Victorinum  P.  2  fabula  famosa  Novak  ;  famosa  P  ; 
famosa  voce  P  corr.  ;  famosis  Peter.  3  So  Peter  ;  damno  P. 

1  Several  inscriptions  set  up  in  his  honour  are  extant ;  ac- 
cording to  these  he  was  granted  consular  honours  on  his  re- 
tirement ;  see  Hadr.,  viii.  7  and  note,  and  c.  x.  6. 

2  Commemorated  in  several  inscriptions.     He  was  prefect 
of  the  vigiles,  the  watchmen  and  firemen,  in  156,  and  was 
advanced  to  the  prefecture  of  the  guard  about  158. 

3  See  note  to  Hadr.,  ix.  5. 

4 For  his  death  see  Marc.,  xiv.  5. 
6 See  note  to  Hadr.,  vii.  4. 

6  It  is  said  that  1112  persons  were  killed ;  see  Mom m sen, 
Chron.  Min.t  i.  146. 



of  Orfitus,  the  prefect  of  the  city,  and  then  only  at 
his  own  request.  For  under  him  Gavius  Maximus,1 
a  very  stern  man,  reached  his  twentieth  year  of 
service  as  prefect  of  the  ^uard  ;  he  was  succeeded  by 
Tattius  Maximus,2  and  at  his  death  Antoninus  ap- 
pointed two  men 3  in  his  place,  Fabius  Cornelius 
Repentinus  and  Furius  Victorinus,4  the  former  of 
whom,  however,  was  ruined  by  the  scandalous  tale 
that  he  had  gained  his  office  by  the  favour  of  the 
Emperor's  mistress.  So  rigidly  did  he  adhere  to  his 
resolve  that  no  senator  should  be  executed  in  his 
reign,5  that  a  confessed  parricide  was  merely 
marooned  on  a  desert  island,  and  that  only  because 
it  was  against  the  laws  of  nature  to  let  such  a  one 
live.  He  relieved  a  scarcity  of  wine  and  oil  and 
wheat  with  loss  to  his  own  private  treasury,  by  buy- 
ing these  and  distributing  them  to  the  people  free. 

IX.  The  following  misfortunes  and  prodigies  oc- 
curred in  his  reign  :  the  famine,  which  we  have  just 
mentioned,  the  collapse  of  the  Circus,6  an  earth- 
quake 7  whereby  towns  of  Rhodes  and  of  Asia  were 
destroyed — all  of  which,  however,  the  Emperor  re- 
stored in  splendid  fashion, — and  a  fire  at  Rome  which 
consumed  three  hundred  and  forty  tenements  and 
dwellings.8  The  town  of  Narbonne,9  the  city  of 

7  The  earthquake  which  destroyed  Rhodes  occurred  about 
140  ;  a  description  of  it  is   given  in  an  oration  of  Aristides 
(804  Dind.).     The  neighbouring  island  of  Cos  and  the  city  of 
Stratonicea  in  Caria  were  also  devastated.     There  seems  to 
have  been  a  second  earthquake  about  151,  which  devastated 
Bithynia,  Lesbos,  Smyrna  and  Ephesus. 

8  Mentioned  also  by  Gellius,  xv.  1,  2. 

9  See  C.I.L.,  xii.  4342  arid  p.  521.     Narbo  Martius,  which 
had  received  the  status  of  a  colony  in  45  B.C.,  was  the  capital 
of  the  province  of  Gallia  Narbonensis. 



Narbonensis  civitas  et  Antiochense  oppidum  et  Car- 
Sthaginiense  forum  arsit.  fuit  et  inundatio  Tiberis, 

apparuit  et  stella  crinita,  natus  est  et  biceps  puer,  et 
4uno  partu  mulieris  quinque  pueri  editi  sunt.  visus 

est  in  Arabia  iubatus  anguis  maior  solitis,  qui  se  a 

cauda  medium  comedit.     lues  etiam  in  Arabia  fuit. 

hordeum   in    Moesia   in   culminibus   arborum   natum 

5  est.     quattuor  praeterea  leones  mansueti  sponte  se 
capiendos  in  Arabia  praebuerunt. 

6  Pharasmanes  rex  ad  eum  Romam  venit  plusque  illi 
quam  Hadriano  detulit.      Pacorum  regem  Laziis  dedit. 
Parthorum  regem  ab  Armeniorum  expugnatione  solis 
litteris  reppulit.     Abgarum  regem  ex  orientis  parti- 

7  bus  sola  auctoritate  deduxit.      causas  regales  termina- 
vit.     sellam  regiam   Parthorum  regi  repetenti,  quam 

8  Traianus    ceperat,    pernegavit.       Rhoemetalcen l    in 
regnum   Bosphoranum  audito  inter  ipsum    et    cura- 

9  torem 2  negotio  remisit.    Olbiopolitis  contra  Tauroscy- 
thas  in  Pontum  auxilia  misit  et  Tauroscythas  usque 

10  ad  dandos  Olbiopolitis   obsides   vicit.     tantum   sane 

1  rimtthalcen  P.          2  Eupatorem  Gary,  Hist,  des  Rois  du 
Bosphore,  p.  G4  (ed.  Berol.). 

aAlso  included  among    his    benefactions    in    Pans.,  viii. 
43,  4. 

2  King  of  the  Hiberi  ;  see  Hadr.,  xiii.  9  and  note.     He  had 
refused  to  come  to  meet  Hadrian  (Hadr.,  xxi.  13),  but  now 
came  to  Rome  with  his  wife  ;  see  Dio,  Ixix.  15,  3  =  Ixx.  2,  1 

3  The  Lazi  lived  on  the  south-eastern  shore  of  the  Black 
Sea,  south  of  the  river  Phasis  (Rion). 

4  Vologases  III.     He  seems  to  have  made  preparations  for 
a  war  against  the  Romans  (Marc.,  viii.  6),  and  troops  were 
despatched  to  Syria  ob   be  Hum  Parthicum;  see  C.I.L.,   ix. 
2457  =  Dessau,  Ins.  Set.,  1076. 

5  Of  Osrhoene. 



Antioch,  and  the  forum  of  Carthage  l  also  burned. 
Besides,  the  Tiber  flooded  its  banks,  a  comet  was  seen, 
a  two-headed  child  was  born,  and  a  woman  gave 
birth  to  quintuplets.  There  was  seen,  moreover,  in 
Arabia,  a  crested  serpent  larger  than  the  usual  size, 
which  ate  itself  from  the  tail  to  the  middle  ;  and 
also  in  Arabia  there  was  a  pestilence,  while  in  Moesia 
barley  sprouted  from  the  tops  of  trees.  And  besides 
all  this,  in  Arabia  four  lions  grew  tame  and  of  their 
own  accord  yielded  themselves  to  capture. 

Pharasmenes,2  the  king,  visited  him  at  Rome  and 
showed  him  more  respect  than  he  had  shown  Hadrian. 
He  appointed  Pacorus  king  of  the  Lazi,3  induced  the 
king  of  the  Parthians  4  to  forego  a  campaign  against 
the  Armenians  merely  by  writing  him  a  letter,  and 
solely  by  his  personal  influence  brought  Abgarus  the 
king*5  back  from  the  regions  of  the  East.  He  settled 
the  pleas  of  several  kings.6  The  royal  throne  of  the 
Parthians,  which  Trajan  had  captured,  he  refused  to 
return  when  their  king  asked  for  it,7  and  after  hear- 
ing the  dispute  between  Rhoemetalces  8  and  the  im- 
perial commissioner,  sent  the  former  back  his  kingdom 
of  the  Bosphorus.  He  sent  troops  to  the  Black  Sea 
to  bring  aid  to  Olbiopolis  9  against  the  Tauroscythians 
and  forced  the  latter  to  give  hostages  to  Olbiopolis. 

B  See  the  coins  of  140-144  with  the  legends  Rex  Armeniis 
datus  and  Rex  Quadis  datus,  Cohen,  ii2,  p.  338  f.,  Nos.  686- 


7  It  had  been  promised  by  Hadrian  to  Osrhoes,  the  prede- 
cessor of  Vologases ;  see  Hadr. ,  xiii.  8. 

8  T.  Julius  Rhoemetalces,  king  of  the  Cimmerian   Bos- 
phorus (the  Crimea  and  the  district  east  of  the  Strait  of 
Kertch)  from  131  to  153.     Several  inscriptions  and  coins  of 
his  are  extant. 

9  Olbia  or  Olbiopolis  was  a  Greek  city  on  the  river  Hypanis 
(Bug)  in  south-western  Russia. 



auctoritatis  apud  exteras  gentes  nemo  habuit,  cum 
semper  amaverit  pacem,  eo  usque  ut  Scipionis  seiiten- 
tiam  frequentarit,  qua  ille  dicebat  malle  se  unum 
civem  servare  quam  mille  hostes  occidere. 

X.   Mensem  Septembrem  atque  Octobrem  Antoni- 
num  atque  Faustiiium  appellandos  decrevit  senatus, 

2sed  id  Antoninus  respuit.  nuptias  filiae  suae  Fausti- 
nae,  cum  Marco  Antonino  earn  coniungeret,  usque 

3  ad  donativum  militum  celeberrimas    fecit.       Verum 

4Antoninum  post  quaesturam  consulem  fecit,  cum 
Apollonium,  quern  e  Chalcide  acciverat,  ad  Tiberia- 
nam  domum,  in  qua  habitabat,  vocasset,  ut  ei  Marcum 
Antoninum  traderet,  atque  ille  dixisset  "  non  magister 
ad  discipulum  debet  venire,  sed  d'scipulus  ad  magis- 
trum,"  risit  eum,  dicens,  "  facilius  fuit  Apollonio  a 
Chalcide l  Romam  venire  quam  a  domo  sua  in 
Palatium".  cuius  avaritiam  etiam  in2  mercedibus 

snotavit.  inter  argumenta  pietatis  eius  et  hoc  habetur 
quod,  cum  Marcus  mortuum  educatorem  suum  fleret 
vocareturque 3  ab  aulicis  ministris  ab  ostentatione 
pietatis,  ipse  dixerit :  "  Permittite,  inquit,  illi,  ut 
homo  sit ;  neque  enim  vel  philosophia  vel  imperium 
tollit  adfectus  ". 

1  calchida  P.  2  in  omitted  in  P.  3  uetareturque  P 

corr. ;  reuocareturque  Gas. 

1  Cf.  Eutrop.,  viii.  8.     According  to  Aur.  Victor,  Epit.,  xv. 
4,  ambassadors  from  the  Indi,  Bactri,  and  Hyrcani  came  to 

2  She  had  been  betrothed  by  Hadrian  to  Lucius  Verus ;  see 
Ael.,  vi.  9  ;  Marc.,  vi.  2  ;  Verus t  ii.  3. 

3  A   Stoic  philosopher,  the  teacher  of  both   Marcus    and 
Verus  ;  see  Marc.,  ii.  7 ;  iii.  1 ;  Verus,  ii.  5.     He  is  mentioned 
with  gratitude  by  Marcus  in   els  eavr6v  i.  8.      His  home 



No  one  has  ever  had  such  prestige  among  foreign 
nations  as  he/  for  he  was  ever  a  lover  of  peace,  even 
to  such  a  degree  that  he  was  continually  quoting  the 
saying  of  Scipio  in  which  he  declared  that  he  would 
rather  save  a  single  citizen  than  slay  a  thousand  foes. 
X.  When  the  senate  declared  that  the  months  of 
September  and  October  should  be  called  respectively 
Antoninus  and  Faustinus,  Antoninus  refused.  The 
wedding  of  his  daughter  Faustina,  whom  he  espoused  145. 
to  Marcus  Antoninus,2  he  made  most  noteworthy, 
even  to  the  extent  of  giving  a  donative  to  the  soldiers. 
He  made  Verus  Antoninus  consul  after  his  quaestor- 154. 
ship.  On  one  occasion,  he  sent  word  to  Apollonius,3 
whom  he  had  summoned  from  Chalcis,  to  come  to  the 
House  of  Tiberius4  (where  at  the  time  he  was  stay- 
ing) in  order  that  he  might  put  Marcus  Antoninus 
in  his  charge,  but  Apollonius  replied  "The  master 
ought  not  come  to  the  pupil,  but  the  pupil  to  the 
master".  Whereupon  the  Emperor  ridiculed  him, 
saying  "  It  was  easier,  then,  for  Apollonius  to  come 
to  Rome  from  Chalcis  than  from  his  house  to  my 
palace  ".  The  greed  of  this  man  he  had  noticed  even 
in  the  matter  of  his  salary.  It  is  related  of  him, 
too,  as  an  instance  of  his  "regard  for  his  family, 
that  when  Marcus  was  mourning  the  death  of  his 
tutor  and  was  restrained  by  the  palace  servants  from 
this  display  of  affection,  the  Emperor  said  :  "  Let 
him  be  only  a  man  for  once ;  for  neither  philosophy 
nor  empire  takes  away  natural  feeling  ". 

was  Chalcedon,  according  to  Marc.,  ii.  7,  Nicomedia,  accord- 
ing to  Dio,  Ixxi.  35.  1 ;  Chalcis  is  evidently  an  error. 

4  The  Domus  Tiberiana  was  at  the  northern  end  of  the 
Palatine  Hill ;  very  extensive  ruins  are  extant.  It  seems  to 
have  been  the  usual  residence  of  Pius  when  at  Rome  ;  see 
Marc.,  vi.  3 ;  Verus,  ii.  4. 



6  Praefectos  suos  et  locupletavit  et  ornamentis  con- 

7  sularibus  donavit.     si  quos  repetundarum  daninavit, 
eorum  liberis  bona  paterna  restituit,  ea  tamen  lege 
ut   illi   provincialibus    redderent    quod    parentes   ac- 

8.9ceperant.  ad  indulgentias  prouissimus  fuit.  edita 
munera,  in  quibus  elephantos  et  corocottas  et  tigrides 
et  rhinocerotes,  crocodillos  etiam  atque  hippopotamos 
et  omnia  ex  toto  orbe  terrarum  exhibuit.  centum 
etiam  leones  cum  tigridibus  l  una  missione  edidit. 

XI.  Amicis  suis  in  imperio  suo  lion  aliter  usus  est 
quam  privatus,  quia  et  ipsi  numquam  de  eo  cum 
libertis  per  fumum  aliquid  vendiderunt ;  si  quidem 

2libertis  suis  severissime  usus  est.  amavit  histrionum 
artes.  piscando  se  et  venando  multum  oblectavit  et 
deambulatione  cum  amicis  atque  sermone.  vindemias 

3  privati  modo  cum  amicis  agebat.  rhetoribus  et 
philosophis  per  omnes  provincias  et  honores  et  salaria 
detulit.  orationes  plerique  alienas  esse  dixerunt, 
quae  sub  eius  nomine  feruiitur ;  Marius  Maximus  eius 

4proprias  fuisse  dicit.     convivia  cum  amicis  et  privata 

5  communicavit  et  publica  nee   ullum  sacrificium  per 

6  vicarium  fecit,  nisi  cum  aeger  fuit.     cum  sibi  et  filiis 

7  honores   peteret,    omnia   quasi    privatus    fecit.       fre- 
Squentavit  et  ipse  amicorum  suorum  convivia.     inter 

1  cum  tigridibus,  in  P  before  exhibuit,  placed  after  leones 
by  Peter,  deleted  by  Salm.  and  Novak. 

1See  note  to  Hadr.,  viii.  7. 

3  Probably  in  148,  in  commemoration  of  the  tenth  anni- 
versary of  his  accession  to  power.     Coins,  evidently  referring 
to   these  spectacles,  were  issued  in  149  bearing  the  legend 
Munificentia  and  representations  of  a  lion  and  an  elephant; 
see  Cohen,  ii2,  p.  325,  Nos.  562-566. 



On  his  prefects  he  bestowed  both  riches  and  con- 
sular honours.1  If  he  convicted  any  of  extortion  he 
nevertheless  delivered  up  the  estates  to  their  children, 
providing  only  that  the  children  should  restore  to  the 
provinces  what  their  fathers  had  taken.  He  was  very 
prone  to  acts  of  forgiveness.  He  held  games  2  at  which 
he  displayed  elephants  and  the  animals  called  corocot- 
tae  and  tigers  and  rhinoceroses,  even  crocodiles  and 
hippopotami,  in  short,  all  the  animals  of  the  whole 
earth ;  and  he  presented  at  a  single  performance  as 
many  as  a  hundred  lions  together  with  tigers. 

XI.  His  friends  he  always  treated,  while  on  the 
throne,  just  as  though  he  were  a  private  citizen,  for 
they  never  combined  with  his  freedmen  to  sell  false 
hopes  of  favours,3  and  indeed  he  treated  his  freed- 
men with  the  greatest  strictness.  He  was  very  fond 
of  the  stage,  found  great  delight  in  fishing  and  hunt- 
in  »•  and  in  walks  and  conversation  with  his  friends, 


and  was  wont  to  pass  vintage-time  in  company  with 
his  friends  in  the  manner  of  an  ordinary  citizen. 
Rhetoricians  and  philosophers  throughout  all  the 
provinces  he  rewarded  with  honours  and  money. 
The  orations  which  have  come  down  in  his  name, 
some  say,  are  really  the  work  of  others,  according  to 
Marcus  Maximus,  however,  they  were  his  own.  He 
always  shared  his  banquets,  both  public  and  private, 
with  his  friends  ;  and  never  did  he  perform  sacrifices 
by  proxy  except  when  he  was  ill.  When  he  sought 
offices  4  for  himself  or  for  his  sons  all  was  done  as  by 
a  private  individual.  He  himself  was  often  present 
at  the  banquets  of  his  intimates,  and  among  other 

3  See  note  to  c.  vi.  4. 

4  i.e.  went  through  the  formality  of  asking  the  senate  to 
confer  them. 



alia  etiam  hoc  civilitatis  eius  praecipuum  argumentum 
est  quod,  cum  domura  Homulli  viseiis  miransque 
columnas  porphyreticas  requisisset,  unde  eas  haberet, 
atque  Homulius  ei  dixisset,  "  cum  in  domum  alienam 
veneris,  et  mutus  et  surdus  esto,"  patienter  tulit. 
cuius  Homulli  multa  ioca  semper  patieiiler  accepit. 

XII.   Multa  de  iure  sanxit  ususque  est  iuris  peritis 
Vindio  Vero,  Salvio  Valente,  Volusio  Maeciano,  Ulpio 

2  Marcello  et  Diavoleno.     seditiones  ubicumque  factas 
non  crudelitate  sed  modestia  et  gravitate  cornpressit. 

3  intra  urbes  sepeliri  mortuos  vetuit.     sumptum  muneri- 
bus  gladiatoriis  instituit.    vehicularium  cursum  summa 
diligentia    sublevavit.       omnium    quae    gessit    et    in 
seiiatu  et  per  edicta  ratioiiem  reddidit. 

4  Periit   anno  septuagensimo,  sed   quasi    adulescens 
desideratus  est.     mors  autem  eius  talis  fuisse  narratur  : 
cum  Alpinum  caseum  in  cena  edisset  avidius,  nocte 

5  reiectavit  atque  alia  die  febre  commotus  est.     tertia 
die,   cum  se    gravari    videret,    Marco   Aiitonino  rem 
publicam  et    filiam    praesentibus    praefectis     com- 
mendavit  Fortunamque    auream,    quae    in    cubiculo 

1  M.  Valerius  Homullus,  cos.  in  152.     He  tried  to  arouse 
the  suspicion  of  Pius  against  Lucilla,  Marcus'  mother;  see 
Marc.,  vi.  9. 

2  As  incorporated  in  the  Digesta  and  the  Codex  of  Justinian, 
these  deal  with  the  questions  of  inheritances,  adoption  and 
guardianship,  manumission,  and  the  treatment  of  slaves  by 
their  masters. 

3Verus,  Maecianus  and  Marcellus  are  frequently  cited  in 
the  Digesta.  Maecianus  was  Marcus'  instructor  in  law ;  see 
Marc.,  iii.  6. 

4  Apparently  an  error  f or  lavolenus  (Priscus),  the  celebrated 
jurist.  He,  however,  was  an  older  contemporary  of  Pliny, 



things  it  is  a  particular  evidence  of  his  graciousness 
that  when,  on  a  visit  at  the  house  of  Homullus,1  he 
admired  certain  porphyry  columns  and  asked  where 
they  came  from,  Homullus  replied  "When  you 
come  to  another's  house,  be  deaf  and  dumb,"  and  he 
took  it  in  good  part.  In  fact,  the  jibes  of  this 
same  Homullus,  which  were  many,  he  always  took  in 
good  part. 

XII.  A  number  of  legal  principles  2  were  established 
by  Antoninus  with  the  aid  of  certain  men,  experts  in 
jurisprudence,  namely,  Vindius  Verus,3  Salvius  Valens, 
Volusius  Maecianus,  Ulpius  Marcellus,  and  Diavo- 
leiius,4  Rebellions,  wherever  they  occurred,  he  sup- 
pressed 5  not  by  means  of  cruelty,  but  with  modera- 
tion and  dignity.  He  forbade  the  burial  of  bodies 
within  the  limits  of  any  city  ;  he  established  a  maxi- 
mum cost  for  gladiatorial  games  ;  and  he  very  care- 
fully maintained  the  imperial  post.6  Of  everything 
that  he  did  he  rendered  an  account,  both  in  the 
senate  and  by  proclamation. 

He  died  in  the  seventieth  7  year  of  his  age,  but  his  7  Mar., 
loss  was  felt  as  though  he  had  been  but  a  youth. 
They  say  his  death  was  somewhat  as  follows  :  after 
he  had  eaten  too  freely  some  Alpine  cheese  at  dinner 
he  vomited  during  the  night,  and  was  taken  with  a 
fever  the  next  day.  On  the  second  day,  as  he  saw 
that  his  condition  was  becoming  worse,  in  the  presence 
of  his  prefects  he  committed  the  state  and  his  daughter 
to  Marcus  Antoninus,  and  gave  orders  that  the 
golden  statue  of  Fortune,  which  was  wont  to  stand 

and  it  can  hardly  be  supposed  that  he  was  actually  consulted 
by  Pius. 

5  See  c.  v.  4-5.  8  See  note  to  Hadr.,  vii.  5. 

7  Really  in  his  seventy-fifth  year;  cf.  c.  i.  8. 



principum    poni    solebat,    transferri   ad    eum    iussit, 

6  signum l  tribune  aequanimitatis  dedit  atque  ita  con- 
versus  quasi  dormiret,  spiritum  reddidit  apud  Lorium. 

7  alienatus  in  febri  nihil  aliud  quam  de  re  publica  et  de 
8iis  regibus  quibus  irascebatur  locutus  est.     privatum 

patrimonium  filiae  reliquit.     testamento  autem  omnes 
suos  legatis  idoneis  prosecutus  est. 

XIII.  Fuit  statura  elevata  decorus.  sed  cum  esset 
longus  et  senex  incurvareturque,  tiliaciis  tabulis  in 

2  pectore  positis  fasciabatur,  ut  rectus  incederet.  senex 
etiam,  antequam  salutatores  venirent,  panem  siccum 
comedit  ad  sustentandas  vires,  fuit  voce  rauca  et 
sonora  cum  iucundidate. 

A  senatu  divus  est  appellatus  cunctis  certatim 
adnitentibus,  cum  omnes  eius  pietatem  clementiam 
ingenium  sanctimoniam  laudarent.  decreti  etiam 
sunt  omnes  honores  qui  optimis  principibus  ante 

4  delati  sunt.  meruit  et  flaminem  et  circenses  et 
templum  et  sodales  Antoninianos  solusque  omnium 
prope  principum  prorsus  sine2  civili  sanguine  et 
hostili,  quantum  ad  se  ipsum  pertinet,  vixit  et  qui 
rite  comparetur  Numae,  cuius  felicitatem  pietatemque 
et  securitatem  caerimoniasque  semper  obtinuit. 

1  signum  Novak  (so  Peter1);  signatum  P;  signum  turn 
Peter*  with  Petschenig.  2  sine  omitted  in  P. 

1  Cf.  Marc.,  vii.  3;  see  also  Sev.,  xxiii.  5. 

2  Cf .  c.  vii.  9.  3  See  note  to  c.  vi.  7. 
4  See  note  to  Hadr.,  xxvii.  3. 



in  the  bed-chamber  of  the  emperor,1  be  given  to  him. 
Then  lie  gave  the  watchword  to  the  officer  of  the  day 
as  "  Equanimity,"  and  so,  turning  as  if  to  sleep,  gave 
up  the  ghost  at  Lorium.  While  he  was  delirious  with 
fever,  he  spoke  of  nothing  save  the  state  and  certain 
kings  with  whom  he  was  angry.  To  his  daughter  he 
left  his  private  fortune,2  and  in  his  will  he  remem- 
bered all  his  household  with  suitable  legacies. 

XIII  He  was  a  handsome  man,  and  tall  in  stature  ; 
but  being  a  tall  man,  when  he  was  bent  by  old  age 
he  had  himself  swathed  with  splints  of  linden-wood 
bound  on  his  chest  in  order  that  he  might  walk  erect. 
Moreover,  when  he  was  old,  he  ate  dry  bread  before 
the  courtiers  came  to  greet  him,  in  order  that  he 
might  sustain  his  strength.  His  voice  was  hoarse 
and  resonant,  yet  agreeable. 

He  was  deified  by  the  senate,  while  all  men  vied 
with  one  another  to  give  him  honour,  and  all  extolled 
his  devoutness,  his  mercy,  his  intelligence,  and  his 
righteousness.  All  honours  were  decreed  for  him 
which  were  ever  before  bestowed  on  the  very  best  of 
emperors.  He  well  deserved  the  flamen  and  games 
and  temple 3  and  the  Antoninine  priesthood.4  Almost 
alone  of  all  emperors  he  lived  entirely  unstained  by 
the  blood  of  either  citizen  or  foe  so  far  as  was  in  his 
power,  and  he  was  justly  compared  to  Numa,  whose 
good  fortune  and  piety  and  tranquillity  and  religious 
rites  he  ever  maintained. 





I.  Marco  Antonino,  in  omni  vita  philosophanti  viro 
et  qui  sanctitate  vitae  omnibus  principibus  antecellit, 

2  pater  Annius  Verus,  qui  in  praetura   decessit,   avus 
Annius .  Verus,    iterum l   consul    et    praefectus    urbi, 
adscitus  in  patricios  2  a  Vespasiano  et  Tito  censoribus, 

3  patruus   Annius  Libo  consul,  amita  Galeria  Faustina 
Augusta,  mater  Domitia  Lucilla,3  Calvisii    Tulli  bis 

4  consulis  filia,  proavus  paternus  Annius  Verus  praetorius 
ex  Succubitano  municipio  ex  Hispania  4  factus  senator, 
proavus  maternus  Catilius  Severus  bis  consul  et  prae- 
fectus  urbi,   avia    paterna    Rupilia    Faustina,   Rupilii 
Boni  consularis  filia,  fuere. 

1  iterum  P  ;  tertium  Petschenig.  2  a  princi2)ibus,  follow- 
ing patricios  in  P,  removed  by  Salm.  3  Lucilla  Borghesi ; 
Caluilla  P,  Peter.  4  spania  P1,  Peter ;  yspania  P  corr. 

1  M.   Annius  Verus  was  consul  three  times,  first   under 
Domitian,  again  in  121  and  126. 

2  See  Pius,  i.  6. 





I.  Marcus  Antoninus,  devoted  to  philosophy  as  long 
as  he  lived  and  pre-eminent  among  emperors  in 
purity  of  life,  was  the  son  of  Annius  Verus,  who  died 
while  praetor.  His  grandfather,  named  Annius  Verus 
also,  attained  to  a  second  consulship,1  was  prefect  of 
the  city,  and  was  enrolled  among  the  patricians  by 
Vespasian  and  Titus  while  they  were  censors.  Annius 
Libo,  a  consul,  was  his  uncle,  Galeria  Faustina 
Augusta,2  his  aunt.  His  mother  was  Domitia  Lucilla, 
the  daughter  of  Calvisius  Tullus,  who  served  as  consul 
twice.3  Annius  Verus,  from  the  town  of  Succuba  in 
Spain,  who  was  made  a  senator  and  attained  to  the 
dignity  of  praetor,  was  his  father's  grandfather ;  his 
great-grandfather  on  his  mother's  side  was  Catilius 
Severus,4  who  twice  held  the  consulship  and  was  pre- 
fect of  the  city.  His  father's  mother  was  Rupilia 
Faustina,  the  daughter  of  Rupilius  Bonus,  a  man  of 
consular  rank. 

3  First  in  109 ;  the  second  date  is  unknown. 

4  See  note  to  Hadr.t  v.  10. 



5  Natus  est  Marcus  Romae  VI.  kal.  Maias  in  Monte 
Caelio  in  hortis  avo  suo  iterum  et  Augure  consulibus. 

6  cuius  familia  in  originem  recurrens  a  Numa  probatur 
sanguinem  trahere,  ut  Marius  Maximus  docet ;  item  a 
rege  Sallentino  Malemnio,  Dasummi  filio,  qui  Lupias 

7  condidit.     educatus  est  in  eo  loco  in  quo  natus  est  et 

8  in  domo  avi  sui  Veri  iuxta  aedes  Laterani.     habuit  et 
sororem  natu  minorem  Anniam  Cornificiam,  uxorem 

9  Anniam     Faustinam,     consobrinam    suam.        Marcus 
Antoninus  principio  aevi  sui  nomen   habuit1   Catilii 

10  Severi,  materni  proavi.  post  excessum  vero  patris  ab 
Hadriano  Annius  Verissimus  vocatus  est,  post  virilem 
autem  togam  Annius  Verus.  patre  mortuo  ab  avo 
paterno  adoptatus  et  educatus  est. 

II.  Fuit  a  prima  infantia  gravis.  at  ubi  egressus 
est  annos  qui  nutricum  foventur  auxilio,  magnis  prae- 
ceptoribus  traditus  ad  philosophiae  scita  pervenit. 

2  usus  est    magistris  ad    prima  elementa    Euphorione 
litteratore    et    Gemiiio    comoedo,    musico    Androne 
eodemque    geometra.      quibus    omnibus    ut     discip- 

3  linarum  auctoribus  plurimum  detulit.      usus  praeterea 
grammaticis,  Graeco  Alexandro  Cotiaeensi,2  Latinis 

1  et,  after  habuit  in  P,  deleted  by  Petrarch.  2  cotidianis 
P ;  Cotiaensi  Uhlig,  Peter. 

1In  Calabria,  about  20  miles  S.  of  Brundisium. 
3Annia  Gornificia  Faustina.     She  was  married  to  Um- 
midius  Quadratus. 
3  See  Pius,  i.  7. 

4 Probably  M.  Annius  Catilius  Severus. 
B  So  also  Dio,  Ixix.  21,  2.     This  name  appears  on  Greek 



Marcus  himself  was  born  at  Rome  on  the  sixth  day  26  Apr., 
before  the  Kalends  of  May  in  the  second  consulship121' 
of  his  grandfather  and  the  first  of  Augur,  in  a  villa  on 
the  Caelian  Hill.  His  family,  in  tracing  its  origin 
back  to  the  beginning,  established  its  descent  from 
Numa,  or  so  Marius  Maximus  tells,  and  likewise  from 
the  Sallentine  king  Malemnius,  the  son  of  Dasummus, 
who  founded  Lupiae.1  He  was  reared  in  the  villa 
where  he  was  born,  and  also  in  the  home  of  his  grand- 
father Verus  close  to  the  dwelling  of  Lateranus.  He 
had  a  sister  younger  than  himself,  named  Annia 
Cornificia  ; 2  his  wife,  who  was  also  his  cousin,  was 
Annia  Faustina.3  At  the  beginning  of  his  life  Marcus 
Antoninus  was  named  Catilius  Severus4  after  his 
mother's  grandfather.  After  the  death  of  his  real 
father,  however,  Hadrian  called  him  Annius  Verissi- 
mus,5  and,  after  he  assumed  the  toga  virilis,  Annius 
Verus.  When  his  father  died  he  was  adopted  and 
reared  by  his  father's  father. 

II.  He  was  a  solemn  child  from  the  very  beginning  ; 
and  as  soon  as  he  passed  beyond  the  age  when  chil- 
dren are  brought  up  under  the  care  of  nurses,  he  was 
handed  over  to  advanced  instructors  and  attained  to 
a  knowledge  of  philosophy.  In  his  more  elementary 
education,  he  received  instruction  from  Euphorion  in 
literature  and  from  Geminus  in  drama,  in  music  and 
likewise  in  geometry  from  Andron  ;  on  all  of  whom, 
as  being  spokesman  of  the  sciences,  he  afterwards  con- 
ferred great  honours.  Besides  these,  his  teachers  in 
grammar  were  the  Greek  Alexander  of  Cotiaeum,6  and 

coins,  Eckhel,  D.N.,  vii.  69.     It  is  perhaps  an  allusion  to  his 
love  of  frankness  ;  see  Fronto,  Epist.,  pp.  29,  34,  49. 

6  See  els  tour,  i.  10.  His  funeral  oration  was  delivered  by 
Aristides,  Or.,  xii. 



Trosio  Apro  et  Pollione 1  et  Eutychio  Proculo  Sic- 
4censi.  oratoribus  usus  est  Graecis2  Aninio  3  Macro, 

Caninio  Celere  et  Herode  Attico,  Latino  Frontone 
5Cornelio.  sed  multum  ex  his  Fronton!  detulit,  cui 

et  statuam  in  senatu  petiit.      Proculum  vero  usque  ad 

proconsulatum  provexit  oneribus  4  in  se  receptis. 

6  Philosophiae  operam  vehementer  dedit  et  quidem 
adhuc     puer.     nam    duodecimum    annum    ingressus 
habitum  philosophi  sumpsit  et  deinceps  tolerantiam, 
cum  studeret    in  pallio  et  humi   cubaret,  vix  autem 
matre    agente    instrato    pellibus    lectulo    accubaret. 

7  usus  est  etiam  Commodi 5  magistro,  cuius  ei  adfinitas 
fuerat  destinata,6  Apollonio  Chalcedonio  Stoico  philo- 

III.  sopho.      tantum   autem    studium  in    eo  philosophiae 

fuit    ut    adscitus    iam    in 7    imperatoriam    tamen    ad 

2domum   Apollonii  discendi  causa  veniret.      audivit  et 

Sextum  Chaeronensem    Plutarchi    nepotem,    lunium 

Rusticum,  Claudium   Maximum  et  Cinnam  Catulum, 

lpolono  P  ;  Polione  Peter.          2graeco  P.          3  So  P  corr. ; 
animo  P1.  4  oneribus  Turnebus  ;  honoribus  P.  f)  So 

Obrecht ;  commodo  P.          6  usus  est  et,  repeated  before  Ai>oll. 
Chal.  in  P,  removed  by  Obrecht.  7  in  om.  in  P1 ;  in  i 

peratoriam  dignitatem  P  corr. 

1  Ti.  Claudius  Atticus  Herodes,  consul  in  143.    The  foremost 
orator  of  his  time,  he  had  a  school  at  Athens  attended  by  a 
great  number  of  students.     He  presented  public  buildings  to 
very  many  of  the  cities  of  Greece,  but  particularly  to  his 
native  city,  Athens,  where  he  built  the  Odeum  on  the  S.E. 
slope  of  the  Acropolis  and  rebuilt  the  Stadium,  using  Pentelic 
marble.     His  life  by  Philostratus  is  extant  (Vit.  Soph.,  ii.  1). 

2  M.  Cornelius  Fronto,  famous  as  an  orator  and  man  of 



the  Latins  Trosius  A  per,  Pol  Ho,  and  Eutychius  Pro- 
culus  ofSicca  ;  his  masters  in  oratory  were  the  Greeks 
Aninius  Macer,  Caiiinius  Celer  and  Herodes  Atticus,1 
and  the  Latin  Cornelius  Fronto.'2  Ot  these  he  con- 
ferred high  honours  on  Fronto,  even  asking  the  senate 
to  vote  him  a  statue  ;  but  indeed  he  advanced  Pro- 
culus  also — even  to  a  proconsulship,  and  assumed  the 
burdens3  of  the  ofiice  himself. 

He  studied  philosophy  with  ardour,  even  as  a  youth. 
For  when  he  was  twelve  years  old  he  adopted  the 
dress  and,  a  little  later,  the  hardiness  of  a  philosopher, 
pursuing  his  studies  clad  in  a  rough  Greek  cloak  and 
sleeping  on  the  ground ; 4  at  his  mother's  solicita- 
tion, however,  he  reluctantly  consented  to  sleep  on 
a  couch  strewn  with  skins.  He  received  instruc- 
tion, furthermore,  from  the  teacher  of  that  Corn- 
modus  ft  who  was  destined  later  to  be  a  kinsman  of 
his,  namely  Apollonius  of  Chalcedon,6  the  Stoic; 
III.  and  such  was  his  ardour  for  this  school  of  philo- 
sophy, that  even  after  he  became  a  member  of  the 
imperial  family,  he  still  went  to  Apollonius'  resi- 
dence for  instruction.  In  addition,  he  attended  the 
lectures  of  Sextus  of  Chaeronea,7  the  nephew  of 
Plutarch,  and  of  Jiinius  Rusticus,8  Claudius  Maximus,9 
and  Cinna  Catulus,10  all  Stoics.  He  also  attended 

letters,  and  for  his  correspondence  with  Pius,  Marcus,  and 

3  i.e.  the   giving   of   circus-games,  the  expense   of   which 
caused  many  to  resign  from  tho  consulship  ;  see  Dio,  Ix.  27,  2. 
The  cost  of  tho  games  given  by  Fronto  was  borne  by  Pius  ; 
see  Fronto,  Epist.,  p.  25. 

4  At  the  advice  of  his  teacher  Dioguetus  ;  see  fit  e'cun-oV,  i.  6. 
6  i.e.  Lucius  Verus  ;  see  note  to  Hadr.,  xxiv.  1. 

6  See  Piust  x.  4  and  note.  7  See  e»s  fain,  i.  9. 

8  See  fis  iavr,  i.  7.     »  See  ds  W,  i.  15.     10  See  els  lain,  i.  18. 



SStoicos.  Peripateticae  vero  studiosum  l  audivit  Clau- 
dium  Severum  et  praecipue  lunium  Rusticum,  quern 
et  reveritus  est  et  sectatus,  qui  domi  militiaeque 

4pollebat,  Stoicae  disciplinae  peritissimum  ;  cum  quo 
orania  communicavit  publica  privataque  consilia,  cui 
etiamante  praefectos  praetorio  semper  osculum  dedit, 

5  quern  et  consulem  iterum  designavit,  cui  post  obitum 
a  senatu  statuas  postulavit.     tantum  autem  honoris 
magistris  suis    detulit  ut   imagines  eorum  aureas  in 
larario  haberet  ac  sepulchra  eorum  aditu  hostiis  flori- 

6  bus  semper  honoraret.     studuit  et  iuri,  audiens  Lu- 

7  cium    Volusium    Maecianum.     tantumque    operis   et 
laboris  studiis  impendit  ut  corpus  adficeret  atque  in 

8  hoc  solo  pueritia  eius  reprehenderetur.      frequentavit 
et  declamatorum  scholas  publicas  amavitque  e  2  con- 
discipulis    praecipuos    senatorii    ordinis    Seium    Fus- 
cianum  et   Aufidium    Victorinum,  ex    equestri    Bae- 

9bium  Longum  et  Calenum.  in  quos  maxime  liberalis 
fuit,  et  ita  quidem  ut  quos  non  posset  ob  qualitatem 
vitae  rei  publicae  praeponere,  locupletatos  teneret. 

1  So  Peter;  studiosos  P  ;  studiosus  Gas.,  Jordan.          2  om. 
by  P1  ;  ex  P  corr. 

1  Perhaps  the  "  a8f\<f>6s  "   Severus  mentioned  in  els  e 
i.  14. 

2  The  custom  had  arisen  that  the  emperor  should  bestow 
a  ceremonial  kiss  of  greeting  upon  the  senators  and  the  fore- 
most of  the  equestrian  order  ;  see  Suet.,  Otho,  vi  ;  Plin.,  Pan., 
23;  Tac.,  Agr.,  40. 

3  For  the  first  time  in  133,  for  the  second  in  162;  he  was 
also  prefect  of  the  city. 



the  lectures  of  Claudius  Severus,1  an  adherent  of  the 
Peripatetic  school,  but  he  received  most-  instruction 
from  Junius  Rusticus,  whom  lie  ever  revered  and 
whose  disciple  he  became,  a  man  esteemed  in  both 
private  and  public  life,  and  exceedingly  well  ac- 
quainted with  the  Stoic  system,  with  whom  Marcus 
shared  all  his  counsels  both  public  and  private, 
whom  he  greeted  with  a  kiss  prior  to  the  pre- 
fects of  the  guard,2  whom  he  even  appointed  consul 
for  a  second  term,3  and  whom  after  his  death  he 
asked  the  senate  to  honour  with  statues.  On  his 
teachers  in  general,  moreover,  he  conferred  great 
honours,  for  he  even  kept  golden  statues  of  them  in 
his  chapel,4  and  made  it  a  custom  to  show  respect  for 
their  tombs  by  personal  visits  and  by  offerings  of 
sacrifices  and  flowers.  He  studied  jurisprudence  as 
well,  in  which  he  heard  Lucius  Volusius  Maecianus, 
and  so  much  work  and  labour  did  he  devote  to  his 
studies  that  he  impaired  his  health — the  only  fault  to 
be  found  with  his  entire  childhood.  He  attended 
also  the  public  schools  of  rhetoricians.  Of  his  fellow- 
pupils  he  was  particularly  fond  of  Seius  Fuscianus  5 
and  Aufidius  Victorinus,6  of  the  senatorial  order,  and 
Baebius  Longus  and  Calenus,  of  the  equestrian.  He 
was  very  generous  to  these  men,  so  generous,  in  fact, 
that  on  those  whom  he  could  not  advance  to  public 
office  on  account  of  their  station  in  life,  he  bestowed 

4  See  the   similar  practice  of  Severus   Alexander,  Alex., 
xxix.  2. 

5  Prefect  of  the  city  under  Commodus  (see  Pert.,  iv.  3),  and 
consul  for  the  second  time  in  188. 

15  C.  Aufidius  Victorinus  held  a  command  in  Germany  (see 
c.  viii.  8),  was  proconsul  of  Africa,  and  consul  for  the  second 
time  in  183.  He  married  Fronto's  daughter. 



IV.  Educatus  est1  in  Hadrian!  gremio,  qui  ilium, 
ut  supra  diximus,  Verissimum  nominabat  et  qui  ei 

2  honorem  equi  public!  sexenni  2  detulit,  octavo  aetatis 

3  anno  in  Saliorum  collegium  rettulit.     in  saliatu  omen 
accepit  imperii :  coronas  omnibus  in  pulvinar  ex  more 
iacientibus  aliae  aliis  locis  haeserunt,  huius  velut  manu 

4capiti  Martis  aptata  est.  fuit  in  eo  sacerdotio  et 
praesul  et  vates  et  magister  et  multos  mauguravit 
atque  exauguravit  nemine  praeeunte,  quod  ipse  car- 
mina  cuncta  didicisset. 

5  Virilem  togam  sumpsit  quinto  decimo  aetatis  anno, 
statimque  ei  Lucii  Ceionii  Commodi  filia  desponsata 

6  est    ex   Hadriani    voluntate.     nee    multo  post  prae- 
fectus    Feriarum    Latinarum    fuit.      in    quo    honore 
prae claris sime    se  pro    magistratibus   agentem  et    in 

7  conviviis    Hadriani    principis    ostendit.      post     hoc 
patrimonium  paternum  sorori   totum  concessit,  cum 
eum  ad  divisionem  mater  vocaret,  responditque  avi 
bonis  se  esse  contentum,  addens,  ut  et  mater,  si  vellet, 
in  sororem  suum  patrimonium  conferret,  ne  inferior 

8  esset   soror  marito.     fuit  autem    tanta    indulgentia 3 

1  est  P  corr. ;  esset  P1.  2  equi  publici  sexenni  Salm.  ;  et 

qui  publicis  exenni  (exenniis)  P.          3  fuit  autem  uitae  indul- 
gentia, P,  Peter  ;  tanta  uitae  indulgentia  Novak. 

lc.  i.  10. 

3  At  the  official  banquet  held  by  the  Salii  in  some  temple 
on  their  feast-day. 

3 i.e.,  L.  Aelius  Caesar,  the  adopted  son  of  Hadrian;  see 
also  c.  vi.  2.  The  daughter  was  probably  the  Fabia  men- 
tioned in  c.  xxix.  10  and  Ver.,  x.  3-4. 

4  Under  the  republic,  this  official  was  charged  with  the 
administration  of  Borne  when  both  consuls  were  absent  from 
the  city  conducting  the  Feriae  Latinae  on  Mons   Albanus. 
In  the  empire  the  office  was  continued,  although  only  as  a 
formality,  and  was  given  to  young  men  of  high  rank  and 



IV.  He  was  reared  under  the  eye  of  Hadrian,  who 
called  him  Verissimus,  as  we  have  already  related/  and 
did  him  the  honour  of  enrolling  him  in  the  equestrian 
order  when  he  was  six  years  old  and  appointing  him 
in  his  eighth  year  to  the  college  of  the  Salii.  While 
in  this  college,  moreover,  he  received  an  omen  of  his 
future  rule ;  for  when  they  were  all  casting  their 
crowns  on  the  banqueting- couch  2  of  the  god,  ac- 
cording to  the  usual  custom,  and  the  crowns  fell  into 
various  places,  his  crown,  as  if  placed  there  by  his 
hand,  fell  on  the  brow  of  Mars.  In  this  priesthood 
he  was  leader  of  the  dance,  seer,  and  master,  and 
consequently  both  initiated  and  dismissed  a  great 
number  of  people  ;  and  in  these  ceremonies  no  one 
dictated  the  formulas  to  him,  for  all  of  them  he  had 
learned  by  himself. 

In  the  fifteenth  year  of  his  life  he  assumed  the  135-136 
toga  virilis,  and  straightway,  at  the  wish  of  Hadrian, 
was  betrothed  to  the  daughter  of  Lucius  Ceionius 
Commodus.3  Not  long  after  this  he  was  made  prefect 
of  the  city  during  the  Latin  Festival,4  and  in  this 
position  he  conducted  himself  very  brilliantly  both  in 
the  presence  of  the  magistrates  and  at  the  banquets 
of  the  Emperor  Hadrian.  Later,  when  his  mother 
asked  him  to  give  his  sister  5  part  of  the  fortune  left 
him  by  his  father,  he  replied  that  he  was  content 
with  the  fortune  of  his  grandfather  and  relinquished 
all  of  it,  further  declaring  that  if  she  wished,  his 
mother  might  leave  her  own  estate  to  his  sister  in  its 
entirety,  in  order  that  she  might  not  be  poorer  than 
her  husband.  So  complaisant  was  he,  moreover,  that 

often  to  princes  of  the  imperial  family;  see  Tac.,  Ann.,  iv. 
36,  and  Suet.,  Nero,  vii. 
6  See  c.  i.  8  and  note. 



ut  cogeretur  nonnumquam  vel  in  venationes  pergere 
vel  in  theatrum  descendere  vel  spectaculis  interesse. 
9  operam  praeterea  pingendo  sub  magistro  Diogneto  l 
dedit.  amavit  pugilatum  luctamina  et  cursum  et 
10  aucupatus  et  pila  lusit  adprime  et  venatus  est.  sed  ab 
omnibus  his  intentionibus  studium  eum  philosophiae 
abduxit  seriumque  et  gravem  reddidit,  lion  tamen 
prorsus  abolita  in  eo  comitate,  quam  praecipue  suis, 
mox  amicis  atque  etiam  minus  notis  exhibebat,  cum 
frugi  esset  sine  contumacia,  verecundus  sine  ignavia, 
sine  tristitia  gravis. 

V.  His  ita  se  habentibus  cum  post  obitum  Lucii 
Caesaris  Hadrianus  successorem  imperii  quaereret,  iiec 
idoneus,  utpote  decem  et  octo  annos  agens,  Marcus 
haberetur,  amitae  Marci  virum  Antoninum  Pium 
Hadrianus  ea  lege  in  adoptationem  legit  ut  sibi 
Marcum  Pius  adoptaret,  ita  tamen  ut  et  Marcus 

2  sibi  Lucium  Commodum  adoptaret.     sane  ea  die  qua 
adoptatus  est  Verus  in  somnis   se  umeros  eburneos 
habere    vidit    sciscitatusque,    an    apti    essent    oneri 

3  ferundo,  solito  repperit    fortiores.     ubi   autem  com- 
perit  se  ab    Hadriano  adoptatum,    magis   est   deter- 
ritus  quam   laetatus  iussusque  in  Hadriani  privatam 
domum  migrare    invitus  de  maternis  hortis  recessit. 

4  curnque    ab  eo    domestic!    quaererent,  cur  tristis  in 
adoptionem  regiam  transiret,  disputavit  quae  mala  in 
se  contineret  imperium. 

1  Diogeneto  P,  Peter. 

Hadr.,  xxiv.  1;  AeL,  vi.  9;  Pius,  iv.  5.  The  state- 
ment that  Lucius  Verus  was  adopted  by  Marcus  (so  also  Ael.t 
v.  12)  is  erroneous. 



at  times,  when  urged,  he  let  himself  be  taken  to  hunts 
or  the  theatre  or  the  spectacles.  Besides,  he  gave 
some  attention  to  painting,  under  the  teacher 
Diognetus.  He  was  also  fond  of  boxing  and  wrestling 
and  running  and  fowling,  played  ball  very  skilfully, 
and  hunted  well.  But  his  ardour  for  philosophy  dis- 
tracted him  from  all  these  pursuits  and  made  him 
serious  and  dignified,  not  ruining,  however,  a  certain 
geniality  in  him,  which  he  still  manifested  toward 
his  household,  his  friends,  and  even  to  those  less  in- 
timate, but  making  him,  rather,  austere,  though  not 
unreasonable,  modest,  though  not  inactive,  and 
serious  without  gloom. 

V.  Such  was  his  character,  then,  when,  after  the  1  Jan.,  ] 
death  of  Lucius  Caesar,  Hadrian  looked  about  for  a 
successor  to  the  throne.  Marcus  did  not  seem  suit- 
able, being  at  the  time  but  eighteen  years  of  age ; 
and  Hadrian  chose  for  adoption  Antoninus  Pius, 
the  uncle-in-law  of  Marcus,  with  the  provision  that 
Pius  should  in  turn  adopt  Marcus  and  that  Marcus 
should  adopt  Lucius  Commodus.1  And  it  was  on 
the  day  that  Verus 2  was  adopted  that  he  dreamed 
that  he  had  shoulders  of  ivory,  and  when  he  asked  if 
they  were  capable  of  bearing  a  burden,  he  found 
them  much  stronger  than  before.  When  he  dis- 
covered, moreover,  that  Hadrian  had  adopted  him, 
he  was  appalled  rather  than  overjoyed,  and  when  told 
to  move  to  the  private  home  of  Hadrian,  reluctantly 
departed  from  his  mother's  villa.  And  when  the 
members  of  his  household  asked  him  why  he  was 
sorry  to  receive  royal  adoption,  he  enumerated  to 
them  the  evil  things  that  sovereignty  involved. 

*  i.e.,  Marcus.     The  story  of  the  dream  is  told  also  by  Dio 
(Ixxi.  36,  1). 



ft  Tune  primum  pro  Annio  Aurelius  coepit  vocari, 
quod  in  Aureliam,  hoc  est  Antonini,  adoptionis  iure 

6  transisset.    octavo  decimo  ergo  aetatis  anno  adoptatus 
in  secundo  consulatu  Antonini,  iam  patris  sui,  Hadri- 
ano  ferente  gratia  aetatis  facta  quaestor  est  designatus. 

7  adoptatus  in  aulicam  domum  omnibus  parentibus  suis 

8  tantam  reverentiam  quantam  privatus  exhibuit.    erat- 
que  baud  secus  rei  suae  quam  in  privata  domo  parcus 
ac  diligens,  pro  institute  patris  volens  agere  dicere 

VI.  Hadriano  Baiis  absumpto  cum  Pius  ad  advehen- 
das  eius  reliquias  esset  profectus,  relictus  Romae  avo 
iusta  implevit  et  gladiatorium  quasi  privatus  quaestor 

2  edidit  munus.  post  excessum  Hadriani  statim  Pius 
per  uxorem  suam  Marcum  sciscitatus  est  et  eum  l 
dissolutis  sponsalibus,  quae  cum  Lucii  Ceionii  Corn- 
modi  .  .  . 2  desponderi  voluerat  impari  adhuc  aetati, 

Shabita  deliberatione  velle  se  dixit.  his  ita  gestis 
adhuc  quaestorem  et  consulem  secum  Pius  Marcum 
designavit  et  Caesaris  appellatione  donavit  et  sevirum 

1  et  eum  P ;  utrum  A.  Jaekel,  Klio  xii,  p.  124,  n.  1. 
2  Gas.  saw  a  lacuna  after  Commodi  (cf.  Marc.,  iv.  5,  and  Ver., 
ii.  3),  and  supplied :  filia  contrahere  ilium  Hadrianus  uohierat, 
Faustina  illi  offeretur,  quod  Verus,  cui  earn  Hadrianus 
(reading  et  quum,  and  esset  after  aetate) ;  Mommsen  supplied  : 
sorore  fecerat  filiam  Faustinam  cum  hortata  esset  ut  duceret, 
quam  Hadrianus  eidem  Commodo ;  Ellis  i,  p.  400,  et  eum, 
diss.  spons.  L.  Ceionii  Commodi  (i.e.  Veri)  quae  cum  filia 
fecerat,  quam,  ei  desponderi  uol.,  etc. ;  se*e  also  Jaekel,  loc.  cit. 

1  On  his  name  after  his  adoption  see  note  to  Hadr.,xxiv.  2. 


At  this  time  he  first  began  to  be  called  Aurelius 
instead  of  Annius,1  since,  according  to  the  law  of 
adoption,  he  had  passed  into  the  Aurelian  family, 
that  is,  into  the  family  of  Antoninus.  And  so  he 
was  adopted  in  his  eighteenth  year,  and  at  the  in- 
stance of  Hadrian  exception  was  made  for  his  age  '2  and 
he  was  appointed  quaestor  for  the  year  of  the  second  139 
consulship  of  Antoninus,  now  his  father.  Even  after 
his  adoption  into  the  imperial  house,  he  still  showed 
the  same  respect  to  his  own  relatives  that  he  had 
borne  them  as  a  commoner,  was  as  frugal  and  care- 
ful of  his  means  as  he  had  been  when  he  lived  in 
a  private  home,  and  was  willing  to  act,  speak,  and 
think  according  to  his  father's  principles. 

VI.   When  Hadrian  died  at  Baiae 3  and  Pius  de-10Jul., 
parted  to  bring  back  his  remains,  Marcus  was  left  at 13S 
Rome  and  discharged  his  grandfather's  funeral  rites, 
and,  though  quaestor,  presented  a  gladiatorial  spectacle 
as  a  private  citizen.      Immediately  after  Hadrian's 
death    Pius,    through   his   wife,    approached    Marcus, 
and,    breaking   his   betrothal   with  the  daughter    of 
Lucius  Ceionius  Commodus,4  ...  he  was  willing  to 
espouse  one  so  much  his  junior  in  years,  he  replied, 
after   deliberating  the  question,  that  he  was.     And 
when  this  was  done,  Pius  designated  him  as  his  col- 
league  in  the  consulship,  though  he  was  still  only  140 
quaestor,  gave  him  the  title  of  Caesar,5  appointed  him 
while  'consul-elect  on&  of  the  six  commanders  of  the 

2  See  Pius,  vi.  9-10  and  note. 

3  See  Hadr.,  xxv.  6;  Pius,  v.  1. 

4  See  c.  iv.  5  and  note. 

5  See  note  to  AeL,  i.  2.     On  coins  of  139-140  he  is  called 
Aurelius  Caes(ar)  Aug(usti)  Pii  f(ilius) ;  see  Cohen,  ii2.  p.  409  f., 
Nos.  1-40. 



turmis  equitum  Romanorum  iam  consulem  designa- 
tura  creavit  et  edenti  cum  collegis  ludos  sevirales  ad- 
sedit  et  in  Tiberianam  domum  transgredi  iussit  et 
aulico  fastigio  renitentem  ornavit  et  in  collegia  sacer- 

4  dotum  iubente  seiiatu  recepit.     secundum  etiam  con- 
sulem designavit,  cum  ipse  quartum  pariter  inierit. 

5  per  eadem  tempora,  cum  tantis  honoribus  occuparetur 
et  cum  formandus  ad  regendum  statum  rei  publicae 
patris  actibus  interesset,  studia  cupidissime  frequen- 

6  Post    haec    Faustinam    duxit  uxorem  et    suscepta 
filia    tribunicia    potestate     donatus     est    atque    im- 
perio  extra  urbem  proconsulari  addito  iure   quintae 

7  relationis.     tantumque  apud    Pium  valuit  ut l  num- 

8  quam  quemquam  sine  eo  facile  promo verit.     erat  au- 
tem  in  summis  obsequiis  patris  Marcus,  quamvis  non 

9  deessent  qui  aliqua  adversum  eum  insusurrarent,  et 
prae  ceteris  Valerius    Homollus,  qui,  cum  Lucillam 

1  ut  P  corr.,  om.  by  P1. 

1  The  seviri  equitum  Romanorum  were  the  six  commanders 
of  the  equestrian   order.     They   received  their  appointment 
from  the  emperor,  and  were  usually  young  men  ot  senatorial 
families  who  had  not  as  yet  been  admitted  to  the  senate  and 
sometimes   princes   of   the  imperial  house,  as  Marcus,  and 
Gaius,  grandson  of  Augustus  (Zonaras,  x.  35).     Marcus  had 
also  the  title  of  princeps  iuventutis  or  honorary  chief  of  the 
equestrian  order  (Dio,  Ixxi.  35,  5),  a  title  bestowed  by  the 
acclamation  of  the  order,  with  the  consent  or  at  the  command 
of  the  emperor,  upon  the  heir  apparent. 

2  See  note  to  Pius,  x.  4. 

3  Especially  the  four  great  colleges  of  which  the  emperor 
was  always  a  member,  i.e.,  the  pontifices,  the  augures,  the 
guindecimviri  sacris  faciendis  or  keepers   of   the  Sibylline 
Books,  and  the  septemviri  epulonum,  and  probably  also  the 
fratres  ar vales  and  the  sodales  of  the  various  deified  emperors 
(see  note  to  Hadr.,  xxvii.  3).     The  son  of  the  emperor  usually 



equestrian  order  l  and  sat  by  him  when  he  and  his 
five  colleagues  were  producing  their  official  games, 
bade  him  take  up  his  abode  in  the  House  of  Tiberius  2 
and  there  provided  him  with  all  the  pomp  of  a  court, 
though  Marcus  objected  to  this,  and  finally  took  him 
into  the  priesthoods  a  at  the.  bidding  of  the  senate. 
Later,  he  appointed  him  consul  for  a  second  term  at  145 
the  same  time  that  he  began  his  fourth.  And  all 
this  time,  when  busied  with  so  many  public  duties  of 
his  own,  and  while  sharing  his  father's  activities  that 
he  might  be  fitted  for  ruling  the  state,  Marcus  worked 
at  his  studies  4  eagerly. 

At  this  time  he  took  Faustina  to  wife5  and,  after  145 
begetting  a  daughter,6  received  the  tribunician  power 
and  the  proconsular  power  outside  the  city,7  with  the 
added  right  of  making  five  proposals  in  the  senate.8 
Such  was  his  influence  with  Pius  that  the  Emperor 
was  never  quick  to  promote  anyone  without  his  advice. 
Moreover,  he  showed  great  deference  to  his  father, 
though  there  were  not  lacking  those  who  whispered 
things  against  him,  especially  Valerius  Homullus,9 

became  a  member  of   these  colleges  when  he  received  the 
name  Caesar. 

4  Especially  in  rhetoric  and  literature  ;  see  Fronto,  p.  36. 

5  See  Pius,  x.  2.     Coins  struck  in  honour  of  the  occasion 
bear  the  heads  of  Marcus  and  Faustina  on  the  obverse  and 
reverse  respectively;  see  Cohen,  ii2.  p.  127,  Nos.  3-4. 

6  Annia  Galeria  Aurelia-  Faustina,  born   in  146,  was  the 
eldest  of  Marcus'  children. 

7  See  note  to  Pius,  iv.  7. 

8  The  newly-elected  emperor  was  regularly  empowered  by 
senatus  consultum  to  propose  a  definite  number  of  measures 
in  each  meeting  of  the  senate,  these  proposals  to  take  pre- 
cedence over  any  others.     The  number  varied  but  never  seems 
to  have  exceeded  five  ;  see  Pert.,v.  6 ;  Alex.,  i.  3  ;  Prob.,  xii.  8. 

9  Cf.  Pius,  xi.  8. 



matrem  Marci  in  viridiario   venerantem   simulacrum 

Apollinis  vidisset,  insusurravit,   "  ilia  nunc  rogat,  ut 

diem  tuum  claudas  et  films  imperet  ".     quod  omnino 

lOapud  Pium  nihil  valuit ;  tanta  erat   Marci  probitas  et 

VIl.tanta  in  imperatorio  participatu 1   modestia.      existi- 

mationis  autern  tantam  curam  habuit  ut  et  procura- 

tores  suos  puer  semper  moneret,  ne  quid  arrogantius 

facerent,    et    heredidates    delatas    reddens    proximis 

2aliquando    respuerit.     denique    per    viginti    et    tres 

annos  in  domo  patris  ita  versatus  ut  eius  cotidie  amor 

3  cresceret,  nee  praeter  duas  noctes  per  tot  annosabeo 
mansit  diversis  vicibus. 

Ob  hoc  Antoninus  Pius,  cum  sibi  adesse  finem 
vitae  videret,  vocatis  amicis  et  praefectis  ut  succes- 
sorem  eum  imperii  omnibus  commendavit  atque 
firmavit  statimque  signo  aequanimitatis  tribuno  dato 
Fortunam  auream,  quae  in  cubiculo  solebat  esse,  ad 

4  Marci    cubiculum    transire     iussit.     bonorum  mater- 
norum  partern  Ummidio  2  Quadrato,  sororis  filio,  quia 
ilia  iam  mortua  erat,  tradidit. 

5  Post  excessum  divi  Pii  a  senatu  coactus  regimen 
publicum  capere  fratrem  sibi  participem  iri  imperio 
designavit,    quern     Lucium    Aurelium    Verum    Com- 
inodum    appellavit    Caesaremque    atque    Augustum 

1  participatum  P ;  priticipatu  Peter,  following  B  princi- 
patum.  2  Ummidio  Borghesi ;  Mummio  P,  Peter. 

^f.  Pius,  xii.  5-6. 

2M.  Ummidius   Quadratus,   consul   167,  was   the  son  of 
Annia  Oornificia  Faustina  (c.  i.  8,  and  iv.  7). 



who,  when  he  saw  Marcus'  mother  Lucilla  worshipping 
in  her  garden  before  a  shrine  of  Apollo,  whispered, 
"  Yonder  woman  is  now  praying  that  you  may  come 
to  your  end,  and  her  son  rule".  All  of  which 
influenced  Pius  not  in  the  least,  such  was  Marcus' 
sense  of  honour  and  such  his  modesty  while  heir 
to  the  throne.  VII.  He  had  such  regard  for  his 
reputation,  moreover,  that  even  as  a  youth  he  admon- 
ished his  procurators  to  do  nothing  high-handed  and 
often  refused  sundry  legacies  that  were  left  him,  re- 
turning them  to  the  nearest  kin  of  the  deceased. 
Finally,  for  three  and  twenty  years  he  conducted 
himself  in  his  father's  home  in  such  a  manner  that 
Pius  felt  more  affection  for  him  day  by  day,  and  never 
in  all  these  years,  save  for  two  nights  on  different 
occasions,  remained  away  from  him. 

For  these  reasons,  then,  when  Antoninus  Pius  saw 
that  the  end  of  his  life  was  drawing  near,  having 
summoned  his  friends  and  prefects,  he  commended 
Marcus  to  them  all  and  formally  named  him  as  his 
successor  in  the  empire.  He  then  straightway  gave 
the  watch-word  to  the  officer  of  the  day  as  "  Equa- 
nimity," and  ordered  that  the  golden  statue  of  For- 
tune, customarily  kept  in  his  own  bed-chamber, 
be  transferred  to  the  bed-chamber  of  Marcus.1  Part 
of  his  mother's  fortune  Marcus  then  gave  to  Ummidius 
Quadratus,2  the  son  of  his  sister,  because  the  latter 
was  now  dead. 

Being  forced  by  the  senate  to  assume  the  govern-  7  Mar. ,  16 
ment  of  the  state  after  the  death  of  the  Deified  Pius, 
Marcus  made  his  brother  his  colleague  in  the  empire, 
giving  him  the  name  Lucius  Aurelius  Verus  Corn- 
modus  and  bestowing  on  him  the  titles  Caesar  and 
Augustus.  Then  they  began  to  rule  the  state  on 



Sdixit.  atque  ex  eo  pariter  coeperunt  rem  publicam 
regere  tuncque  primum  Romanum  imperium  duos 
Augustos  habere  coepit,  cum  imperium  sibi  relictum l 
cum  alio  participasset.  Antonini  mox  ipse  nomen 

Trecepit.  et  quasi  pater  Lucii  Commodi  esset,  et 
Verum  eum  appellavit  addito  Antonini  nomine  filiam- 

8que  suam  Lucillam  fratri  despondit.  ob  hanc  con- 
iunctionem  pueros  et  puellas  novorum  nominum 

9  frumentariae  perceptioni  adscribi  praeceperunt.     actis 

igitur  quae  agenda  fuerant  in  senatu  pariter  castra 

praetoria  petiverunt  et  vicena  milia  nummum  singulis 

ob  participatum  imperium    militibus  promiserunt  et 

lOceteris  pro  rata.      Hadriani  autem  sepulchre  corpus 

patris  intulerunt  magnifico  exsequiarum  officio.     mox 

iustitio  secuto  publice  quoque  funeris  expeditus  est 

11  ordo.      et    laudavere    uterque    pro    rostris    patrem 

flaminemque  ei  ex  adfinibus  et  sodales  ex  amicissimis 

Aurelianos  creavere. 

VIII.   Adepti  imperium  ita  civiliter  se  ambo  egerunt 

ut  lenitatem  Pii  nemo  desideraret,  cum  eos  Marullus, 

sui  temporis  mimographus,    cavillando  impune    per- 

2.3  stringeret.     funebre  munus  patri  dederunt.2     dabat 

1  So  Mommsen ;  habere  coepit  lictum  P ;  habere  coepit 
.  .  .  lictum  {lictum  cum  alio  participasset  perhaps  a  fragment 
of  a  marginal  comment)  Peter.  2  This  sentence  Peter  re- 

moved, as  introduced  from  the  margin  of  vii.  10. 

1  Coins  of  161  and  162  show  Marcus  and  Lucius  standing 
with     clasped    hands    and    bear    the    legend    Concord(ia) 
Augustor(um)  ;  see  Cohen,  iii2,  p.  8,  Nos.  45-59. 

2  Annia  Lucilla,  his  third  child,  born  about  148. 

3  Like  the  puellae  aliment  art  ae  Faustinianae ,  founded  by 
Pius;  see  Pius,  viii.  1. 

4  i.e.,  the  centurions  and  other  officers.     Largess  was  also 
given  to  the  populace ;  see  coins  of  161  with  legend  Lib(eralitas) 



equal  terms,1  and  then  it  was  that  the  Roman  Empire 
first  had  two  emperors,  when  Marcus  shared  with 
another  the  empire  he  had  inherited.  Next,  he  him- 
self took  the  name  Antoninus,  and  just  as  though  he 
were  the  father  of  Lucius  Commodus,  he  gave  him  the 
name  Verus,  adding  also  the  name  Antoninus  ;  he  also 
betrothed  him  to  his  daughter  Lucilla,2  though  legally 
he  was  his  brother.  In  honour  of  this  union  they 
gave  orders  that  girls  and  boys  of  newly-named  orders  3 
should  be  assigned  a  share  in  the  distribution  of  grain. 

And  so,  when  they  had  done  those  things  which 
had  to  be  done  in  the  presence  of  the  senate,  they 
set  out  together  for  the  praetorian  camp,  and  in 
honour  of  their  joint  rule  promised  twenty  thousand 
sesterces  apiece  to  the  common  soldiers  and  to  the 
others 4  money  in  proportion.  The  body  of  their 
father  they  laid  in  the  Tomb  of  Hadrian  5  with  ela- 
borate funeral  rites,  and  on  a  holiday  which  came 
thereafter  an  official  funeral  train  marched  in  parade. 
Both  emperors  pronounced  panegyrics  for  their  father 
from  the  Rostra,  and  they  appointed  a  flamen  for  him 
chosen  from  their  own  kinsmen  and  a  college  of 
Aurelian  priests  °  from  their  closest  friends. 

VIII.  And  now,  after  they  had  assumed  the  im- 
perial power,  the  two  emperors  acted  in  so  democratic 
a  manner  that  no  one  missed  the  lenient  ways  of  Pius  ; 
for  though  Marullus,  a  writer  of  farces  of  the  time, 
irritated  them  by  his  jests,  he  yet  went  unpunished. 
They  gave  funeral  games  for  their  father.  And 

Augustor(um)  and  representation  of  the  two  emperors  stand- 
ing in  front  of  a  recipient  (Cohen,  iii2,  p.  41,  Nos.  401-406). 

8  See  Hadr.,  xix.  11. 

6  i.e.,  the  Sodales  Antoniniani ;  see  Pius,  xiii.  4,  and  note 
to  Hadr.,  xxvii.  3. 



se  Marcus  totum  et  philosophiae,  amorem  civium  ad- 

4  fectans.     sed  interpellavit  istam  felicitatem  securita- 
temque  imperatoris  prima  Tiberis  inundatio,  quae  sub 
illis  gravissima  fuit.     quae  res  et  multa  urbis  aedificia 
vexavit  et  plurimum  animalium  interemit  et  famem 

5  gravissimam  peperit.     quae    omnia  mala  Marcus    et 
6Verus  sua  cura  et  praesentia   temperarunt.     fuit  eo 

tempore  etiam  Parthicum  bellum,    quod  Vologaesus 

paratum  sub  Pio  Marci  et  Veri  tempore  indixit,  fugato 

Attidio  Corneliano,  qui    Syriam    tune  administrabat. 

7imminebat  etiam    Britannicum    bellum,  et  Chatti  in 

8  Germaniam  ac  Raetiam  inruperant.     et  adversus  Bri- 

tannos  quidem  Calpurnius  Agricola  missus  est,  contra 

9Chattos    Aufidius    Victoriiius.     ad    Parthicum    vero 

bellum  senatu  consentiente  Verus  frater  est  missus  ; 

ipse  Romae  remansit,  quod  res  urbanae  imperatoris 

10  praesentiam  postularent.     et  Verum  quidem  Marcus 
Capuam  usque  prosecutus  amicis  comitantibus  a  senatu 

11  ornavit  additis  officiorum    omnium  principibus.     sed 
cum   Romam  redisset  Marcus  cognovissetque  Verum 
apud  Canusium  aegrotare,  ad    eum    videndum    con- 
tendit  susceptis  in  senatu  votis  ;    quae,  posteaquam 

1  Cf.  the  coins  of  161  with  the  legend  Fel(icitas)  Temp(ornm) 
(Cohen,  iii2,  p.  21,  Nos.  196-198). 

2  See  Pius,  ix.  6  and  note. 

3  This  war,  called  officially  bellum  Armeniacum  et  Parthi- 
cum, arose,  as  was  usually  the  case  with  wars  between  the 
Romans  and  the  Parthian s,  in  a  struggle  for  the  control  of 
the  buffer-state  Armenia.     After  defeating  Aelius  Severianus, 
the  governor  of  Cappadocia,  at  Elegcia,  on  the  uprer  Eu- 
phrates, and  annihilating  his  legion  (Dio,  Ixxi.  2;    Fronto, 
Prin.  Hist.,  p.  209),  the  Parthians  established  their  candidate 
on  the  Armenian  throne.     Then  followed  the  defeat  of  Cor- 
nelianus  in  161. 

4E.  of  the  Rhine,  N.  and  E.  of  the  Taunus  Mountains, 



Marcus  abandoned  himself  to  philosophy,  at  the  same 
time  cultivating  the  good-will  of  the  citizens.  But 
now  to  interrupt  the  emperor's  happiness  l  and  repose, 
there  came  the  first  flood  of  the  Tiber — the  severest 
of  their  time — which  ruined  many  houses  in  the  city, 
drowned  a  great  number  of  animals,  and  caused  a 
most  severe  famine  ;  all  these  disasters  Marcus  and 
Verus  relieved  by  their  own  personal  care  and  aid. 
At  this  time,  moreover,  came  the  Parthian  war,  which  161 
Vologaesus  planned  under  Pius 2  and  declared  under 
Marcus  and  Verus,  after  the  rout  of  Attidius  Cornel- 
ianus,  then  governor  of  Syria.3  And  besides  this,  162 
war  was  threatening  in  Britain,  and  the  Chatti4  had 
burst  into  Germany  and  Raetia.  Against  the  Britons 
Calpurnius  Agricola  5  was  sent ;  against  the  Chatti, 
Aufidius  Victorinus.6  But  to  the  Parthian  war,  with 
the  consent  of  the  senate,  Marcus  despatched  his 
brother  Verus,  while  he  himself  remained  at  Rome, 
where  conditions  demanded  the  presence  of  an  em- 
peror. Nevertheless,  he  accompanied  Verus  as  far  as 
Capua,7  honouring  him  with  a  retinue  of  friends  from 
the  senate  and  appointing  also  all  his  chiefs-of-staff. 
And  when,  after  returning  to  Rome,  he  learned  that 
Verus  was  ill  at  Canusium,8  he  hastened  to  see  him, 
after  assuming  vows  in  the  senate,  which,  on  his  re- 

5  Mentioned   in    British  inscriptions  as  governor   (legatus 
Augusti  pro  prof  tore)  of  the  province  of  Britain.     He  after- 
wards held  a  command  in  the  Marcomannic  War. 

6  See  c.  iii.  8. 

7  Verus'  departure  took  place  in  the  spring  of  162.     It  was 
commemorated  by  coins  of  Verus  with  the  legends  Profectio 
Aug(usti)  and  Fort(una)  Eed(ux) ;  see  Cohen,  iii8,  p.  183  f., 
Nos.  132-141,  and  p.  180  f.,  Nos.  86-102. 

8  In  Apulia,  modern  Canosa.     On  Verus'  illness  see  Ver., 
vi.  7. 



Romam  rediit  audita  Veri  transmissione,  statim  red- 

12  didit.     et  Verus  quidem,  posteaquam  in  Syriam  venit, 
in  deliciis  apud  Antiochiam  et  Daphnen  vixit  armisque 
se  gladiatoriis  et  venatibus  exercuit,  cum  per  legates 
bellum  Parthicum  gerens  imperator  app?llatus  esset, 

13  cum  Marcus  horis  omnibus  rei  publicae  actibus  in- 
cubaret  patieiiterque  delicias  fratris  sed  perinvitus  ac 

14  nolens l  ferret,     denique  omnia  quae  ad  bellum  erant 
necessaria    Romae    positus    et    disposuit   Marcus    et 

IX.  Gestae  sunt  res  in  Armenia  prospere  per  Sta- 
tium  Priscum  Artaxatis  captis,  delatumque  Armenia  - 
cum  nomen  utrique  principum.  quod  Marcus  per  vere- 

2cundiam  primo  recusavit,  postea  tamen  recepit.  pro- 
fligato  autem  bello  uterque  Parthicus  appellatus  est. 
sed  hoc2  quoque  Marcus  delatum  nomen  repudiavit, 

3  quod  postea  recepit.  patris  patriae  autem  nomen 
delatum  fratre  absente  in  eiusdem  praesentiam 

1  Suggested  by  Peter  in  note ;  et  prope  inuitus  ac  nolens 
(nolens  P  corr.)  P,  Peter;  et  pi  ope  non  inuitus  ac  nolens 
Novak.  2hoc  P  corr.,  om.  by  P1. 

1  See  also  Ver.,  vi.  8-vii.  1. 

2  After  the  capture  of  Artaxata  by  Statius  Priscus;  see  c. 
ix.  1. 

3  The  title  Arme.niacus  appears  on  Verus'  coins  of  163,  to- 
gether with  the  representation  of  conquered  Armenia ;  see 
Cohen,   iii2,   p.    172,  Nos.   4-6,   and   p.    203,   Nos.   330-331. 
Marcus'  coins,  on  the  other  hand,  do  not  show  it  until  164; 
see  Cohen,  iii2,  p.  5,  Nos.  5-8;  p.  48,  Nos.  466-471,  etc.     The 
capture  of   Artaxata  enabled  Rome  to  make  her  candidate, 
Soaemus  (Fronto,  p.  127),  king  of  Armenia;   this  event  was 
commemorated  by  coins  of  164  with  the  legend  Rex  Armeniis 
Datus  ;  see  Ver.,  vii.  8,  and  Cohen,  iii2,  p.  185  f.,  Nos.  157-165. 

4  By  the  capture   of  Seleucia  and  Ctesiphon  in  165  ;  see 
Ver.,  viii.  3,  and  Dio,  Ixxi.  2,  3.    The  title  Parthicus  Maxi~ 



turn  to  Rome  after  learning  that  Verus  had  set  sail, 
he  immediately  fulfilled.  Verus,  however,  after  he 
had  come  to  Syria,  lingered  amid  the  debaucheries 
of  Antioch  and  Daphne  and  busied  himself  with 
gladiatorial  bouts  and  hunting.1  And  yet,  for  waging 
the  Parthian  war  through  his  legates,  he  was  acclaimed 
Imperator,2  while  meantime  Marcus  was  at  all  hours 
keeping  watch  over  the  workings  of  the  state,  and, 
though  reluctantly  and  sorely  against  his  will,  but 
nevertheless  with  patience,  was -enduring  the  de- 
bauchery of  his  brother.  In  a  word,  Marcus,  though 
residing  at  Rome,  planned  and  executed  everything 
necessary  to  the  prosecution  of  the  war. 

IX.  In  Armenia  the  campaign  was  successfully  163 
prosecuted  under  Statius  Priscus,  Artaxata  being 
taken,  and  the  honorary  name  Armeniacus  was  given 
to  each  of  the  emperors.3  This  name  Marcus  refused 
at  first,  by  reason  of  his  modesty,  but  afterwards  ac- 
cepted. When  the  Parthian  war  was  finished,4  more- 
over, each  emperor  was  called  Parthicus  ;  but  this 
name  also  Marcus  refused  when  first  offered,  though 
afterwards  he  accepted  it.  And  further,  when  the 
title  "  Father  of  his  Country  "  was  offered  him  in  his 
brother's  absence,  he  deferred  action  upon  it  until 
the  latter  should  be  present.5  In  the  midst  of  this  164 
war  he  entrusted  his  daughter,6  who  was  about  to  be 
married  and  had  already  received  her  dowry,  to  the 
care  of  his  sister,  and,  accompanying  them  himself  as 
far  as  Brundisium,  sent  them  to  Verus  together  with 

mus  appears  on  Verus'  coins  of  165  (Cohen,  iii2,  p.  188  f.,  Nos. 
190-196),  and  on  Marcus'  coins  of  166  (Cohen,  iii2,  p.  86  f., 
Nos.  877-880). 

8  It  was  finally  taken  by  both  Marcus  and  Lucius  after  the 
retnru  of  the  latter  in  the  summer  of  166 ;  see  c.  xii.  7. 

6Lucilla;  see  c.  vii.  7,  and  Ver.,  vii.  7. 



4distulit.  medio  belli  tempore  et  Civicam,  patruum 
Veri,  et  filiam  suam  nupturam  commissam  sorori  suae 
eandemque  locupletatam  Brundisium  usque  deduxit, 

5  ad  eum  misit  Romamque  statim  rediit,  revocatus  eorum 
sermonibus  qui  dicebant  Marcum  velle  finiti  belli 
gloriam  sibimet  vindicare  atque  idcirco  in  Syriam 

6proficisci.  ad  proconsulem  scribit,  ne  quis  filiae  suae 
iter  facienti  occurieret. 

7  Inter  haec  liberates  causas  ita  munivit  ut  primus  iu- 
beret  apud  praefectos  aerarii  Saturni  imumquemque 
civium  natos  liberos  profiteri  intra  tricensimum  diem 

8  nomine  imposito.      per  provincias  tabulariorum  publi- 
corum  usum  instituit,   apud  quos  idem  de  originibus 
fieret  quod  Romae  apud  praefectos  aerarii,  ut,  si  forte 
aliquis  in  provincia  natus  causam  liberalem  diceret, 

9testationes  inde  ferret,  atque  hanc  totam  legem  de 
adsertionibus  firmavit  aliasque  de  mensariis  et  auctioni- 
bus  tulit. 

X.   Senatum  multis   cognitionibus  et  maxime  ad  se 
pertinentibus   iudicem    dedit.      de    statu    etiam    de- 

2  functorum  intra  quinquennium  quaeri  iussit.1  neque 
quisquam  principum  amplius  senatui  detulit.  in 
senatus  autem  honorificentiam  multis  praetoriis  et 
consularibus  privatis  decidenda  negotia  delegavit, 

JThis   sentence  Peter1,  following  Dirksen,  transposed   to 
precede  senatum  .  .  .  dedit. 

1  M.  Ceionius  Civica  Barbarus,  consul  157,  a  brother  of  L. 
Aelius  Caesar. 

2  i.e.,  of  Asia.     Verus  met  her  at  Ephesus  ;   Ver.,  vii.  7. 

3  The  officials  in  charge  of  the  public  treasury,  kept  in  the 
Temple  of  Saturn. 



the  latter's  uncle,  Civica.1  Immediately  thereafter 
he  returned  to  Rome,  recalled  by  the  talk  of  those 
who  said  that  he  wished  to  appropriate  to  himself  the 
glory  of  finishing  the  war  and  had  therefore  set  out 
for  Syria.  He  wrote  to  the  proconsul,2  furthermore, 
that  no  one  should  meet  his  daughter  as  she  made 
her  journey. 

In  the  meantime,  he  put  such  safeguards  about 
suits  for  personal  freedom — and  he  was  the  first  to 
do  so — as  to  order  that  every  citizen  should  bestow 
names  upon  his  free-born  children  within  thirty 
days  after  birth  and  declare  them  to  the  prefects  of 
the  treasury  of  Saturn.3  In  the  provinces,  too,  he 
established  the  use  of  public  records,  in  which  entries 
concerning  births  were  to  be  made  in  the  same 
manner  as  at  Rome  in  the  office  of  the  prefects  of  the 
treasury,  the  purpose  being  that  if  any  one  born  in 
the  provinces  should  plead  a  case  to  prove  freedom, 
he  might  submit  evidence  from  these  records.  In- 
deed, he  strengthened  this  entire  law  dealing  with 
declarations  of  freedom,4  and  he  enacted  other  laws 
dealing  with  money-lenders  and  public  sales. 

X.  He  made  the  senate  the  judge  in  many  in- 
quiries and  even  in  those  which  belonged  to  his  own 
jurisdiction.  With  regard  to  the  status  of  deceased 
persons,  he  ordered  that  any  investigations  must  be 
made  within  five  years.5  Nor  did  any  of  the  emperors 
show  more  respect  to- the  senate  than  he.  To  do  the 
senate  honour,  moreover,  he  entrusted  the  settling  of 

4 e.g.,  see.  c.  x.  1. 

5  This  principle  was  already  in  existence  ;  Marcus  limited 
it  by  the  order  that  in  case  any  person  bad  been  formally  de- 
clared free-born,  any  investigation  leading  to  a  revision  of 
this  declaration  could  be  made  only  during  his  life-time ;  see 
Dig.,  xl.  15,  1. 



quo  magis  eorum  cum  exercitio  iuris  auctoritas  cres- 

Sceret.     raultos   ex   amicis    in    senatum    adlegit    cum 

4aediliciis  aut  praetoriis  dignitatibus.     multis  senatori- 

bus  verum1  pauperibus  sine  crimine  dignitates    tri- 

5  bunicias   aediliciasque  concessit.     nee  quemquam   in 

6ordinem    legit,    nisi    quern    ipse    bene    scisset.      hoc 

quoque    senatoribus  detulit  ut,  quotiens  de   quorum 

capite  esset  iudicandum,  secreto  pertractaret  atque  ita 

in  publicum  proderet 2  nee  pateretur  equites  Romanes 

7talibus  interesse  causis.     semper  autem,  cum  potuit, 

interfuit  senatui,  etiamsi  nihil  esset    referendum,    si 

Romae  fuit ;  si  vero  aliquid  referre  voluit,  etiam  de 

8  Campania  ipse  venit.     comitiis  praeterea  etiam  usque 
ad  noctem  frequenter  interfuit  neque  umquam  recessit 

9  de    curia    nisi    consul   dixisset    "  nihil   vos    moramur 
patres  conscripti  ".     senatum  appellationibus  a  con- 
sule  factis  iudicem  dedit. 

10  Judiciariae     rei    singularem    diligentiam    adhibuit. 
fastis  dies  iudiciarios  addidit,  ita  ut  ducentos  triginta 
dies  annuos  rebus  agendis  litibusque  disceptandis  con- 

11  stitueret.     praetorem    tutelarem    primus    fecit,    cum 
ante  tutores  a  consulibus  poscerentur,  ut  diligentius 

12  de  tutoribus  tractaretur.     de  curatoribus  vero,   cum 
ante  non  nisi  ex  lege  Plaetoria  3  vel  propter  lasciviam 

1  So  Novak;  senatibus  uel pauperibus  s.  c.  senatoribus  P; 
equitibus  uel  pauperibus  .  .  .  senatoribus  Peter2,  incorrectly  (cf. 
Mommsen,  HSt.  II3,  p.  94!.  2).  *prodiret  P.  3 Plaetoria 
Jordan  (cf.  Savigny,  Opp.  Misc.  II,  330) ;  Laetoria  P,  Peter. 

1  See  Hadr.,  vii.  4  and  note. 

2  This  office   was   instituted   before  Verus'  death  in  169. 
The  first  holder  was  Arrius  Antoninus,  who  is  described  in  an 
inscription  as  praetor  cuiprimo  iurisdictio  pupillaris  a  sanc- 
tissimisimp(eratoribus)mandataest(C.I.L.,  v.  1874  =  Dessau, 
Ins.  Sel.,  1118). 



disputes  to  many  men  of  praetorian  and  consular 
rank  who  then  held  no  magistracy,  in  order  that  their 
prestige  might  be  enhanced  through  their  adminis- 
tration of  law.  He  enrolled  in  the  senate  many  of 
his  friends,  giving  them  the  rank  of  aedile  or  praetor  ; 
and  on  a  number  of  poor  but  honest  senators  he  be- 
stowed the  rank  of  tribune  or  aedile.  Nor  did  he 
ever  appoint  anyone  to  senatorial  rank  whom  he  did 
not  know  well  personally.  He  granted  senators  the 
further  privilege  *  that  whenever  any  of  them  was  to 
be  tried  on  a  capital  charge,  he  would  examine  the  evi- 
dence behind  closed  doors  and  only  after  so  doing 
would  bring  the  case  to  public  trial ;  nor  would  he  allow 
members  of  the  equestrian  order  to  attend  such  investi- 
gations. He  always  attended  the  meetings  of  the 
senate  if  he  was  in  Rome,  even  though  no  measure  was 
to  be  proposed,  and  if  he  wished  to  propose  anything 
himself,  he  came  in  person  even  from  Campania.  More 
than  this,  when  elections  were  held  he  often  remained 
even  until  night,  never  leaving  the  senate-chamber 
until  the  consul  announced,  "  We  detain  you  no 
longer,  Conscript  Fathers  ".  Further,  he  appointed 
the  senate  judge  in  appeals  made  from  the  consul. 

To  the  administration  of  justice  he  gave  singular 
care.  He  added  court-days  to  the  calendar  until  he 
had  set  230  days  for  the  pleading  of  cases  and  judg- 
ing of  suits,  and  he  was  the  first  to  appoint  a  special 
praetor  in  charge  of  the  property  of  wards,2  in  order 
that  greater  care  might  be  exercised  in  dealing  with 
trustees  ;  for  previously  the  appointment  of  trustees 
had  been  in  the  hands  of  the  consuls.  As  regards 
guardians,  indeed,  he  decided  that  all  youths  might 
have  them  appointed  without  being  obliged  to  show 
cause  therefor,  whereas  previously  they  were  ap- 



vel  propter  dementiam  darentur,  ita  statuit  ut  omnes 
adulti  curatores  acciperent  11011  redditis  causis. 

XI.  Cavit  et  sumptibus  publicis  et  calumniis  quad- 
ruplatorum  intercessit  adposita  falsis  delatoribus  nota. 

2delationes,  quibus  fiscus  augeretur,  contempsit.  de 
alimentis  publicis  multa  prudenter  invenit.  curatores 
multis  civitatibus,  quo  latius  seiiatorias  tenderet  dig- 

Snitates,  a  senatu  dedit.  Italicis  civitatibus  famis 
ternpore  frumentum  ex  urbe  donavit  omnique  frum- 

4  entariae  rei  consuluit.     gladiatoria  spectacula  omni- 
fariam  temperavit.     temperavit  etiam  scaenicas  dona- 
tiones   iubens   ut  quinos  aureos   scaenici   acciperent, 
ita  tamen  ut  nullus  editor  decem  aureos  egrederetur. 

5  vias  l  etiam  urbis  atque  itinera  2  diligeritissime  curavit. 
rei  frumentariae  graviter  providit. 

6  Datis    iuridicis  Italiae    consuluit  ad  id  exemplum 
quo  Hadrianus  consulares  viros  reddere  iura  praecep- 

7  erat.      Hispanis  exhaustis  3  Italica  adlectione  contra 

8  Traiani  quoque  4  praecepta  verecunde  consuluit.    leges 

1  uineas  P1 ;  aV  uias  P  corr.  2  itinera  Jordan,  Novak  ; 

itinerum  P,  Peter.  3exhausit  P.  4  Thus  Ellis;  contra 
tranique  p.  P1 ;  Traianique  P  corr. ;  contra  iniqua  p.  Pet- 
schenig  ;  Peter  assumes  a  lacuna  after  contra. 

1  The   Lex  Plaetoria  de  circumwiptione  minorum  annis 
XXV  was  passed  prior  to  191  B.C.  ;  it  is  mentioned  in  PJautus, 
Pseud.,  303.     It  aimed  to  protect  persons  under  25  from  fraud, 
and  it  accordingly  directed  that  such  persons  should  apply  to 
the  praetor  for  guardians. 

2  The  Twelve  Tables  provided  that  the  prodigus  and  the 
furiosus  should  not  administer  their  own  property  but  be 
under  guardians  ;  see  Dig.,  xxvii.  10,  1,  and  Cic.,  de  Inv.t  ii. 
50,  148. 

3  See  note  to  Hadr.,  vii.  8. 

4  These  officials  were  appointed  by  the  emperor  to  admini- 



pointed  only  under  the  Plaetorian  Law,1  or  in  cases 
of  prodigality  or  madness.2 

XI.  In  the  matter  of  public  expenditures  he  was 
exceedingly  careful,  and  he  forbade  all  libels  on  the 
part  of  false  informers,  putting  the  mark  of  infamy 
on  such  as  made  false  accusations.  He  scorned  such 
accusations  as  would  swell  the  privy-purse.  He  de- 
vised many  wise  measures  for  the  support  of  the 
state-poor,3  and,  that  he  might  give  a  wider  range  to 
the  senatorial  functions,  he  appointed  supervisors  for 
many  communities4  from  the  senate.  In  times  of 
famine  he  furnished  the  Italian  communities  with 
food  from  the  city  ;  indeed,  he  made  careful  pro- 
vision for  the  whole  matter  of  the  grain-supply.  He 
limited  gladiatorial  shows  in  every  way,  and  lessened 
the  cost  of  free  theatrical  performances  also,  decree- 
ing that  though  an  actor  might  receive  five  aurei, 
nevertheless  no  one  who  gave  a  performance  should 
expend  more  than  ten.  The  streets  of  the  city 
and  the  highways  he  maintained  with  the  greatest 
care.  As  for  the  grain-supply,  for  that  he  pro- 
vided laboriously.  He  appointed  judges  for  Italy 
and  thereby  provided  for  its  welfare,  after  the 
plan  of  Hadrian,5  who  had  appointed  men  of 
consular  rank  to  administer  the  law ;  and  he  made 
scrupulous  provision  furthermore,  for  the  welfare 
of  the  provinces  o,f  Spain,  which,  in  defiance 
of  the  policy  of  Trajan,  had  been  exhausted  by 

ster  the  finances  of  communities  in  cases  where  mismanage- 
ment of  the  public  funds  had  made  such  a  measure  necessary. 
bSee  Hadr.,  xxii.  13;  Pius,  ii.  11.  The  arrangement 
seems  to  have  been  given  up  by  Pius  ;  see  Appian,  Bell.  Civ., 
i.  38.  Under  Marcus  ex-praetors  were  appointed  to  this  office ; 
see  C.I.L.,  v.  1874  =  Dessau,  Ins.  Sel.,  1118. 



etiam  addidit  de  vicensima  hereditatum,  de  tutelis 
libertorum,  de  bonis  maternis  et  item  de  filiorum  suc- 
cessionibus  pro  parte  materim,  utque  senatores  pere- 
Qgrini  quartam  partem  in  Italia  possiderent.  dedit 
praeterea  curatoribus  regionum  ac  viarum  potestatem, 
ut  vel  pimirent  vel  ad  praefectum  urbi  puniendos  re- 
mitterent  eos  qui  ultra  vectigalia  quicquam  ab  aliquo 
10  exegissent.  ius  autem  raagis  vetus  restituit  quam 
novum  fecit,  habuit  secum  praefectos,  quorum  et 
auctoritate  et  periculo  semper  iura  dictavit.  usus 
autem  est  Scaevola  praecipue  iuris  peri  to. 

XII.   Cum  populo  autem  noil  aliter  egit  quam  est 

2  actum  sub  civitate  libera.     fuitque  per  omnia  moder- 
antissimus  in  hominibus  deterrendis  a  malo,  invitandis 
ad  bona,  remunerandis  copia,  indulgentia  liberandis 
fecitque  ex  malis  bonos,   ex  bonis  optimos,  moderate 

3  etiam   cavillationes  nonnullorum  ferens.       nam  cum 
quendam    Vetrasinum    famae    detestandae    honorem 
petentem  moneret,  ut  se  ab  opinionibus  populi  vindi- 
caret,  et  ille  contra  respondisset  multos,  qui  secum 
in  arena  pugnassent,  se  praetores   videre,  patienter 

4  tulit.     ac  ne  in  quemquam  facile  vindicaret,  praetorem, 

1  Of.  Hadr.,  xii.  4. 

2  The  5  °/0   tax   on  inheritances  had  been   instituted   by 
Augustus.    Under  Caracalla  it  was  temporarily  raised  to  10  °/0. 

3  This  was  the  Senatus  Consultum  Orfitianum  of  178;  see 
Dig.,  xxxviii.  17. 

4  Trajan   had  already  ordered  that  candidates  for  public 
office  must  invest  a  third  of  their  capital  in  Italian  land  ;  see 
Plin.,  Epist.,  vi.  19. 

5  This  marks  the  beginning  of  the  change  in  the  functions 
of   the  prefect   of  the   guard   from   purely   military  to  pre- 
eminently judicial.     Under  Severus  and  Alexander  the  office 



levies  from  the  Italian  settlers.1  Also  he  enacted 
laws  about  inheritance-taxes,2  about  the  property  of 
freedmen  held  in  trust,  about  property  inherited  from 
the  mother,3  about  the  succession  of  the  sons  to  the 
mother's  share,  and  likewise  that  senators  of  foreign 
birth  should  invest  a  fourth  part  of  their  capital  in 
Italy.4  And  besides  this,  he  gave  the  commissioners 
of  districts  and  streets  power  either  themselves  to 
punish  those  who  fleeced  anyone  of  money  beyond 
his  due  assessment,  or  to  bring  them  to  the  prefect  of 
the  city  for  punishment.  He  engaged  rather  in  the 
restoration  of  old  laws  than  in  the  making  of  new,  and 
ever  kept  near  him  prefects  with  whose  authority  and 
responsibility  he  framed  his  laws.5  He  made  use  of 
Scaevola  also,6  a  man  particularly  learned  in  juris- 

XII.  Toward  the  people  he  acted  just  as  one 
acts  in  a  free  state.  He  was  at  all  times  exceed- 
ingly reasonable  both  in  restraining  men  from  evil 
and  in  urging  them  to  good,  generous  in  reward- 
ing and  quick  to  forgive,  thus  making  bad  men  good, 
and  good  men  very  good,  and  he  even  bore  with 
unruffled  temper  the  insolence  of  not  a  few.  For 
example,  when  he  advised  a  man  of  abominable 
reputation,  who  was  running  for  office,  a  certain 
Vetrasinus,  to  stop  the  town-talk  about  himself,  and 
Vetrasinus  replied  that  many  who  had  fought  with 
him  in  the  arena  were  now  praetors,  the  Emperor  took 
it  with  good  grace.  Again,  in  order  to  avoid  taking 
an  easy  revenge  on  any  one,  instead  of  ordering  a 

was  held  by  the  foremost  jurists  of  Borne,  Papinian,  Ulpian, 
and  Paullus. 

6  As  a  member  of  his  consilium  (see  Hadr.,  viii.  9) ;  Q. 
Cervidius  Scaevola  is  often  cited  in  the  Digcsta. 



qui  quaedam  pessime  egerat,  non  abdicare  se  praetura 

5  iussit,  sed  collegae  iuris  dictionem  mandavit.     fisco 

6  in  causis  compendii  iiumquam  iudicans  favit.     sane, 
quamvis  esset  constans,  erat  etiam  verecundus. 

7  Posteaquam  autem  e  Syria  victor  red i it  frater,  patris 
patriae  nomen  ambobus  decretum  est,  cum  se  Marcus 
absente  Vero  erga    omnes  senatores  atque    homines 

8  moderatissime  gessisset.     corona  praeterea  civica  ob- 
lata  est  ambobus  ;  petiitque  Lucius  ut  secum  Marcus 
triumpharet.      petiit   praeterea  Lucius  ut  filii   Marci 

9  Caesares    appellarentur.       sed     Marcus     tanta    fuit 
moderatione    ut,     cum l    simul    triumphasset,    tamen 
post  mortem  Lucii  tantum  Germanicum  se  vocaret, 

10  quod  sibi  bello  proprio  pepererat.     in  triumpho  autem 
liberos    Marci  utriusque    sexus    secum  vexerunt,    ita 

11  tamen  ut  et  puellas  virghies  veherent.     ludos  etiam 
ob  triumphum  decretos  spectaverunt    habitu   trium- 

12  phali.     inter  cetera  pietatis  eius  haec  quoque  moderatio 
praedicanda    est :    funambulis    post    puerum    lapsum 
culcitas  subici  iussit.     unde  hodieque  rete2  praeten- 

13  Dum  Parthicum  bellum  geritur,  natum    est  Mar- 
comannicum,    quod    diu    eorum     qui    aderant    arte 
suspensum  est,  ut    finite  iam  Orientali  bello  Marco- 

1  cum  om.  in  P.  2recte  P1 ;  aV  rete  P  corr. 

1  See  c.  ix.  3  and  note. 

2  Of  oak  leaves,  presented  to  a  man  who  had  saved  the  life 
of  a  fellow-citizen  in  battle. 

3  M.  Aurelius  Commodus  (b.  161),  and  M.  Annius  Verus 
(b.  162-3).     The  ceremony  took  place  on  12  October,  166 ;  see 
Cow.,  i.  10;  xi.  13.     Their  effigies  appear  on  coins  (Cohen, 
iii2,  p.  169  f.). 

4  This  title  appears  for  the  first  time  in  inscriptions  of  172  ; 



praetor  who  had  acted  very  badly  in  certain  matters 
to  resign  his  office,  he  merely  entrusted  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  law  to  the  man's  colleague. 
The  privy-purse  never  influenced  his  judgment  in 
law-suits  involving  money.  Finally,  if  he  was  firm, 
he  was  also  reasonable. 

After  his    brother    had    returned    victorious    from  166 
Syria,  the  title   "  Father  of  his   Country '     was  de- 
creed to  both,1  inasmuch  as  Marcus  in  the  absence  of 
Verus  had  conducted  himself  with  great  consideration 
toward  both  senators  and  commons.      Furthermore, 
the  civic  crown2    was  offered  to  both;   and  Lucius 
demanded  that  Marcus  triumph  with  him,  and  de- 
manded also  that  the  name  Caesar  should  be  given  to 
Marcus'  sons.3     But  Marcus  was  so  free  from  love  of 
display    that    though    he    triumphed    with    Lucius, 
nevertheless  after  Lucius'    death  he  called    himself 
only  Germanicus,4  the  title  he  had  won  in  his  own 
war.      In  the   triumphal  procession,  moreover,  they  ice 
carried    with  them  Marcus'  children  of  both  sexes, 
even  his  unmarried  daughters  ;  and  they  viewed  the 
games    held  in  honour  of  the    triumph  clad    in  the 
triumphal    robe.     Among    other   illustrations  of  his 
unfailing   consideration   towards    others    this    act    of 
kindness  is  to  be  told  :  After  one  lad,  a  rope-dancer, 
had  fallen,  he  ordered  mattresses  spread   under  all 
rope-dancers.      This    is    the    reason    why    a    net    is 
stretched  under  them  to-day. 

While  the  Parthian  war  was  still  in  progress,  the  166 
Marcomannic  war  broke  out,  after  having  been  post- 
poned for  a  long  time  by  the  diplomacy  of  the  men 
who  were  in  charge  there,  in  order  that  the   Marco- 

the  probable  date  of  its  assumption  was  15  October ;  see  Com., 
xi.  13,  and  cf.  Dio,  Ixxi.  3,  5. 



14  mannicumagi  posset,  et  cum  famis  tempore  populo 
insinuasset  de  bello,  fratre  post  quinquennium  reverse 
in  senatu  egit,  ambos  necessaries  dicens  bello 
XlII.Germanico  imperatores.  tantus  autem  terror  belli 
Marcomannici  fuit l  ut  undique  sacerdotes  Antoninus 
acciverit,  peregrinos  ritus  impleverit,  Romam  omni 
genere  lustra verit  retardatusque  a  2  bellica  profectione 

2  sit.     celebravit  et  Romano  ritu  lectisternia  per  septem 

3  dies,  tanta  autem  pestilentia  fuit  ut  vehiculis  cadavera 
4sint    exportata    sarracisque.       tune    autem    Antonini 

leges  sepeliendi  sepulchrorumque  asperrimas  sanxe- 
runt,  quando  quidem  caverunt  ne  quis  villae  ad- 
fabricaretur 3  sepulchrum,  quod  hodieque  servatur. 

5et  multa  quidem  milia  pestilentia  consumpsit  multos- 
que  ex  proceribus,  quorum  amplissimis  Antoninus 

6statuas  conlocavit.  tantaque  dementia  fuit  ut  et 
sumptu  publico  vulgaria  funera  iuberet  efferri 4  et  vano 
cuidam,  qui  diripiendae  urbis  occasionem  cum  quibus- 
dam  consciis  requirens  de  caprifici  arbore  in  Campo 
Martio  contionabundus  ignem  de  caelo  lapsurum 

lfuit  P  corr.,  om.  by  P1.  2a  om.  in  P.  3Thus  Mad- 
vig  and  Petschenig ;  uelle  abfricaretur  P ;  ne  quis  ubi  uellet 
fabricaretur  s.  Novak.  4  efferi  Jordan ;  et  eo  ferri P l ;  ferri 
et  eo  ferri  P1  corr. 

Called  officially  bellum  Germanicum-  see  C.I.L.,  vi. 
1549  =  Dessau,  Ins.  Sel.,  1100. 

2  The  Marcomanni  and  Quadi  actually  invaded  I  aly  and 
laid  siege  to  Aquileia  ;  see  Amm.  Marc.,  xxix.  6,  1.     Furius 
Victorinus,  the  prefect  of  the  guard,  who  was  sent  to  resist 
them,  was  killed  and  a  portion  of  his  army  annihilated ;  see 
c.  xiv.  5. 

3  A  very,  ancient  purificatory  ceremony,  in  which  statues  of 
the  gods  were  placed  on  banqueting-couches  in  some  public 
place  and  served  with  an  offering  on  a  table.     According  to 
tradition  it  was  first  celebrated  in  399  B.C.  in  order  to  stay  a 
plague  ;  see  Livy,  v.  13,  5-6. 



mannic  war  1  might  not  be  waged   until  Rome  was 
done  with  the  war  in  the  East.     Even  at  the  time  of 
the  famine  the  Emperor  had  hinted  at  this  war  to.  the 
people,    and    when    his    brother  returned   after  five 
years'    service,    he    brought    the    matter    up    in   the 
senate,    saying    that    both    emperors    were    needed 
for  the  German  war.      XIII.  So  great  was  the  dread 
of   this    Marcomannic    war,2    that    Antoninus    sum- 
moned  priests  from  all  sides,   performed  foreign  re- 
ligious ceremonies,    and    purified    the    city  in  every 
way,  and  he  was  delayed  thereby  from  setting  out 
to    the  seat  of  war.     The    Roman  ceremony  of  the 
feast  of  the    gods 3    was    celebrated  for  seven  days. 
And  there  was  such  a  pestilence,4  besides,  that  the 
dead    were   removed  in  carts  and  waggons.     About 
this  time,  also,  the  two  emperors  ratified  certain  very 
stringent  laws  on  burial  and  tombs,  in  which  they 
even  forbade  any  one  to  build  a  tomb  at  his  country- 
place,  a  law  still  in  force.     Thousands  were  carried 
off  by  the  pestilence,  including  many  nobles,  for  the 
most  prominent  of  whom  Antoninus  erected  statues. 
Such,  too,  was  his  kindliness  of  heart  that  he  had 
funeral  ceremonies  performed  for  the  lower  classes 
even  at  the  public  expense  ;   and  in  the  case  of  one 
foolish  fellow,  who,  in  a  search  with  divers  confeder- 
ates for  an  opportunity  to  plunder  the  city,  continu- 
ally made  speeches  from   the  wild  fig-tree  on   the 
Campus  Martius,   to  the   effect  that  fire  would  fall 

4  It  was  supposed  to  have  been  brought  from  the  East  by 
the  returning  army  of  Verus  (see  Ver.,  viii.  1-2),  and  it 
ravaged  Europe  as  far  as  the  Rhine ;  see  Amm.  Marc.,  xxiii. 
6,  24.  It  was  still  raging  in  180  (see  c.  xxviii.  4,  and  C.I.L., 
iii.  5567  of  182),  and  it  seems  to  have  broken  out  again  with 
great  violence  under  Commodus  ;  see  Dio,  Ixxii.  14,  3; 
Herodian,  i.  12, 1-2. 



finemque  mundi  affore  diceret,  si  ipse  lapsus  ex 
arbore  in  ciconiam  verteretur,  cum  statute  tempore 
decidisset  atque  ex  sinu  ciconiam  emisisset,  perducto 
ad  se  atque  confesso  veniam  daret. 

XIV.  Profecti  tamen  sunt  paludati  ambo  impera- 
tores  et  Victualis  et  Marcomannis  cuncta  turbantibus, 
aliis  etiam  gentibus,  quae  pulsae  a  superioribus  bar- 
baris  fugerant,  nisi  reciperentur,  bellum  inferentibus. 

2  nee  parum  profuit  ista  profectio,  cum  Aquileiam  usque 
venissent.     nam  plerique  reges  et  cum  populis  suis 
se    retraxerunt  et    tumultus  auctores    interemerunt. 

3  Quadi  autem  amisso  rege  suo  non  prius  se  confirma- 
turos  eum  qui  erat  creatus  clicebant,  quam  id  nostris 

4placuisset  imperatoribus.      Lucius  tamen  in vit us  pro- 
fectus    est,    cum    plerique    ad    legates    imperatorum 

5  mitterent  defectionis  veniam  postulantes.     et  Lucius 
quidem,    quod    amissus    esset    praefectus    praetorio 
Furius   Victorinus,  atque  l    pars  exercitus  interisset, 
redeundum    esse    censebat ;     Marcus    autem    fingere 
barbaros  aestimans  et  fugam  et  cetera  quae  securitatem 
bellicam  ostenderent,  ob  hoc  ne  tanti  apparatus  mole 

6  premerentur,     instandum    esse     ducebat.        deiiique 
transcensis    Alpibus  longius  processerunt   composue- 
runtque  omnia,  quae  ad  munimen  Italiae  atque  Illyrici 
pertinebant.     placuit  autem  urgente  Lucio,  ut  prae- 

1  utque  P. 

JSee  note  to  c.  xiii.  1. 

3  The  war  in  Pannonia  was  prosecuted  successfully,  and 
after  a  victory  the  emperors  were  acclaimed  Impcratores  for 
the  fifth  time  and  gave  honourable  discharge  to  some  soldiers ; 
see  C.I.L.,  iii.  p.  888  (dated  5  May,  167). 



down  from  heaven  and  the  end  of  the  world 
would  come  should  he  fall  from  the  tree  and  be 
turned  into  a  stork,  and  finally  at  the  appointed 
time  did  fall  down  and  free  a  stork  from  his  robe, 
the  Emperor,  when  the  wretch  was  hailed  before 
him  and  confessed  all,  pardoned  him. 

XIV.  Clad  in  the  military  cloak  the  two  emperors  166 
finally  set  forth,  for  now  not  only  were  the  Victuali  and 
Marcomanni  throwing  everything  into  confusion,  but 
other  tribes,  who  had  been  driven  on  by  the  more 
distant  barbarians  and  had  retreated  before  them,  were 
ready  to  attack  Italy  if  not  peaceably  received.  And 
not  a  little  good  resulted  from  that  expedition,  even 
by  the  time  they  had  advanced  as  far  as  Aquileia,  for 
several  kings  retreated,  together  with  their  peoples, 
and  put  to  death  the  authors  of  the  trouble.  And 
the  Quadi,  after  they  had  lost  their  king,  said  that 
they  would  not  confirm  the  successor  who  had  been 
elected  until  such  a  course  was  approved  by  our  em- 
perors. Nevertheless,  Lucius  went  on,  though  re- 
luctantly, after  a  number  of  peoples  had  sent 
ambassadors  to  the  legates  of  the  emperors  asking 
pardon  for  the  rebellion.  Lucius,  it  is  true,  thought 
they  should  return,  because  Furius  Victorinus,  the 
prefect  of  the  guard,  had  been  lost,  and  part  of  his 
army  had  perished  ; l  Marcus,  however,  held  that 
they  should  press  on,  thinking  that  the  barbarians,  in 
order  that  they  might  not  be  crushed  by  the  size  of  so 
great  a  force,  were  feigning  a  retreat  and  using  other 
ruses  which  afford  safety  in  war,  held  that  they 
should  persist  in  order  that  they  might  not  be  over- 
whelmed by  the  mere  burden  of  their  vast  prepara- 
tions. Finally,  they  crossed  the  Alps,  and  pressing 
further  on,  completed  all  measures  necessary  for  the 
defence  of  Italy  and  Illyricum.2  They  then  decided, 
at  Lucius'  insistence,  that  letters  should  first  be  sent 



missis    ad   senatum   litteris  Lucius    Romam   rediret. 
8  via  quoque l,  postquam  iter  ingressi  sunt,  sedens  cum 
fratre  in  vehiculo  Lucius  apoplexi  arreptus  periit. 

XV.  Fuit  autem  consuetude  Marco  ut  in  eircensium 
spectaculo  legeret  audiretque  ac  subscriberet,  ex  quo 
quidem  saepe  iocis  popularibus  dicitur  lacessitus. 

2  Multum  sane  potuerunt  liberti  sub  Marco  et  Vero 
Geminas  et  Agaclytus. 

3  Tantae  autem  sanctitatis  fuit   Marcus  ut  Veri  vitia 
et  celaverit  et  defenderit,  cum  ei  vehementissime  dis- 
plicerent,2    mortuumque     eum    divum    appellaverit 
amitasque  eius  et  sorores  honoribus  et  salariis  decretis 
sublevaverit  atque  provexerit  sacrisque  eum  3  plurimis 

4  honoraverit.     flaminem   et    Antoninianos    sodales    et 
omnes  honores  qui  divis  habentur    eidem  dedicavit. 

5  nemo  est  principum,  quern  non  gravis  fama  perstrin- 
gat,  usque  adeo  ut  etiam  Marcus  in  sermonem  venerit, 
quod    Verum  vel  veneno  ita  tulerit    ut  parte   cultri 
veneno  lita  vulvam  incident,  venenatam  partem  fratri 

Gedendam  propinans  et  sibi  innoxiam  reservans,  vel 
certe  per  medicum  Posidippum,  qui  ei  sanguinem  in- 
tempestive  dicitur  emisisse.  Cassius  post  mortem 
Veri  a  Marco  descivit.4 

*Thus  Bitschofsky;  bia  quoque  P;  uiaque  Salm.,  Peter. 
"displiceret  P,  but  cf.  c.  xvi.  4.  3cum  P1;  uel  eum  P  corr. 
4  Cassius  .  .  .  desciuit  probably  from  margin  of  c.  xxiv.  5. 

1  In  169  at  Altinum  in  Venetia;  see  Ver.,  ix.  10-11. 

2Cf   Ver.,ix.  3. 

3  The  section  of  the  vita  from  this  point  through  c.  xix.  is 
a  later  interpolation  ;  see  Intro.,  p.  xxii. 

4Cf.  c.  xx.  1-2,  and  the  coins  of  Divus  Verus  with  the 
legend  Consecratio ;  see  Cohen,  iii*,  p.  176  f.,  Nos.  53-59. 

6  Cf .  c.  xx.  5. 

BSee  note  to  Hadr.t  xxvii.  3,  and  Pius,  xiii.  4.  'This 
priesthood  was  now  called  sodales  Antoniniani  Veriani,  after 



ahead  to  the  senate  and  that  Lucius  should  then  re- 
turn to  Rome.  But  on  the  way,  after  they  had  set 
out  upon  their  journey,  Lucius  died  from  a  stroke  of 
apoplexy 1  while  riding  in  the  carriage  with  his 

XV.  It  was  customary  with  Marcus  to  read,  listen 
to,  and  sign  documents  at  the  circus-games  ;  because  of 
this  habit  lie  was  openly  ridiculed,  it  is  said,  by  the 

The  freedmeii  Geminas  and  Agaclytus  2  were  very 
powerful  in  the  reign  of  Marcus  and  Verus. 

Such  was  Marcus'  sense  of  honour,3  moreover,  that 
although  Verus'  vices  mightily  offended  him,  he  con- 
cealed and  defended  them  ;  he  also  deified  him  after 
his  death,4  aided  and  advanced  his  aunts  and  sisters 
by  means  of  honours  and  pensions,5  honoured  Verus 
himself  with  many  sacrifices,  consecrated  a  flamen  for 
him  and  a  college  of  Antonine  priests,6  and  gave  him 
all  honours  that  are  appointed  for  the  deified.  There 
is  no  emperor  who  is  not  the  victim  of  some  evil  tale, 
and  Marcus  is  no  exception.  For  it  was  bruited 
about,  in  truth,  that  he  put  Verus  out  of  the  way, 
either  with  poison — by  cutting  a  sow's  womb  with 
a  knife  smeared  on  one  side  with  poison,  and  then 
offering  the  poisoned  portion  to  his  brother  to  eat, 
while  keeping  the  harmless  portion  for  himself7 — or, 
at  least,  by  employing  the  physician  Posidippus,  who 
bled  Verus,  it  is  said,  unseasonably.  After  Verus' 
death  Cassius  revolted  from  Marcus.8 

Marcus'  deification  Marciani  was  added,  after  Pertinax'  death 
Helviani  (Pert.,  xv.  4),  after  Severus'  Severiani  (C.I.L.,  vi. 
1365),  after  Alexander's  Alexandriani  (Alex.,  Ixiii.  4). 

7Cf.  Ver.t  xi.  2;  Dio,  Ixxi.  3,  1.  According  to  another 
story,  he  was  poisoned  by  Faustina;  see  Ver.t  x.  1-5. 

8  In  175  ;  see  c.  xxiv.  6  f. ;  Av.  Cass.,  vii.  f. 



XVI.  lam  in  suos  tanta  fuit  benignitate  Marcus  ut 
cum  in  omnes  propinqiios  cuncta  honorum  ornameiita 
contulerit,  turn  in  filium  et  quidem  l  scelestum  atque 
impurum  cito  nomen  Caesaris  et  mox  sacerdotium 
statimque  nomen  imperatoris  ac  triumph!  partici- 

2  pationem     et    consulatum.       quo    quidem'   tempore 
sedente  imperator  filio  2  ad  triumphalem  currum  in 
Circo  pedes  cucurrit. 

3  Post   Veri   obitum    Marcus    Antoninus    solus    rem 
publicam  tenuit,  multo  melior  et  feracior  ad  virtutes, 

4  quippe  qui  nullis  Veri  iam  impediretur  aut  simplicitatis 
calidaeque  veritatis,3  qua  ille  ingenito  vitio  laborabat, 
erroribus   aut   iis  qui    praecipue   displicebant    Marco 
Antonino  iam  hide  a  primo  aetatis  suae  tempore  vel 

5  institutis  mentis  pravae  vel  moribus.      erat  enim  ipse 
tantae  tranquillitatis  ut  vultum  numquam  mutaverit 
maerore    vel   gaudio,    philosophiae    deditus    Stoicae, 
quam  et  per  optimos  quosque  magistros  acceperat  et 

6  undique   ipse   collegerat.     nam   et    Hadrianus    hunc 
eundem  successorem  paraverat,  nisi  ei  aetas  puerilis 

7  obstitisset.    quod  quidem  apparet  ex  eo  quod  generum 
Pio  hunc  eundem  delegit,  ut  ad  eum,  dignum  utpote 
virum,  quandocumque  Romanum  perveniret  imperium. 

1  et  Commodum  quidem  P,  Bitschofsky  ;  Gommodum  re- 
moved by  Jordan.  -  So  Peter ;  sine  imperator  filio  P. 
3  So  Peter  ;  simulatis  callidae  seueritatis  P. 

1  i.e.,  Commodus.  2  See  o.  xii.  8  and  note. 

3  On  20  January,  175;    see  Com.,   i.  10;  xii.   1.      On  the 
priesthood  held  by  sons  of  emperors  see  note  to  c.  vi.  3 

4  On  27  November,  176;  see  Com.,  ii.  4;  xii.  4. 

5 On  23  December,  176;  see  Com.,  ii.  4;  xii.  5.  This, 
however,  seems  not  to  have  been  the  triumph  held  by  Marcus 
in  celebration  of  his  victory  in  Pannonia ;  see  c.  xvii.  3  and 



XVI.  Such  was  Marcus'  kindness  toward  his  own 
family  that  he  bestowed  the  insignia  of  every  office 
on  all  his  kin,  while  on  his  son,1  and  an  accursed  and 
foul  one  he  was,  he  hastened  to  bestow  the  name  of 
Caesar,2  then  afterward  the  priesthood,3  and,  a  little 
later,  the  title  of  imperator 4  and  a  share  in  a 
triumph  5  and  the  consulship.  It  was  at  this  time  177 
that  Marcus,  though  acclaimed  imperator,  ran  on  foot 
in  the  Circus  by  the  side  of  the  triumphal  car  in 
which  his  son  was  seated. 

After  the  death  of  Verus,  Marcus  Antoninus  held 
the  empire  alone,  a  nobler  man  by  far  and  more 
abounding  in  virtues,  especially  as  he  was  no  longer 
hampered  by  Verus'  faults,  neither  by  those  of  exces- 
sive candour  and  hot-headed  plain  speaking,  from 
which  Verus  suffered  through  natural  folly,  nor  by 
those  others  which  had  particularly  irked  Marcus 
Antoninus  even  from  his  earliest  years,  the  principles 
and  habits  of  a  depraved  mind.  Such  was  Marcus' 
own  repose  of  spirit  that  neither  in  grief  nor  in  joy 
did  he  ever  change  countenance,  being  wholly  given 
over  to  the  Stoic  philosophy,  which  he  had  not  only 
learned  from  all  the  best  masters,6  but  also  acquired 
for  himself  from  every  source.  For  this  reason 
Hadrian  would  have  taken  him  for  his  own  successor 
to  the  throne  had  not  his  youth  prevented.  This  in- 
tention, indeed,  seems  obvious  from  the  fact  that  he 
chose  Marcus  to  be  the  son-in-law  of  Pius,7  in  order 
that  the  direction  of  the  Roman  state  might  some 
time  at  least  come  into  his  hands,  as  to  those  of  one 
well  worthy. 

6  Of.  c.  ii.  6— iii.  3. 

7  This  is  an   error,   for   Hadrian   betrothed   him   to   the 
daughter  of  Aelius  Caesar ;  see  c.  iv.  5  and  vi.  2. 



XVII.  Ergo  provincias  post  haec  ingenti  modera- 
tione  ac  benignitate  tractavit.  contra  Gerraanos  res 

2  feliciter  gessit.  speciale  ipse  bellum  Marcomannicum, 
sed  quantum l  nulla  umquam  memoria  fuit,  cum  virtute 
turn  etiam  felicitate  transegit,  et  eo  quidem  tempore 
quo  pestilentia  gravis  multa  milia  et  popularium  et 

Smilitum  interemerat.  Pannonias  ergo,  Marcomannis 
Sarmatis  Vandalis  simul  etiam  Quadis  exstinctis, 
servitio  liberavit  et  Romae  cum  Commodo,  quern  iam 
Caesarem  fecerat,  filio,  ut  diximus,  suo  triumphavit. 

4  cum  autem  ad  hoc  bellum  omne  aerarium  exhausisset 
suum  neque  in  animum  induceret,  ut  extra  ordinem 
provincialibus  aliquid  imperaret,  in  foro  divi  Traiani 
auctionem  ornamentorum  impenalium  fecit  vendidit- 
que  aurea  pocula  et  crystallina  et  murrina,  vasa  etiam 
regia  et  vestem  uxoriam  sericam  et  auratam,  gemmas 
quin    etiam,    quas    multas    in    repositorio    sanctiore 

5  Hadriani  reppererat.     et  per   duos   quidem   menses 
haec  venditio  celebrata  est,  tantumque  auri  redactum 
ut  reliquias   belli    Marcomannici    ex    sententia   per- 
secutus  postea  dederit  potestatem  emptoribus,  ut,  si 
qui  vellet  empta  reddere  atque  aurum  recipere,  sciret 
licere.     nee  molestus  ulli  fuit  qui  vel  non  reddidit 

1  quanta  P. 

1  See  c.  xiii.  3. 

2  This  sentence  sums  up  the  war  from  Marcus'  departure 
from  Rome  in  October,  169  (cf.  coins  with  Profectio  Augu*tit 
Cohen,  iii2,  p.  51,  No.  500)  to  the  victory  over  the  Sarmatians 
in  175,  after  which  Marcus  was  acclaimed  Imperator  for  the 
eighth  time  and  assumed  the  title  Sarmaticus  ;  see  c.  xxiv.  5 
and  Cohen,  iii8,  p.  91  f.,  Nos.  916-925. 

8  See  c.  xvi.  2.  His  triumph  over  the  Germans  and  the 
Sarmatians  was  held  in  176  after  his  return  from  the  Bast ; 
see  c.  xxvii.  3  ;  Cohen,  iii2,  p.  17,  No.  154,  and  p.  18,  No.  164  ; 
C  I.L.  vi.  1014  =  Dessau,  Ins.  Sel.,  374.  Since  the  coins  and 
the  inscriptions  date  this  triumph  in  the  30th  year  of  the  tri- 



XVII.  Toward  the  provinces  from  then  on  he 
acted  with  extreme  restraint  and  consideration.  He 
carried  on  a  successful  campaign  against  the  Germans. 
He  himself  singled  out  the  Marcomannic  war — a 
war  which  surpassed  any  in  the  memory  of  man — 
and  waged  it  with  both  valour  and  success,  and 
that  at  a  time  when  a  grievous  pestilence  had 
carried  away  thousands  of  civilians  and  soldiers.1 
And  so,  by  crushing  the  Marcomanni,  the  Sarmatians, 
the  Vandals,  and  even  the  Quadi,  he  freed  the  Pan- 
nonias  from  bondage,2  and  with  Commodus  his  son, 
whom  he  had  previously  named  Caesar,  triumphed  at 
Rome,  as  we  told  above.3  When  he  had  drained  the 
treasury  for  this  war,  moreover,  and  could  not  bring 
himself  to  impose  any  extraordinary  tax  on  the 
provincials,  he  held  a  public  sale  in  the  Forum  of  the 
Deified  Trajan  4  of  the  imperial  furnishings,  and  sold 
goblets  of  gold  and  crystal  and  murra,5  even  flagons 
made  for  kings,  his  wife's  silken  gold-embroidered 
robes,  and,  indeed,  even  certain  jewels  which  he  had 
found  in  considerable  numbers  in  a  particularly 
holy  cabinet  of  Hadrian's.  This  sale  lasted  for  two 
months,  and  such  a  store  of  gold  was  realised  thereby, 
that  after  he  had  conducted  the  remainder  of  the 
Marcomannic  war  in  full  accordance  with  his  plans, 
he  gave  the  buyers  to  understand  that  if  any  of  them 
wished  to  return  his  purchases  and  recover  his  money, 
he  could  do  so.  Nor  did  he  make  it  unpleasant  for 
anyone  who  did  or  did  not  return  what  he  had  bought. 

bunician  power  of  Marcus  (10  December,  175 — 9  December, 
176),  and  since  the  triumph  of  Commodus  was  held  on  23  De- 
cember, 176,  the  statement  that  Commodus  triumphed  with 
his  father,  as  made  here  and  in  Com.,  ii.  4,  must  be  erroneous. 

4  See  note  to  Hadr.,  vii.  6. 

5  Probably  a  variety  of  agate  ;  see  J.  Marquardt,  Privatle- 
ben  d.  Rdmer*,  ii.,  p.  765  f. 



Gempta  vel  reddidit.  tune  viris  clarioribus  permisit 
ut  eodem  cultu  quo  et  ipse  vel  miiiistris  similibus 

7  convivia  exhiberent.  in  munere  autem  publico  tarn 
magnanimus  fuit  ut  centum  leones  una  missione1 
simul  exhiberet  et  sagittis  interfectos.2 

XVIII.  Cum  igitur  in  amore  omnium  imperasset 
atque  ab  aliis  modo  frater,  modo  pater,  modo  films,  ut 
cuiusque  aetas  sinebat,  et  diceretur  et  amaretur,  octavo 
decimo  anno  imperii  sui,  sexagensimo  et  primo  vitae, 

2  diem  ultimum  clausit.     tantusque  illius  amor  eo  die 
regii  funeris3  claruit  ut  nemo  ilium  plangendum  cen- 
suerit,  certis  omnibus  quod   ab  diis   commodatus  ad 

3  deos  redisset.     denique,  priusquam  fimus  conderetur, 
ut  plerique  dicunt,  quod  numquam  antea  factum  fuerat 
neque  postea,  senatus  popul usque  non  divisis  locis  sed 
in  una  sede  propitium  deum  dixit. 

4  Hie  sane  vir  tantus  et  talis  ac  diis  vita  et  morte 
coniunctus  filium  Commodum  dereliquit ;  qui,  si  felix 

5  fuisset,  filium  non  reliquisset.     et   parum   sane   fuit 
quod  illi  honores  divinos   omnis   aetas   omnis   sexus 
omnis   condicio   ac   dignitas   dedit,   nisi   quod  etiam 
sacrilegus   iudicatus   est   qui   eius   imaginem   in    sua 
domo  non  habuit,  qui  per  fortunam  vel  potuit  habere 

6  vel   debuit.     denique    hodieque    in    multis    domibus 
Marci  Antonini  statuae  consistunt  inter  deos  penates. 

7  nee  defuerunt  homines  qui  somniis  eum  multa  prae- 

1  unam  missionem  P ;  una  in  missione  Peter.  2  So  P ; 

Peter,  foil.  Mommsen,  interfecit  eos.        3  So  P  ;  regii  funeris 
removed  by  Peter,  eo  by  Jordan. 

1  See  c.  xxviii. 



At  this  time,  also,  he  granted  permission  to  the  more 
prominent  men  to  hold  banquets  with  the  same  pomp 
that  he  used  himself  and  with  servants  similar  to  his 
own.  In  the  matter  of  public  games,  furthermore, 
he  was  so  liberal  as  to  present  a  hundred  lions  to- 
gether in  one  performance  and  have  them  all  killed 
with  arrows. 

XVIII.  After  he  had  ruled,  then,  with  the  good- 
will of  all,  and  had  been  named  and  beloved  variously 
as  brother,  father,  or  son  by  various  men  according 
to  their  several  ages,  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  his 
reign  and  the  sixty-first  of  his  life  he  closed  his  last  17  Mar., 
day.1  Such  love  for  him  was  manifested  on  the  day  180 
of  the  imperial  funeral  that  none  thought  that  men 
should  lament  him,  since  all  were  sure  that  he  had 
been  lent  by  the  gods  and  had  now  returned  to  them. 
Finally,  before  his  funeral  was  held,  so  many  say,  the 
senate  and  people,  not  in  separate  places  but  sitting 
together,  as  was  never  done  before  or  after,  hailed 
him  as  a  gracious  god. 

This  man,  so  great,  so  good,  and  an  associate  of  the 
gods  both  in  life  and  in  death,  left  one  son  Corn- 
modus  ;  and  had  he  been  truly  fortunate  he  would 
not  have  left  a  son.  It  was  not  enough,  indeed,  that 
people  of  every  age,  sex,  degree  and  rank  in  life,  gave 
him  all  honours  given  to  the  gods,  but  also  whosoever 
failed  to  keep  the  Emperor's  image  in  his  home,  if  his 
fortune  were  such  that  he  could  or  should  have  done 
so,  was  deemed  guilty  of  sacrilege.  Even  to-day,  in 
fine,  statues  of  Marcus  Antoninus  stand  in  many  a 
home  among  the  household  gods.  Nor  were  there 
lacking  men  who  observed  that  he  foretold  many 
things  by  dreams  and  were  thereby  themselves 
enabled  to  predict  events  that  did  come  to  pass. 



8  dixisse  augurantes  futura  et  vera  concinuerunt.  unde 
etiam  templum  ei  constitutum,  dati  sacerdotes 
Antoniniani  et  sodales  et  flamines  et  omnia  quae 
aede  sacrata l  decrevit  antiquitas. 

XIX.  Aiunt  quidam,  quod  et  veri  simile  videtur,  Com- 
modum  Antoninum,  successorem  illius  ac  filium,  non 

2  esse  de  eo  natum  sed  de  adulterio,  ac  talem  fabellam 
vulgari  sermone  contexunt :  Faust inam  quondam,  Pii 
filiam,  Marci  uxorem,  cum  gladiatores  transire  vidisset, 
unius  ex  his  amore  succensam,  cum  longa  aegritudine 

Slaboraret,  viro  de  amore  confessam.  quod  cum  ad 
Chaldaeos  Marcus  rettulisset,  illorum  fuisse  consilium, 
ut  occiso  gladiatore  sanguine  illius  sese  Faustina  sub- 

4lavaret  atque  ita  cum  viro  concumberet.  quod  cum 
esset  factum,  solutum  quidem  amorem,  natum  vero 

5  Commodum    gladiatorem    esse,    non    principem,    qui 
mille  prope  pugnas  publice  populo  inspectante  gladia- 
torias  imperator  exhibuit,  ut  in  vita  eius  docebitur. 

6  quod  quidem  veri  simile  ex  eo  habetur  quod  tarn  sancti 
principis  filius  iis  moribus  fuit  quibus  nullus  lanista, 
nullus    scaenicus,    nullus    arenarius,  nullus  postremo 
ex  omnium  dedecorum  2  ac  scelerum  conluvione  con- 

7cretus.  multi  autem  ferunt  Commodum  omnino  ex 
adulterio3  natum,  si  quidem  Faustinam  satis  coiistet 
apud  Caietam  condicione*  sibi  et  nauticas  et  gladia- 

8  torias  elegisse.     de  qua  cum  diceretur  Antonino  Marco, 

1  So  Peter  with  Madvig  ;  df  sacrata  P  ;  de  sacratis  P  corr. 
2  decorum  P.  3  adultero  P,  but  cf.  c.  xix.  1  (see  Lessing 


1  See  note  to  Hadr.,  xxvii.  3,  and  c.  xv.  4. 
3  See  Cam.,  si.  12  ;  xii.  11. 

5  For  similar  stories  see  c.  xxiii.  7  and  xxix.  1-3  ;  Victor, 
Caes.,  xvi.  2.     Evidence  to  the  contrary  seems  to  be  afforded 



Therefore  a  temple  was  built  for  him  and  priests  were 
appointed,  dedicated  to  the  service  of  the  Antonines, 
both  Sodales  1  and  flamens,  and  all  else  that  the  usage 
of  old  time  decreed  for  a  consecrated  temple. 

XIX.  Some  say,  and  it  seems  plausible,  that  Corn- 
modus  Antoninus,  his  son  and  successor,  was  not 
begotten  by  him,  but  in  adultery  ;  they  embroider 
this  assertion,  moreover,  with  a  story  current  among 
the  people.  On  a  certain  occasion,  it  was  said, 
Faustina,  the  daughter  of  Pius  and  wife  of  Marcus, 
saw  some  gladiators  pass  by,  and  was  inflamed  with 
love  for  one  of  them  ;  and  afterwards,  when  suffering 
from  a  long  illness,  she  confessed  the  passion  to  her 
husband.  And  when  Marcus  reported  this  to  the 
Chaldeans,  it  was  their  advice  that  the  gladiator 
should  be  killed  and  that  Faustina  should  bathe  in 
his  blood  and  thus  couch  with  her  husband.  When 
this  was  done,  the  passion  was  indeed  allayed,  but 
their  son  Commodus  was  born  a  gladiator,  not  really 
a  prince  ;  for  afterwards  as  emperor  he  fought  almost 
a  thousand  gladiatorial  bouts  before  the  eyes  of  the 
people,  as  shall  be  related  in  his  life.2  This  story  is 
considered  plausible,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  for  the 
reason  that  the  son  of  so  virtuous  a  prince  had  habits 
worse  than  any  trainer  of  gladiators,  any  play-actor, 
any  fighter  in  the  arena,  or,  in  fine,  anything  brought 
into  existence  from  the  offscourings  of  all  dishonour 
and  crime.  Many  writers,  however,  state  that  Com- 
modus was  really  begotten  in  adultery,  since  it  is 
generally  known  that  Faustina,  while  at  Caieta,  used 
to  choose  out  lovers  from  among  the  sailors  and 
gladiators.  a  When  Marcus  Antoninus  was  told  about 

by  Marcus'  own  affection  and  respect  for  her;  see  els 
\.  17,  7. 



ut  earn  repudiaret,  si    non    occideret,  dixisse   fertur 
9  "  si  uxorem  dimittimus,  reddamus  et  dotem  ".     dos 
autem    quid    habebatur  ? l     imperium,    quod    ille   ab 
socero  volente  Hadriano  adoptatus  acceperat. 

10  Tantum   sane   valet  boni    principis    vita    sanctitas 
tranquillitas   pietas   ut   eius    famam    nullius    proximi 

11  decoloret  invidia.     denique  Antonino,  cum  suos  mores 
semper    teneret   neque    alicuius    insusurratione    mu- 
taretur,    non    obfuit    gladiator    filius,    uxor   infamis ; 

12  deusque  etiam  nunc  habetur,  ut  vobis  ipsis,  sacratissime 
imperator  Diocletiane,  et  semper  visum  est  et  videtur, 
qui   eum   inter   numina   vestra    non    ut    ceteros   sed 
specialiter   veneramini   ac   saepe   dicitis,   vos  vita  et 
dementia  tales  esse  cupere  qualis  fuit  Marcus,  etiamsi 
philosophia  nee    Plato   esse   possit,   si    revertatur    in 
vitam.2     et  quidem  haec  breviter  et  congeste. 

XX.  Sed  Marco  Antonino  haec  sunt  gesta  post 
fratrem  :  primum  corpus  eius  Romam  devectum  est 

2et  inlatum  maiorum  sepulchris.  divini3  inde  honores 
decreti.  dein  cum  gratias  ageret  senatui  quod  fratrem 
consecrasset,  occulte  ostendit  omnia  bellica  consilia  sua 

3  fuisse,  quibus  superati  sunt  Parthi.  addidit  praeterea 
quaedam,  quibus  ostendit  nunc  demum  se  quasi  a 
principio  acturum  esse  rem  publicam  amoto  eo  qui 

JSo  Petschenig  with  P;  dos  autem  quid  habebatur  nisi 
imperium  edd.  with  P  corr.  2reueratori  uita  P.  3  in, 

following  diuini,  deleted  by  P  corr. ;  inde  Peter. 

1  See  c.  xiv.  8.    The  interpolated  section  ends  with  c.  xix. ; 
see  note  to  c.  xv.  3. 

2  i.e.,  the  Tomb  of  Hadrian  ;  see  Ver.,  xi.  1.    His  sepulchral 
inscription  is  C.I.L.,  vi.  991  =  Dessau,  Ins.  Sel.,  369. 

3  Cf .  c.  xv.  3-4. 



this,  that  he  might  divorce,  if  not  kill  her,  he  is 
reported  to  have  said  "If  we  send  our  wife  away, 
we  must  also  return  her  dowry  ".  And  what  was  her 
dowry  ?  the  Empire,  which,  after  he  had  been  adopted 
at  the  wish  of  Hadrian,  he  had  inherited  from  his 
father  in -law  Pius. 

But  truly  such  is  the  power  of  the  life,  the  holiness, 
the  serenity,  and  the  righteousness  of  a  good  emperor 
that  not  even  the  scorn  felt  for  his  kin  can  sully  his 
own  good  name.  For  since  Antoninus  held  ever  to 
his  moral  code  and  was  moved  by  no  man's  whispered 
machinations,  men  thought  no  less  of  him  because  his 
son  was  a  gladiator,  his  wife  infamous.  Even  now 
he  is  called  a  god,  which  ever  has  seemed  and  even 
now  seems  right  to  you,  most  venerable  Emperor 
Diocletian,  who  worship  him  among  your  divinities, 
not  as  you  worship  the  others,  but  as  one  apart,  and 
who  often  say  that  you  desire,  in  life  and  gentleness, 
to  be  such  a  one  as  Marcus,  even  though,  as  far  as 
philosophy  is  concerned,  Plato  himself,  were  he  to 
return  to  life,  could  not  be  such  a  philosopher.  So 
much,  then,  for  these  matters,  told  briefly  and  con- 

XX.  But  as  for  the  acts  of  Marcus  Antoninus  after 
the  death  of  his  brother,1  they  are  as  follows  :  First 
of  all,  he  conveyed  his  body  to  Rome  and  laid  it  in 
the  tomb  of  his  fathers.2  Then  divine  honours  were 
ordered  for  Verus.3  Later,  while  rendering  thanks 
to  the  senate  for  his  brother's  deification,  he  darkly 
hinted  that  all  the  strategic  plans  \vhereby  the  Par- 
thians  had  been  overcome  were  his  own.  He  added, 
besides,  certain  statements  in  which  he  indicated 
that  now  at  length  he  would  make  a  fresh  beginning 
in  the  management  of  the  state,  now  that  Verus,  who 



4  remissior  videbatur.  nee  aliter  senatus  accepit  quam 
Marcus  dixerat,  ut  videretur  gratias  agere  quod 

6  Verus  excessisset  vita,  omnibus  deinde  sororibus  et 
adfinibus  et  libertis  iuris  et  honoris  et  pecuniae 
plurimum  detulit.  erat  enim  famae  suae  curiosissi- 
mus,  requirens  ad  verum,  quid  quisque  de  se  diceret, 
emendans  quae  bene  reprehensa  viderentur. 

6  Proficiscens  ad  bellum  Germanicum  filiam  suam  non 
decurso   luctus   tempore  grandaevo    equitis    Roman! 
filio   Claudio   Pompeiano   dedit   genere    Antiochensi 

7  nee  satis  nobili  (quern  postea  bis  consulem  fecit),  cum 
filia  eius  Augusta  esset  et  Augustae  filia.    sed  has  nup- 
tias  et  Faustina  et  ipsa  quae  dabatur  invitae  habuerunt. 

XXI.  Cum  Mauri  Hispanias  prope  oimies  vastarent, 

2  res  per  legates  bene  gestae  sunt.  et  cum  per  Aegyptum 
Bucolici  milites  gravia  multa  fecissent,  per  Avidium 
Cassium  retunsi  sunt,  qui  postea  tyrannidem  arripuit. 

3  sub  ipsis  profectionis  diebus  in  secessu    Praenestino 
agens  filium,  nomine  Verum  Caesaiem,  exsecto  sub 

4aure  tubere  septennem  amisit.  quern  non  plus  quin- 
que  diebus  luxit  consultusque  etiam  medios l  actibus 

1  Thus  Peter  with  Lipsius  ;  consolalusque  etiam  medicos  P. 

1  Cf.  c.  xv.  3. 

2  After  his  return  to  Rome  with  the  body  of  Verus.     He 
set  out  in  October,  169  ;  see  note  to  c.  xvii.  3. 

3  Lucilla,  the  widow  of  Verus. 

4  Cf.  c.  xxii.  11.     The  date  is  probably  172-173,  see  Sev.t 

•  *        t 

11.  4. 

8  According  to  Av.  Cass.,  vi.  7,  this  statement  is  taken 
from  Marius  Maximus'  Life  of  Marcus.  The  rebellion  is 
somewhat  more  fully  described  in  Dio,  Ixxi.  4.  The  Boukoloi, 
a  tribe  of  herdsmen  and  brigands,  lived  in  the  N.W.  of  the 
Delta,  not  far  from  Alexandria.  According  to  Dio's  chron- 
ology, the  rebellion  happened  after  Marcus'  assumption  of 
the  name  Germanicus,  i.e.  in  172-173. 



had  seemed  somewhat  negligent,  was  removed.  And 
the  senate  took  this  precisely  as  it  was  said,  so  that 
Marcus  seemed  to  be  giving  thanks  that  Verus  had 
departed  this  life.  Afterwards  he  bestowed  many 
privileges  and  much  honour  and  money  on  all  Verus' 
sisters,  kin,  and  freedmen.1  For  he  was  exceedingly 
solicitous  about  his  good  reputation,  indeed  he  was 
wont  to  ask  what  men  really  said  of  him,  and  to 
correct  whatever  seemed  justly  blamed. 

Just  before  setting  out  for  the  German  war,2  and 
before  the  period  of  mourning  had  yet  expired,  he 
married  his  daughter3  to  Claudius  Pompeianus,  the 
son  of  a  Roman  knight,  and  now  advanced  in  years, 
a  native  of  Antioch,  whose  birth  was  not  sufficiently 
noble  (though  Marcus  later  made  him  consul  twice), 
since  Marcus"  daughter  was  an  Augusta  and  the 
daughter  of  an  Augusta.  Indeed,  Faustina  and  the 
girl  who  was  given  in  marriage  were  both  opposed 
to  this  match. 

XXI.  Against  the  Mauri,  when  they  wasted  almost 
the  whole  of  Spain,4  matters  were  brought  to  a  suc- 
cessful conclusion  by  his  legates ;  and  when  the 
warriors  of  the  Bucolici  did  many  grievous  things  in 
Egypt,5  they  were  checked  by  Avidius  Cassius,  who 
later  attempted  to  seize  the  throne.6  Just  before 
his  departure,7  while  he  was  living  in  retreat  at 
Praeneste,  Marcus  lost  his  seven-year-old  son,  by 
name  Verus  Caesar,8  from  an  operation  on  a  tumour 
under  his  ear.  For  no  more  than  five  days  did  he 
mourn  him ;  and  even  during  this  period,  when  con- 
sulted on  public  affairs  he  gave  some  time  to  them. 

6  See  c.  xxiv.  6  f ;  Av.  Cass.  vii.  f. 

7  i.e.,  for  the  German  war  ;  see  c.  xx.  6. 

8  M.  Annius  Verus  ;  see  note  to  c.  xii.  8. 



publicis  reddidit.  et  quia  ludi  lovis  Optimi  Maximi 
5erant,  interpellari  eos  publico  luctu  noluit  iussitque, 
ut  statuae  tantummodo  filio  mortuo  decernerentur  et 
imago  aurea  circensibus  per  pompam  ferenda  et  ut 
saliari  carmini  nomen  eius  insereretur. 

6  Instante  sane  adhuc  pestilentia  et  deorum  cultum 
diligentissime  restituit  et  servos,  quemadmodum  bello 
Punico  factum  fuerat,  ad  militiam  paravit,  quos  volun- 

7  tarios  exemplo  volonum  appellavit.     armavit   etiam 
gladiatores,    quos    obsequentes    appellavit.      latrones 
etiam     Dalmatiae    atque     Dardaniae    milites    fecit, 
armavit  et  Diogmitas.     emit  et  Germanorum  auxilia 

8  contra  Germanos.     omni  praeterea  diligentia  paravit 
legiones  ad  Germanicum  et  Marcomannicum  bellum. 

9  et,  lie  provincialibus  esset  molestus,  auctioiiem  rerum 
aulicarum,  ut  diximus,  fecit  in  foro  divi  Traiani,  in  qua 
praeter   vestes   et   pocula  et  vasa  aurea  etiam  signa 

10  cum    tabulis    magnorum   artificum    vendidit.       Mar- 
comannos  in  ipso  transitu  Danuvii  delevit  et  praedam 

1  Probably  the  Ludi  Capitolini,  held  on  15  October. 

2  Germanicus'  name  had  been  similarly  inserted  in  this 
song  after  his  death  ;  see  Tac.,  Ann.,  ii.  82. 

3  See  c.  xiii.  3. 

4  The  name  given  to  the  slaves  who  volunteered  for  mili- 
tary service  after  the  defeat  at  Cannae  in  the  Second  Punic 
War ;  see  Livy,  xxii.  57,  11,  and  Festus,  p.  370. 

5  The  district  east  of  southern  Dalmatia ;    it  is  now  the 
southern  portion  of  the  kingdom  of  Serbia. 

6  The  Diogmitai  were  the  military  police  maintained  by 
the  Greek  cities.     They   were  also  called  upon  to   perform 
military   service — the  suppression  of  brigands — in  368  ;   see 
Amm.  Marc.,  xxvii.  9,  6. 

7  These  new  legions  were  named  Legio  II  Pia  and  Legio 



And  because  the  games  of  Jupiter  Optimus  Maximus  l 
were  then  in  progress  and  he  did  not  wish  to  have 
them  interrupted  by  public  mourning,  he  merely 
ordered  that  statues  should  be  decreed  for  his  dead 
son,  that  a  golden  image  of  him  should  be  carried 
in  procession  at  the  Circus,  and  that  his  name  should 
be  inserted  in  the  song  of  the  Salii.2 

And  since  the  pestilence  3  was  still  raging  at  this 
time,  he  both  zealously  revived  the  worship  of  the 
gods  and  trained  slaves  for  military  service — just  as 
had  been  done  in  the  Punic  war — whom  he  called 
Volunteers,  after  the  example  of  the  Volones.4  He 
armed  gladiators  also,  calling  them  the  Compliant, 
and  turned  even  the  bandits  of  Dalmatia  and  Dar- 
dania5  into  soldiers.  He  armed  the  Diogmitae,6 
besides,  and  even  hired  auxiliaries  from  among  the 
Germans  for  service  against  Germans.  And  besides 
all  this,  he  proceeded  with  all  care  to  enrol  legions  7 
for  the  Marcomannic  and  German  wars.  And  lest 
all  this  prove  burdensome  to  the  provinces,  he  held 
an  auction  of  the  palace  furnishings  in  the  Forum  of 
the  Deified  Trajan,  as  we  have  related,8  and  sold 
there,  besides  robes  and  goblets  and  golden  flagons, 
even  statues  and  paintings  by  great  artists.  He  over- 
whelmed the  Marcomanni  while  they  were  crossing 
the  Danube,9  and  restored  the  plunder  to  the  pro- 

III  Concordia  :  see  G.I.L.j  iii.  1980.  They  were  afterwards 
called  Legio  II  and  III  Italica ;  see  Dio,  Iv.  24,  4. 

8  See  c.  xvii.4-5. 

9  This  is  probably  the  victory  commemorated  by  coins  of 
172  with  a  representation  of  Marcus  and  his  soldiers  crossing 
a  bridge,  presumably  over  the  Danube ;  see  Cohen,  iii2,  r>.  99  f., 
Nos.   999-1001.     Other   coins    of  this   year  bear  the  legend 
Germania  Subacta ;  see  Cohen,  iii2,  p.  23,  Nos.  215-216.     It 
was  in  this  year  too  that  Marcus  took  the  name  Germanicus  ; 
see  C.I.L.,  iii.  1450. 



XXII.  provincialibus  reddidit.  gentes  omnes  ab  Illyrici 
limite  usque  in  Galliam  conspiraverant,  ut  Marcomanni 
Varistae  Hermunduri  et  Quadi  Suebi  Sarmatae 
Lacringes  et  Buri  hi  aliique  l  cum  Victualis  Osi  Bessi 
Cobotes  Roxolani  Bastarnae  Alani  Peucini  Costoboci. 
imminebat  et  Parthicum  bellum  et  Britannicum. 

2  magno  igitur  labore  etiam  suo  gentes  asperrimas  vicit 
militibus    sese   imitantibus,    ducentibus    etiam    exer- 
citum  legatis   et   praefectis   praetorio,  accepitque  in 
deditionem    Marcomannos    plurimis   in    Italiam    tra- 


3  Semper  sane  cum  optimatibus  non  solum  bellicas 
res  sed  etiam  civiles,  priusquam  faceret  aliquid,  con- 

4  tulit.     denique  sententia  illius  praecipua  semper  haec 
fuit:  "Aequius  est  ut  ego  tot  talium  amicorum  con- 
silium  sequar,  quam  ut  tot  tales  amici  meam  unius 

5  voluntatem  sequantur".     sane  quia  durus  videbatur 
ex  philosophiae  institutione  Marcus  ad  militiae  labores 

6  atque  ad  omnem  vitam  graviter  carpebatur,  sed  male 
loquentibus2  vel  sermone  vel   litteris   respondebat. 

7  et  multi  nobiles  bello  Germanico  sive  Marcomannico 
immo  plurimarum  gentium  interierunt.    quibus  omni- 

8  bus  statuas  in  foro  Ulpio  conlocavit.     quare  frequenter 
amici  suaserunt,  ut  a  bellis  discederet  et3  Romam 
veniret,  sed  ille  contempsit  ac  perstitit  nee  prius  reces- 

9  sit  quam  omnia  bella  finiret.     provincias  ex  procon- 

1  Some  name  is  lost  in  these  words :  Petschenig  suggests 
Hariique.  2  loquentum  P  (P  corr.  adds  dictis) ;  loquentibus 
(or  loquentum  uel  sermoni)  Peter.  zet  omitted  in  P. 

1  Of.  c.  xxiv.  3. 

2 i.e.,  his  consilium;  see  Hadr.,  viii.  9  and  note. 

3  See  note  to  Hadr.,  vii.  6. 

4  But  see  c.  xxiv.  5  and  xxv.  1. 



vincials.  XXII.  Then,  from  the  borders  of  Illyricum 
even  into  Gaul,  all  the  nations  banded  together 
against  us — the  Marcomanni,  Varistae,  Hermunduri 
and  Quadi,  the  Suebians,  Sarmatians,  Lacringes  and 
Buri,  these  and  certain  others  together  with  the 
Victuali,  namely,  Osi,  Bessi,  Cobotes,  Roxolani, 
Bastarnae,  Alani,  Peucini,  and  finally,  the  Costoboci. 
Furthermore,  war  threatened  in  Parthia  and  Britain. 
Thereupon,  by  immense  labour  on  his  own  part,  while 
his  soldiers  reflected  his  energy,  and  both  legates  and 
prefects  of  the  guard  led  the  host,  he  conquered 
these  exceedingly  fierce  peoples,  accepted  the  sur- 
render of  the  Marcomanni,  and  brought  a  great 
number  of  them  to  Italy.1 

Always  before  making  any  move,  he  conferred  with 
the  foremost  men2  concerning  matters  not  only  of 
war  but  also  of  civil  life.  This  saying  particularly 
was  ever  on  his  lips  :  "  It  is  juster  that  I  should  yield 
to  the  counsel  of  such  a  number  of  such  friends  than 
that  such  a  number  of  such  friends  should  yield  to 
my  wishes,  who  am  but  one  ".  But  because  Marcus, 
as  a  result  of  his  system  of  philosophy,  seemed  harsh 
in  his  military  discipline  and  indeed  in  his  life  in 
general,  he  was  bitterly  assailed  ;  to  all  who  spoke 
ill  of  him,  however,  he  made  reply  either  in  speeches 
or  in  pamphlets.  And  because  in  this  German,  or 
Marcomannic,  war,  or  rather  I  should  say  in  this 
"War  of  Many  Nations,"  many  nobles  perished,  for 
all  of  whom  he  erected  statues  in  the  Forum  of 
Trajan,3  his  friends  often  urged  him  to  abandon 
the  war  and  return  to  Rome.  He,  however,  dis- 
regarded this  advice  and  stood  his  ground,  nor  did 
he  withdraw  before  he  had  brought  all  the  wars 
to  a  conclusion.4  Several  proconsular  provinces  he 



sularibus  consulares  aut  ex  consularibus  proconsulares 

10  aut l  praetorias  pro  belli  necessitate  fecit,  res  etiam  in 
Sequanis   turbatas   censura   et    auctoritate   repressit. 

11  compositae  res  et  in2  Hispania,  quae  per  Lusitaniam 

12  turbatae  erant.     filio  Commodo  accersito  ad  limitem 
togam  virilem  dedit,  quare  congiarium  populo  divisit 
et  eum  ante  tempus  consulem  designavit. 

XXIII.   Si  quis  umquam  proscriptus  est  a  praefecto 

2urbi,    non    libenter    accepit.       ipse    in    largitionibus 

pecuniae  publicae  parcissimus  fuit,  quod  laudi  potius 

3datur  quam  reprehensioni,  sed  tamen  et  bonis  viris 

pecunias  dedit  et  oppidis  labentibus  auxilium  tulit  et 

tributa  vel  vectigalia,  ubi  necessitas  cogebat,  remisit. 

1  Hirschfeld   (Wicn.    Stud.,  Ill,   p.    116)   would  insert  ex 
procuratoriis  before  praetotias.         2  in  omitted  in  P. 

1i.e.l  he  took  them  from  under  the  control  of  the  senate 
and  made  them  imperial  provinces  governed  by  legates  of 
consular  rank  ;  see  note  to  Hadr.,  iii.  9. 

3  i.e.,  transferred  from  the  control  of  the  emperor  to  that 
of  the  senate. 

3  Either  the  author  fails  to  understand  what  he  is  trying 
to  say  here,  or  an  omission  in  the  text  must  be  assumed,  such 
as  Hirschfeld's  proposed  insertion  ex  procurator  Us.     He  seemg 
to  mean  that   certain   provinces  now  received  as  governors 
legates   of   praetorian   rank  (see  note  to  Hadr.,  iii.  9).     As 
there  is  no  evidence  for  the  supposition  that  any  provinces 
were   transferred  from  the  "consular"  class  to  the  "prae- 
torian," it  must  be  assumed  that  the  provinces  in  question 
were  previously  governed  by  equestrian  procurators.     Such  a 
transfer  from  "procuratory  "  to  "  praetorian  "  provinces  was 
actually  made  under  Marcus  in  the  cases  of  Raetia  and  Nori- 
cum,  to  which  were  sent  the  two  new  legions  mentioned  in 
o.  xxi.  8. 

4  Cf .  c.  xxi.  1. 



changed  into  consular,1  and  several  consular  pro- 
vinces into  proconsular  2  or  praetorian,3  according  to 
the  exigencies  of  war.  He  checked  disturbances 
among  the  Sequani  by  a  rebuke  and  by  his  personal 
influence  ;  and  in  Spain,4  likewise,  he  quieted  the 
disturbances  which  had  arisen  in  Lusitania.  And 
having  summoned  his  son  Commodus  to  the  border 
of  the  empire,  he  gave  him  the  toga  virilis,5  in  honour  9  Jul., 
of  which  he  distributed  largess  among  the  people,6 
and  appointed  him  consul  before  the  legal  age.7  177. 

XXIII.  He  was  always  displeased  at  hearing  that 
anyone  had  been  outlawed  by  the  prefect  of  the  city. 
He  himself  was  very  sparing  of  the  public  money  in 
giving  largess  8 — a  fact  which  we  mention  rather  in 
praise  than  in  disparagement — but  nevertheless  he 
gave  financial  assistance  to  the  deserving,  furnished 
aid  to  towns  on  the  brink  of  ruin,9  and,  when  neces- 
sity demanded,  cancelled  tribute  or  taxes.10  And 

5  See  Com.,  ii.  2;  xii.  3;  Dio,  Ixxi.  22,  2.     The  ceremony 
took  place   on    the   Danube   frontier   immediately   prior  to 
Marcus'  departure  for  Syria. 

6  Commemorated  on  coins  of  175  with  the  legend  Liber- 
alitcis  Aug(usti)  VI;  see  Cohen,  iii2,  p.  43,  Nos.  416-420. 

7  Under  the  empire  the  minimum  age  for  the  consulship 
seems  to  have  been  33.     See  alsj  note  to  Pius,  vi.  10. 

8  Yet  his   coins  record   seven    different   largesses   to   the 
populace;   see  Cohen,  iii2,  p.  41  f.,  Nos.  401-427.     See  also 
c.   xxvii.  5  and  note.     His  donation    to  the  soldiers  on  his 
accession  was  unusually  large  (see  c.  vii.  9),  but  on  another 
occasion  he  is  said  to  nave  refused  the  army's  request  for  a 
donation;  see  Dio,  Ixxi.  3,  3. 

9  See  also  c.  xi.  3.     He  also  came  to  the  relief  of  Smyrna 
when  destroyed  by  an  earthquake  in  178  ;  see  Dio,  Ixxi.  32,  2. 

10  In  178  all  arrears  due  the  treasury  or  the  privy-purse 
were  cancelled ;  see  Dio,  Ixxi  32,  2.     This  was  merely  an  ap- 
plication of  the  principle  established  by  Hadrian;  see  note 
to  Hadr.,  vii.  6. 



4absens  populi   Romani  voluptates  curari  vehementer 

5praecepit  per  ditissimos  editores.     fuit  enim  populo 

hie  sermo,  cum  sustulisset  ad  bellum  gladiatores,  quod 

populum  sublatis  voluptatibus  vellet  cogere  ad  philo- 

6  sophiam.      iusserat  enim  ne  mercimonia  impedirentur, 

7  tardius    pantomimes    exhibere    iionis l    diebus.       de 
amatis  pantomimis  ab  uxore  fuit  sermo,  ut  superius 
diximus.     sed  haec  omnia  per  epistolas  suas  purgavit. 

8  idem  Marcus  sederi  in  civitatibus  vetuit  in  equis  sive 
vehiculis.     lavacra    mixta    summovit.     mores   matro- 
narum  composuit  diffluentes    et    iuvenum    nobilium. 
sacra    Serapidis   a    vulgaritate    Pelusiae2    summovit. 

9  fama  fuit  sane,  quod  sub  philosophorum  specie  quidam 
rem  publicam  vexarent  et  privatos,  quod  ille  purgavit. 

XXIV.  Erat  mos  iste  Antonino  ut  omnia  crimina 
minore  supplicio  quam  legibus  plecti  solent  puniret, 
quamvis  nonnumquam  contra  manifestos  et  gravium 
2  criminum  reos  inexorabilis  permaneret.  capitales 
causas  hominum  honestorum  ipse  cognovit,  et  quidem 
summa  aequitate,  ita  ut  praetorem  reprehenderet,  qui 

1  nonis  Salm.  ;  non  uotis  P.  *pelosiae  P ;  Pelusiaca 


aSee  c.  xix.  -Cf.  Hadr.,  xviii.  10. 

3  The  Serapia,  the  annual  festival  of  the  Egyptian  deity 
Serapis,  was  celebrated  on  25  April ;  see  Calendar  of  Philo- 
calus  (C.I.I/.,  i2,  p.  262).  A  festival  called  Pelusia,  celebrating 
the  annual  overflow  of  the  Nile,  was  held  on  20  March ;  see 
Lydus,  de  Mens.,  iv.  40.  The  statement  of  the  biographer 
has  been  explained  by  Mommsen  (C.I.L.,  i3.  p.  313)  as  mean- 
ing that  the  customary  licence  of  the  Pelusia  was  limited  in 
order  to  save  the  festival  of  Serapis  from  desecration.  But 
in  view  of  the  interval  between  the  dates  this  explanation  ia 
not  altogether  convincing ;  furthermore,  licence  is  an  un- 
natural meaning  for  vulgaritas  and  sacra  Serapidis  does  not 
necessarily  refer  to  the  Serapia.  The  sentence  seems  rather 



while  absent  from  Rome  he  left  forceful  instructions 
that  the  amusements  of  the  Roman  people  should  be 
provided  for  by  the  richest  givers  of  public  spectacles, 
because,  when  he  took  the  gladiators  away  to  the 
war,  there  was  talk  among  the  people  that  he  intended 
to  deprive  them  of  their  amusements  and  thereby 
drive  them  to  the  study  of  philosophy.  Indeed,  he 
had  ordered  that  the  actors  of  pantomimes  should 
begin  their  performances  nine  days  later  than  usual 
in  order  that  business  might  not  be  interfered  with. 
There  was  talk,  as  we  mentioned  above,1  about  his 
wife's  intrigues  with  pantomimists ;  however,  he 
cleared  her  of  all  these  charges  in  his  letters.  He 
forbade  riding  and  driving  within  the  limits  of  any 
city.  He  abolished  common  baths  for  both  sexes.2 
He  reformed  the  morals  of  the  matrons  and  young 
nobles  which  were  growing  lax.  He  separated  the 
sacred  rites  of  Serapis  from  the  miscellaneous  cere- 
monies of  the  Pelusia.3  There  was  a  report,  further- 
more, that  certain  men  masquerading  as  philosophers 
had  been  making  trouble  both  for  the  state  and  for 
private  citizens  ;  but  this  charge  he  refuted. 

XXIV.  It  was  customary  with  Antoninus  to  punish 
all  crimes  with  lighter  penalties  than  were  usually 
inflicted  by  the  laws ;  although  at  times,  toward 
those  who  were  clearly  guilty  of  serious  crimes  he 
remained  implacable.  He  himself  held  those  trials 
of  distinguished  men  which  involved  the  death- 
penalty,  and  always  with  the  greatest  justice.  Once, 
indeed,  he  rebuked  a  praetor  who  heard  the  pleas  of 
accused  men  in  too  summary  a  fashion,  and  ordered 

to  mean  that  the  rites  of  Serapis  were  isolated  from  the  mass 
of  Egyptian  cults  celebrated  at  the  Pelusia ;  BO  also  Wilcken, 
Klio,  ix.  p.  131  f. 



cito  reorum  causas  audierat,  iuberetque  ilium  iterum 
cognoscere,  dignitatis  eorum  interesse  dicens  ut  ab 

3  eo  audirentur  qui  pro  populo  iudicaret.     aequitatem 
autem  etiam  circa  captos  hostes  custodivit.     infinites 

4  ex  gentibus  in  Romano  solo  conlocavit.     fulinen  de 
caelo  precibus  suis  contra  hostium  machinamentum 
extorsit,  suis  pluvia  impetrata  cum  siti  laborarent. 

5  Voluit     Marcomanniam    provinciam,    voluit    etiam 
GSarmatiam   facere    et   fecisset,    nisi    Avidius    Cassius 

rebellasset  sub  eodem  in  Oriente  ;  atque  imperatorem 

se  appellavit,1  ut  quidam  dicunt,  Faustina  volente, 
7  quae  de  mariti  valetudine  desperaret.  alii  dicunt 

ementita  morte  Antonini  Cassiunn  imperatorem  se 
Sappellasse,  cum  divum  Marcum  appellasset.  et 

Antoninus  quidem  non  est  satis  motus  defectione 
9  Cassii  nee  in  eius  affectus  saevit.2  sed  per  senatum 

hostis  est  iudicatus  bonaque  eius  proscripta  per 
XXV.  aerarium  publicum.  relicto3  ergo  Sarmatico  Mar- 

comannicoque    bello    contra    Cassium    profectus    est. 

2  Romae   etiam  turbae  fuerunt,  quasi  Cassius  absente 
Antonino  adventaret.     sed  Cassius  statim  interfectus 

3  est  caputque  eius  adlatum  est  ad  Antoninum.      Mar- 
cus tamen  non  exultavit  interfectione  Cassii  caputque 

1  So  P,  which  Lessing  restores ;  rebellasset  sub  eodem  in 
oriente  atque.  .  .  .  appellasset  Peter.  znec  eius  affecius 

seui  P  ;  restored  by  Peter  from  Av.  Cass.  vii.  5.        3  relecto  P. 

1  Of.  c.  xxii.  2. 

2  In  the  war i against  the  Quadi  in  174;  see  Dio,  Ixxi.  8-10. 
According  to  Dio,  the  thunder-storm  was  sent  by  Hermes  at 
the  prayer  of  an  Egyptian  magician.     The  Christian  legend, 
on  the  other  hand,  declared  that  the  storm  was  an  answer  to 
the  prayers  of  the  Twelfth  Legion,  the  Fulminata,  entirely 
composed  of  Christiana ;  see  Xiphilinus  in  Dio,  Ixxi.  9. 



him  to  hold  the  trials  again,  saying  that  it  was  a 
matter  of  concern  to  the  honour  of  the  accused  that 
they  should  be  heard  by  a  judge  who  really  repre- 
sented the  people.  He  scrupulously  observed  justice, 
moreover  even  in  his  dealings  with  captive  enemies. 
He  settled  innumerable  foreigners  on  Roman  soil.1 
By  his  prayers  he  summoned  a  thunderbolt  from 
heaven  against  a  war-engine  of  the  enemy,  and  suc- 
cessfully besought  rain  for  his  men  when  they  were 
suffering  from  thirst.2 

He  wished  to  make  a  province  of  Marcomannia  and 
likewise  of  Sarmatia,3  and  he  would  have  done  so  had 
not  Avidius  Cassius  just  then  raised  a  rebellion  in  the 
East.4  This  man  proclaimed  himself  emperor,  some 
say,  at  the  wish  of  Faustina,  who  was  now  in  despair 
over  her  husband's  health  ;  others,  however,  say  that 
Cassius  proclaimed  himself  emperor  after  spreading 
false  rumours  of  Antoninus'  death,  and  indeed  he  had 
called  him  the  Deified.  Antoninus  was  not  much  dis- 
turbed by  this  revolt,  nor  did  he  adopt  harsh  measures 
against  Cassius'  dear  ones.  The  senate,  however,  de- 
clared Cassius  a  public  enemy  and  confiscated  his 
property  to  the  public  treasury.  XXV.  The  Emperor, 
then,  abandoning  the  Sarmatian  and  Marcomannic 
wars,  set  out  against  him.  At  Rome  there  was  aJul. 
panic  for  fear  that  Cassius  would  arrive  during 
Antoninus'  absence ;  but  he  was  speedily  slain  and 
his  head  was  brought  to  Antoninus.  Even  then, 
Marcus  did  not  rejoice  at  Cassius'  death,  and  gave 

3  In  175,  after  a  victory  so  decisive  that  Marcus  was  ac- 
claimed  Imperator  for  the   eighth  time,  and  took  the  title 
Sarmaticus;  see  Cohen,  iii2,  p.  91  f.,  Nos.  916-925;  C.I.L., 
viii.  2276. 

4  Cf.  Av.  Cass.,  vii  f. 



4  eius  humari  iussit.     Maecianum  etiam,  socium l  Cassii, 
cui  Alexandria  erat  commissa,  exercitus  occidit.    nam 
et  praefectum  praetorio  sibi  fecerat,  qui  et  ipse  oc- 

5  cisus    est.      in    conscios    defectionis    vetuit   senatum 

6  graviter  vindicare.     simul  petiit,  ne  qui  senator  tern- 
pore  principatus  sui  occideretur,  ne  eius  '2  pollueretur 

7imperium.  eos  etiam  qui  deportati  fuerant  revocari 
iussit,  cum  paucissimi  centuriones  capite  essent  puniti. 

Signovit  et  civitatibus  quae  Cassio  consenserant,  ignovit 
et  Antiochensibus,  qui  multa  in  Marcum  pro  Cassio 

9  dixerant.  quibus  et  spectacula  et  conventus  publicos 
tulerat  et  omne 3  contionum  genus,  contra  quos 

10  edictum  gravissimum  misit.     seditiosos  autem  eos  et 
oratio  Marci  indicat,  indita  Mario  Maximo,  qua  ille 

11  usus    est  apud    amicos.     denique  noluit  Antiochiam 

12  videre  cum  Syriam  peteret.     nam  iiec  Cyrrhum  voluit 
videre,  ex  qua  erat  Cassius.     postea  tamen  Antiochiam 
vidit.     fuit  Alexandriae  clementer  cum  his  agens.4 

XXVI.  Multa  egit  cum  regibus  et  pacem  confirmavit, 
sibi  occurrentibus  cunctis  regibus  et  legatis  Persarum. 

2  omnibus  orientalibus  provinciis  carissimus  fuit.    apud 

3  multas    etiam    philosophiae    vestigia   reliquit.     apud 
Aegyptios  civem  se  egit  et  philosophum  in  omnibus 

1  socium  suggested  by  Peter  for  /ilium  of  P,  which  is  cer- 
tainly wrong ;  see  c.  xxvi.  11 ;  Av.  Cass.,  vii.  4.  *ne  nece 
eius  Peter,  following  Madvig.  3  omne  Peter1;  omnium  P, 
Peter.2  4  This  sentence,  which  precedes  postea  .  .  .  vidit 
in  P,  was  transposed  by  Gas. 

1  Possibly,  though   not  probably,   the  jurist  L.  Volusius 
Maecianus  (see  Pius,  xii.  1). 

2  For  his  general  policy  in  the  punishment  of  senators, 
see  c.  x.  6. 

3  Faustina  and  Commodus  seem  to  have  accompanied  him 


orders  that  his  head  should  be  buried.  Maecianus,1 
Cassius'  ally,  in  whose  charge  Alexandria  had  been 
placed,  was  killed  by  the  army ;  likewise  his  prefect 
of  the  guard — for  he  had  appointed  one — was  also 
slain.  Marcus  then  forbade  the  senate  to  impose 
any  heavy  punishment  upon  those  who  had  conspired 
in  this  revolt ;  and  at  the  same  time,  in  order  that 
his  reign  might  escape  such  a  stain,  he  requested 
that  during  his  rale  no  senator  should  be  executed.2 
Those  who  had  been  exiled,  moreover,  he  ordered  to 
be  recalled  ;  and  there  were  only  a  very  few  of  the 
centurions  who  suffered  the  death-penalty.  He  par- 
doned the  communities  which  had  sided  with  Cassius, 
and  even  went  so  far  as  to  pardon  the  citizens  of 
Antioch,  who  had  said  many  things  in  support  of 
Cassius  and  in  opposition  to  himself.  But  he  did 
abolish  their  games  and  public  meetings,  including 
assemblies  of  every  kind,  and  issued  a  very  severe 
edict  against  the  people  themselves.  And  yet  a 
speech  which  Marcus  delivered  to  his  friends,  re- 
ported by  Marius  Maximus,  brands  them  as  rebels. 
And  finally,  he  refused  to  visit  Antioch  when  he 
journeyed  to  Syria,3  nor  would  he  visit  Cyrrhus, 
the  home  of  Cassius.  Later  on,  however,  he  did  visit 
Antioch.  Alexandria,  when  he  stayed  there,  he 
treated  with  clemency. 

XXVI.  He  conducted  many  negotiations  with 
kings,  and  ratified  peace  with  all  the  kings  and 
satraps  of  Persia  when  they  came  to  meet  him.  He 
was  exceedingly  beloved  by  all  the  eastern  provinces, 
and  on  many,  indeed,  he  left  the  imprint  of  philo- 
sophy. While  in  Egypt  he  conducted  himself  like  a 

on  this  journey  through  Syria  and  Egypt;  see  c.  xxvi.  4  and 
Cow.,  ii.  3. 



stadiis 1  templis  locis.2  et  cum  multa  Alexandrini  in 
Cassium  dixissent  fausta,  tamen  omnibus  ignovit  et 

4  filiam  suam  apud  eos  reliquit.  Faustinam  -suam  in 
radicibus  moiitis  Tauri  in  vico  Halalae  exanimatam  vi 

Ssubiti  morbi  amisit.  petiit  a  senatu  ut  honores 
Faustinae  aedemque  decernerent,  laudata  eadem  cum 
impudicitiae  fama  graviter  laborasset.  quae  Anto- 

6  ninus  vel  nesciit  vel  dissimulavit.     novas  puellas  Faus- 

7tinianas  instituit  in  honorem  uxoris  mortuae.  divam 
etiam  Faustinam  a  senatu  appellatam  gratulatus  est. 

8  quam  secum  et  in  aestlvis  habuerat,  ut  matrem  cas- 

9  trorum  appellaret.     fecit  et  coloniam  vicum  in  quo 
obiit  Faustina  et  aedem  illi  exstruxit.     sed  haec  postea 
aedis  Heliogabalo  dedicata  est. 

10  Ipsum  Cassium  pro  dementia  occidi  passus  est,  non 

11  occidi  iussit.     deportatus  est  Heliodc  rus,  films  Cassii, 
et  alii  liberum  exsilium  acceperunt  cum  bonorum  parte. 

12filii  autem  Cassii  et  amplius  media  parte  acceperunt 
paterni  patrimonii  et  auro  atque  argento  adiuti, 
mulieres  autem  etiam  ornamentis  ;  ita  ut  Alexandria, 
filia  Cassii,  et  Druncianus  gener  liberam  vagandi 

1  stadiis  Peter  with  Salm. ;  studiis  P,  which  Mommsen 
defends.  2  locis  P  (by  error  ocis  Peter2,  from  which  Momm- 
sen conj.  oecis,  and  Novak,  odeis). 

1  According  to  Dio,  Ixxi.  29,  1,  her  death  was  by  some 
attributed  to  suicide. 

2  Cf .  c.  xix. 

3  Cf.  Pius,  viii.  1.     See  also  C.I.L.,  vi.  10222. 

4  Commemorated  by  coins   of   Diva  Faustina,   with   the 
legend  Consecratio ;  see  Cohen,  iii2,  p.  141  f.,  Nos.  65-83.     She 
also  received  the  name  Pia ;    see  the  coins  and  C./.L.,  vi. 
1019  =  Dessau,  7ns.  Sel,  382. 

5  After  his  victory  over  the  Quadi  in  174;  see  Dio,  Ixxi. 
10,  5.     The  title  appears  on  her  coins  issued  both  before  and 
after  her  deification  ;  see  Cohen,  iii2,  p.  149  f.,  Nos.  159-167. 



private  citizen  and  a  philosopher  at  all  the  stadia, 
temples,  and  in  fact  everywhere.  And  although  the 
citizens  of  Alexandria  had  been  outspoken  in  wishing 
Cassius  success,  he  forgave  everything  and  left  his 
daughter  among  them.  And  now,  in  the  village  of 
Halala,  in  the  foothills  of  Mount  Taurus,  he  lost 
his  wife  Faustina,  who  succumbed  to  a  sudden  ill- 176 
ness.1  He  asked  the  senate  to  decree  her  divine 
honours  and  a  temple;  and  likewise  delivered  a 
eulogy  of  her,  although  she  had  suffered  grievously 
from  the  reputation  of  lewdness.2  Of  this,  however, 
Antoninus  was  either  ignorant  or  affected  ignorance. 
He  established  a  new  order  of  Faustinian  girls3  in 
honour  of  his  dead  wife,  expressed  his  pleasure  at  her 
deification  by  the  senate,4  and  because  she  had  accom- 
panied him  on  his  summer  campaign,  called  her 
"  Mother  of  the  Camp  ".5  And  besides  this,  he  made 
the  village  where  Faustina  died  a  colony,  and  there 
built  a  temple  in  her  honour.  This,  however,  was 
afterwards  consecrated  to  Elagabalus.6 

With  characteristic  clemency,  he  suffered  rather 
than  ordered  the  execution  of  Cassius,  while  Helio- 
dorus,  the  son  of  Cassius,  was  merely  banished,  and 
others  of  his  children  exiled  but  allowed  part  of  their 
father's  property.7  Cassius'  sons,  moreover,  were 
granted  over  half  of  their  father's  estate  and  were 
enriched  besides  with  sums  of  gold  and  silver,  while 
the  women  of  the  family  were  presented  with  jewels. 
Indeed,  Alexandria,  Cassius'  daughter,  and  Drunci- 
anus,  his  son-in-law,  were  allowed  to  travel  wherever 

6  The  sun-god  of  Emesa  in  Syria,  whose  worship  was  in- 
troduced into  Rome  by  the  Emperor  Elagabalus  ;  see  Carac., 
xi.  7  ;  Hel,  i.  5  f. 

7  Of.  Av.  Cass.,  ix.  2-4. 



potestatem     haberent    commendati    amitae    marito. 
13  doluit  denique  Cassium  exstinctum,  dicens  voluisse  se 
sine  senatorio  sanguine  imperium  transigere. 

XXVII.  Orientalibus  rebus  ordinatis  Athenis  fuit  et 

initia  l  Cereris  2  adiit,  ut  se  innocentem  probaret,  et 

2  sacrarium   solus  3  ingressus  est.     revertens  ad  Italiam 

Snavigio   tempestatem    gravissimam    passus    est.     per 

Bruiidisium  veniens  in  Italiam  togam  et  ipse  sumpsit  et 

milites  togatos  esse  iussit,  nee  umquam  sagati  fuerunt 

4  sub  eo  milites.    Romam  ut  venit  triumphavit.   et  inde  4 

5  Lavinium    profectus    est.       Commodum    deinde   sibi 
collegam  in  tribuniciam  potestatem  iuiixit,  congiarium 
populo  dedit  et  spectacula  mirifica  ;  dein  civiliamulta 

Gcorrexit.  gladiatorii  muneris  sumptus  modum  fecit. 
7sententia  Platonis  semper  in  ore  illius  fuit,  florere 

civitates  si  aut  philosophi  imperarent  aut  imperantes 
8  philosophareiitur.  filio  suo  Bruttii  Praesentis  filiam 

iunxit  iiuptiis  celebratis    exemplo  privatorum,  quare 

etiam  congiarium  dedit  populo. 

1  So    Novak  ;    initalia    P  ;    edd.    initialia,  .  with    Salm. 
*ceterisP.  s solus  Lessing  with  Gas.;   solum  P,  Peter. 

4  et  inde  P  ;  inde  Lessing  ;  exinde  edd. 

1  Of.  c.  xxv.  6. 

2  As  Hadrian  had  done  ;  see  Hadr.,  xiii.  1. 

3  See  Hadr.,   xxii.   2-3.     His  return  was  commemorated 
by  coins  with  the  legend  Fort(una)  Red(ux) ;   see  Cohen,  iii2, 
p.  22,  No.  210. 

4  i.e.,  while  they  were  in  Italy. 

5  See  note  to  c.  xvii.  3. 

6  On  the  significance  of  this  appointment  see  Pius,  iv.  8 
and  note.      It  is  commemorated  on  coins  of  Commodus  of 
177;  see  Cohen,  iii2,  p.  326  f.,  Nos.  733-738. 

7  According  to  Dio,  Ixxi.  32,  1,  each  citizen  received  eight 



they  wished,  and  were  even  put  under  the  protection 
of  the  Emperor's  uncle  by  marriage.  And  further 
than  this,  he  grieved  at  Cassius'  death,  saying  that 
he  had  wished  to  complete  his  reign  without  shed- 
ding the  blood  of  a  single  senator.1 

XXVI I.  After  he  had  settled  affairs  in  the  East  he  Sept.,  17< 
came  to  Athens,  and  had  himself  initiated  into  the 
Eleusinian  mysteries  2  in  order  to  prove  that  he  was 
innocent  of  any  wrong-doing,  and  he  entered  the 
sanctuary  unattended.  Afterwards,  when  returning 
to  Italy,  he  encountered  a  violent  storm  on  the  way. 
Then,  reaching  Italy  by  way  of  Brundisium,  he 
donned  the  toga  3  and  bade  his  troops  do  likewise, 
nor  indeed  during  his  reign  were  the  soldiers  ever 
clad  in  the  military  cloak.4  When  he  reached  Nov.,  176 
Rome  he  triumphed,5  then  hastened  to  Lavinium. 
Presently  he  appointed  Commodus  his  colleague  in  177 
the  tribunician  power,6  bestowed  largess  upon  the 
people,7  and  gave  marvellous  games  ;  shortly  there- 
after he  remedied  many  civil  abuses,  and  set  a  limit 
to  the  expense  of  gladiatorial  shows.  Ever  on  his 
lips  was  a  saying  of  Plato's,  that  those  states  pros- 
pered where  the  philosophers  were  kings  or  the  kings 
philosophers.  He  united  his  son  in  marriage  with 
the  daughter  of  Bruttius  Praesens,8  performing  the 
ceremony  in  the  manner  of  ordinary  citizens  ;  and 
in  celebration  of  the  marriage  he  gave  largess  to  the 

aurei  (one  for  each  year  of  Marcus'  absence  from  Rome),  a 
largess  greater  than  had  ever  been  given  before. 

8  Her  name  was  Bruttia  Crispina;  see  Dio,  Ixxi.  31,  1, 
and  C./.L.,  x.  408  =  Dessau,  7ns.  SeL,  1117.  The  marriage 
was  commemorated  by  coins,  Cohen,  iii2,  p.  388  f.  She  was 
afterwards  banished  on  a  charge  of  adultery  and  put  to  death 
in  exile ;  see  Dio,  Ixxii.  4,  6. 



9  Dein  ad  conficiendum  bellum  conversus  in  adminis- 
tratione  eius  belli  obiit,  labentibus  iam  filii  moribus  ab 

lOinstituto  suo.  triennio  bellum  postea  cum  Marco- 
mannis  Hermunduris  Sarmatis  Quadis  etiam  egit l  et, 
si  anno  uno  superfuisset,  provincias  ex  his  fecisset. 

11  ante  biduum  quam  exspiraret,  adnrssis  amicis  dicitur 
ostendisse  seiitentiam  de  filio  eandem  quam  Philippus 
de    Alexandro,    cum    de  hoc    male    sentiret,   addens 
nimium2  se  aegre  ferre  filium  superstitem  relinquen- 

12  tem.3     nam  iam  Commodus  turpem  se  et  cruentum 

XXVIII.   Mors    autem    talis    fuit :   cum   aegrotare 

coepisset,  filium  advocavit  atque  ab  eo  primum  petiit  ut 

belli  reliquias  noil  contemneret,  ne  videretur  rem  pub- 

2licam  prodere.     et,  cum  filius  ei  respondisset  cupere 

se  primum  sanitatem,  ut  vellet  permisit,  petens  tamen 

ut  exspectasset  paucos  dies,  haud  4  simul  proficiscere- 

3  tur.     deinde    abstinuit  victu  5  potuque  mori  cupiens 

4auxitque  morbum.     sexta  die  vocatis  amicis  et  ridens 

res  humanas,  mortem  autem  contemnens  ad  amicos 

1  triennio  bellum  .  .  .  egit  Klein  would  transpose  to  pre- 
cede Dein  .  .  .  ab  institute  suo.  2 nimium  Peter  with 
Sa'm. ;  minime  P.       3  So  Gas. ;  relinqucns  P,  whence  Novak  : 
se  aegre  ferre  quod  discederet  /.  s.  relinquens.  4  aut  P. 
5  uictu  Jordan  ;  ui  P. 

1He  and  Commodus  left  Rome  for  Pannonia  on  3  August, 
178;  see  Com.,  xii.  6.  This  war  seems  to  have  been  called 
the  Expeditio  G<rmanica  Secunda  (C.I.L.,  ii.  4114,  and  vi. 
8541  =  Dessau,  Ins.  Sel.t  1140  and  1573)  or  the  Expeditio 
Sarmatica  (C.I.L.,  x.  408  =  Dessau,  1117). 

2  Probably   uttered    during   the   period    of    estrangement 
when  Alexander  was  living  in  Illyricum  ;  see  Plut. ,  Alex.t  ix. 

3  Of.  Com. ,  i.  7-9. 



He  then  turned  his  attention  to  completing  the 
war,1  in  the  conduct  of  which  he  died.  During  this 
time  the  behaviour  of  his  son  steadily  fell  away  from 
the  standard  the  Emperor  had  set  for  himself.  For 
three  years  thereafter  he  waged  war  with  the  Mar- 178-180 
comanni,  the  Hermunduri,  the  Sarmatians,  and  the 
Quadi,  and  had  he  lived  a  year  longer  he  would  have 
made  these  regions  provinces.  Two  days  before  his 
death,  it  is  said,  he  summoned  his  friends  and  ex- 
pressed the  same  opinion  about  his  son  that  Philip 
expressed  about  Alexander  when  he  too  thought 
poorly  of  his  son,2  and  added  that  it  grieved  him  ex- 
ceedingly to  leave  a  son  behind  him.  For  already 
Commodus  had  made  it  clear  that  he  was  base  and 

XXVIII.  He  died  in  the  following  manner:4 
When  he  began  to  grow  ill,  he  summoned  his  son  and 
besought  him  first  of  all  not  to  think  lightly  of  what 
remained  of  the  war,  lest  he  seem  a  traitor  to  the 
state.  And  when  his  son  replied  that  his  first  desire 
was  good  health,  he  allowed  him  to  do  as  he 
wished,5  only  asking  him  to  wait  a  few  days  and  not 
leave  at  once.  Then,  being  eager  to  die,  he  re- 
frained from  eating  or  drinking,  and  so  aggravated 
the  disease.  On  the  sixth  day  he  summoned  his 
friends,  and  with  derision  for  all  human  affairs  and 
scorn  for  death,  said  to  them :  "  Why  do  you  weep 

4  His  death  occurred  at  Sirmium  (Mitrowitz  on  the  Save) 
according  to  Tertullian,  Apologet.,  25,  at  Vindobona  (Vienna) 
according  to  Victor,  Caes.,  xvi.  12,  Epit.,  xvi.  12.     According 
to   a   story  preserved   by   Dio   (Ixxi.   83,   4),   his  pbysicians 
poisoned  him  in  order  to  please   Commodus.     It   has   been 
supposed  that  he  died    of  the  plague  (cf.  §§  4  and  8),   but 
without  very  good  reason. 

5  Apparently,  to  abandon  the  campaign  ;  cf.  Com.,  iii.  5. 



dixit,  "  quid  de  me 1  fletis  et  non  magis  de  pestilentia 

5  et  communi  morte  cogitatis  ?  '      et  cum  illi  vellent 
recedere,    ingemescens    ait,    "si    iam    me    dimittitis, 

6  vale  vobis  dico  vos  praecedens  ".     et  cum  ab  eo  quae- 
reretur,  cui  filium  commendaret,  ille  respondit  "  vo- 

7  bis,  si  dignus  fuerit,  et  dis  immortalibus  ".      exercitus 
cognita   mala   valetudine    vehementissime    dolebant, 

8  quia  ilium  unice  amarunt.     septimo  die  gravatus  est 
et  solum  filium  admisit.     quern  statim  dimisit,  ne  in 

9eum    morbus  transiret.     dimisso    filio    caput  operuit 

10  quasi  volens  dormire,  sed  nocte  animam  efflavit.     fer- 

tur   filium    mori    voluisse,    cum    eum    talem    videret 

futurum  qualis  exstitit  post  eius  mortem,  ne,  ut  ipse 

dicebat,  similis  Neroni  Caligulae  et  Domitiano  esset. 

XXIX.  Crimini  ei  datum  est  quod  adulteros  uxoris 

promoverit,  Tertullum    et    Tutilium2  et    Orfitum  et 

Moderatum,   ad  varies   honores,   cum    Tertullum   et 

2  prandentem  cum  uxore  deprehenderit.    de  quo  mimus 
in  scaena  praesente    Antonino    dixit,   cum    stupidus 
nomen  adulteri  uxoris  a  servo  quaereret,  et  ille  diceret 
ter  "Tullus,"  et  adhuc  stupidus  quaereret,  respondit 

3  ille  "iam  tibi  dixi  ter,  Tullus  dicitur  ".     et  de  hoc 
quidem   multa   populus,    multa   etiam   alii    dixerunt 
patientiam  Antonini  incusantes. 

J  So  Peter,  following  Jordan ;  quideme  P1 ;  quid  me  P  corr. 
2  Tutilium  Scaliger ;  utilium  P. 

1  See  note  to  c.  xiii.  3. 

2  Of.  Dio,  Ixxi.  34,  1,  and  Herodian,  i.  4. 

3  Of.  Dio,  Ixxi.  33,  4.        4  See  note  to  Com.,  viii.  1, 



for  me,  instead  of  thinking  about  the  pestilence1 
and  about  death  which  is  the  common  lot  of  us  all  ?  " 
And  when  they  were  about  to  retire  he  groaned  and 
said  :  "If  you  now  grant  me  leave  to  go,  I  bid  you 
farewell  and  pass  on  before".  And  when  he  was 
asked  to  whom  he  commended  his  son  he  replied  : 
"  To  you,2  if  he  prove  worthy,  and  to  the  immortal 
gods  ".  The  army,  when  they  learned  of  his  sick- 
ness, lamented  loudly,  for  they  loved  him  singularly. 
On  the  seventh  day  he  was  weary  and  admitted 
only  his  son,  and  even  him  he  at  once  sent  away  in 
fear  that  he  would  catch  the  disease.  And  when  his 
son  had  gone,  he  covered  his  head  as  though  he 
wished  to  sleep  and  during  the  night  he  breathed 
his  last.3  It  is  said  that  he  foresaw  that  after  his  17  Mar., 
death  Commodus  would  turn  out  as  he  actually  did, 1 
and  expressed  the  wish  that  his  son  might  die,  lest, 
as  he  himself  said,  he  should  become  another  Nero, 
Caligula,  or  Domitian. 

XXIX.  It  is  held  to  Marcus'  discredit  that  he 
advanced  his  wife's  lovers,  Tertullus  and  Tutilius 4 
and  Orfitus  and  Moderatus,  to  various  offices  of 
honour,  although  he  had  caught  Tertullus  in  the  very 
act  of  breakfasting  with  his  wife.  In  regard  to  this 
man  the  following  dialogue  was  spoken  on  the  stage 
in  the  presence  of  Antoninus  himself.  The  Fool 
asked  the  Slave  the  name  of  his  wife's  lover  and 
the  Slave  answered  ."Tullus"  three  times;  and 
when  the  Fool  kept  on  asking,  the  Slave  replied, 
"  1  have  already  told  you  thrice  Tullus  is  his  name".5 
But  the  city-populace  and  others  besides  talked  a 
great  deal  about  this  incident  and  found  fault  with 
Antoninus  for  his  forbearance. 

3Ter-tullus  means  "  Thrice-Tullus  ". 



4  Ante    tempus   sane    mortis,  priusquam  ad  bellum 
Marcomannicum  rediret,  in  Capitolio  iuravit  iiullum 
senatorem  se  sciente  occisum,  cum  etiam  rebelliones 

5  dixerit   se  servaturum  fuisse  si  scisset.      nihil   enim 
magis    et  timuit    et    deprecatus  est    quam    avaritiae 

6  famam,  de  qua  se  multis  epistulis  purgat.     dederuiit 
et  vitio  quod  fictus  l  fuisset  nee  tarn  simplex  quam 

7  videretur,  aut  quam  vel  Pius  vel  Verus  fuisset.     de- 
derunt    etiam    crimini    quod    aulicam    adrogantiam 
confirmaverit    summovendo  amicos   a  societate  com- 
muni  et  a  conviviis. 

8  Parentibus  consecrationem  decrevit.     am'cos  paren- 
tum  etiam  mortuos  statuis  ornavit. 

9  Suffragatoribus  non  cito  credidit.   sed  semper  diu 
quaesivit  quod  erat  verum. 

10  Enisa  est  Fabia  ut  Faustina  mortua  in  eius  matri- 
monium  coiret.  sed  ille  concubinam  sibi  adscivit 
procuratoris  uxoris  suae  filiam,  ne  tot  liberis  super- 
duceret  novercam. 

1  fictus  Novak;  d  uictus  P;  effictus  Peter  with  Erasmus. 

1  See  c.  x.  6 ;  xxv.  5-6  ;  xxvi.  13. 

2  He  had  been  betrothed  to  her  in  his  youth ;  see  c.  iv.  5. 



Previous  to  his  death,  and  before  he  returned  to 
the  Marcomannic  war,  he  swore  in  the  Capitol  that 
no  senator  had  been  executed  with  his  knowledge 
and  consent,  and  said  that  had  he  known  he  would 
have  spared  even  the  insurgents.1  Nothing  did  he 
fear  and  deprecate  more  than  a  reputation  for 
covetousness,  a  charge  of  which  he  tried  'to  clear 
himself  in  many  letters.  Some  maintain — and  held 
it  a  fault — that  he  was  insincere  and  not  as  guileless 
as  he  seemed,  indeed  not  as  guileless  as  either  Pius 
or  Verus  had  been.  Others  accused  him  of  en- 
couraging the  arrogance  of  the  court  by  keeping 
his  friends  from  general  social  intercourse  and  from 

His  parents  were  deified  at  his  command,  and 
even  his  parents'  friends,  after  their  death,  he 
honoured  with  statues. 

He  did  not  readily  accept  the  version  of  those 
who  were  partisans  in  any  matter,  but  always  searched 
long  and  carefully  for  the  truth. 

After  the  death  of  Faustina,  Fabia 2  tried  to 
manoeuvre  a  marriage  with  him.  But  he  took  a  con- 
cubine instead,  the  daughter  of  a  steward  of  his  wife's, 
rather  than  put  a  stepmother  over  so  many  children. 



I.  Scio  plerosque  ita  vitam  Marci  ac  Veri  litteris 
atque  historiae  dedicasse  ut  priorem  Verum  iiitiman- 
dum  legentibus  darent,  non  imperandi  secutos l  or- 

2  dinem  sed  vivendi ;  ego  vero,  quod  prior  Marcus 
imperare  coepit,  dein  Verus,  qui  superstite  periit 
Marco,  priorem  Marcum  dehinc  Verum  credidi  cele- 

Igitur  Lucius  Ceionius  Aelius 2  Commodus  Verus 
Antoninus,  qui  ex  Hadriani  voluntate  Aelius  appella- 
tus  est,  ex  Antoniiii  coniunctioiie  Verus  et  Antoninus, 
neque  inter  bonos  neque  inter  malos  principes  ponitur. 

4  quern  constat  non  inhorruisse  vitiis,  non  abundasse 
virtutibus,  vixisse  deinde  non  in  suo  libero  principatu 
sed  sub  Marco  in  simili  ac  paris  3  maiestatis  imperio, 
a  cuius  secta  lascivia  morum  et  vitae  licentioris  nimie- 

1  secutus  P1 ;  secuti  sunt  P  corr.        2  caelius  P.        3pari  P. 

li.e.  Marcus  succeeded  to  the  throne,  and  then  associated 
Verus  with  himself  as  partner  in  the  imperial  power ;  see 
Marc.,  vii.  5. 

2  He  never  bore  all  these  names  at  the  same  time.     For 
his  names  before  and  after  his  adoption  by  Pius  see  note  to 
Hadr.  xxiv.  1. 

3Cf.  AeL,  vii.  2.     It  would  be  more  accurate  to  say  that  he 





I.  Most  men,  I  well  know,  who  have  enshrined  in 
literature  and  history  the  lives  of  Marcus  and  Verus, 
have  made  Verus  known  to  their  readers  first,  follow- 
ing the  order,  not  of  their  reigns,  but  of  their  lives. 
I,  however,  have  thought,  since  Marcus  began  to  rule 
first  and  Verus  only  afterwards  l  and  Verus  died  while 
Marcus  still  lived  on,  that  Marcus'  life  should  be 
related  first,  and  then  that  of  Verus. 

Now,  Lucius  Ceionius  Aelius  Commodus  Verus 
Antoninus  2 — called  Aelius  by  the  wish  of  Hadrian,3 
Verus  and  Antoninus  because  of  his  relationship  to 
Antoninus4 — is  not  to  be  classed  with  either  the 
good  or  the  bad  emperors.  For,  in  the  first  place,  it 
is  agreed  that  if  he  did  not  bristle  with  vices,  no 
more  did  he  abound  in  virtues  ;  and,  in  the  second 
place,  he  enjoyed,  not  unrestricted  power,  but  a 
sovereignty  on  like  terms  and  equal  dignity  with 
Marcus,  from  whom  he  differed,  however,  as  far  as 
morals  went,  both  in  the  laxity  of  his  principles  and 

received  the  name  Aelius  when  he  was  adopted  by  Pius,  who 
had  received  it  on  his  adoption  by  Hadrian. 
4  Of.  Marc.,  vii.  7. 



5tate  dissensit.  erat  enim  morum  simplicium  et  qui 
adumbrare  nihil  posset. 

6  Huic  naturalis  pater  fuit  Lucius  Helius  Verus,  qui 
ab  Hadriano  adoptatus  primus  Caesar  est  dictus  et  in 

7  eadem  statione  constitutus  periit.     avi  ac  proavi  et 

8  item  maiores  plurimi  consulares.     natus   est    Lucius 
Romae  in  praetura  patris  sui  XVIII  kal.   lanuariarum 

9  die  quo  et  Nero,  qui  rerum  potitus  est.     origo  e  us 
paternapleraque  ex  Etruria  fuit,  materna  ex  Faventia. 

II.  Hac  prosapia  genitus  patre  ab  Hadriano  adoptato 
in  familiam  Aeliam  devenit  morcuoque  patre  Caesare 

2  in   Hadriani  familia  remansit.      a  quo   Aurelio  datus 
est  adoptandus,  cum  sibi  ille    Pium    filium    Marcum 

3  nepotem  esse  voluisset  posteritati  satis  providens,  et 
ea   quidem  lege  ut  filiam  Pii  Verus   acciperet,  quae 
data  est  Marco  idcirco  quia  hie  adhuc  impar  videbatur 

4aetate,  ut  in  Marci  vita  exposuimus.  duxit  autern 
uxorem  Marci  filiam  Lucillam.  educatus  est  in  domo 

5  Tiberiana.  audivit  Scaurinum  grammaticum  Latinum, 
Scauri  filium,  qui  grammaticus  Hadriani  fuit,  Graecos 
Telephum  l  atque  Hephaestionem,2  Harpocrationem,3 

1  talcplium  P.  -  Hi'faertionem  Peter;   fertionem  P. 

3  arpocrationem  Pb;  acprocrationcm  P*. 

1  See  Marc.,  xvi.  4 ;  xxix.  6  ;  c.  iii.  7. 

2  See  AeL,  i.  2  and  note. 

3Cf.  Hadr.,  xxiii.  16  ;  AeL,  iv.  7. 

4  His  grandfather  was  L.  Ceionius  Commodus,  consul  in 
106    (cf.  AeL,  ii.  7) ;  his  great-grandfather  was  probably  L. 
Ceionius  Commodus,  consul  in  78. 

5  The  year  is  established  by  c.  ii.  10,  for  he  was  adopted 
by  Pius  in  Jan.,  138  ;  the  day  is  confirmed  by  the  Calendar  of 
Philocalus;  see  C.I.L.,  i2,  p.  278. 

6  Cf.  Suet.,  Nero,  vi.  1.  7  Cf.  AeL,  ii.  8. 
8  See  note  to  c.  i.  3. 


VERUS  I.  5— II.  5 

the  excessive  licence  of  his  life.     For  in  character  he 
was  utterly  ingenuous  and  unable  to  conceal  a  thing.1 

His  real  father,  Lucius  Aelius  Verus  (who  was 
adopted  by  Hadrian),  was  the  first  man  to  receive  the 
name  of  Caesar2  and  die  without  reaching  a  higher 
rank.3  His  grandfathers  and  great-grandlathers  4  and 
likewise  many  other  of  his  ancestors  were  men  of 
consular  rank.  Lucius  himself  was  born  at  Rome 
while  his  father  was  praetor,  on  the  eighteenth  day  15  Dec., 
before  the  Kalends  of  January,5  the  birthday  o 
Nero  as  well6 — who  also  held  the  throne.  His 
father's  family  came  mostly  from  Etruria,  his  mother's 
from  Faventia.7 

II.  Such,  then,  was  his  real  ancestry  ;  but  when  his 
father  was  adopted  by  Hadrian  he  passed  into  the 
Aelian  family,8  and  when  his  father  Caesar  died,  he 
still  stayed  in  the  family  of  Hadrian.  By  Hadrian 
he  was  given  in  adoption  to  Aurelius,9  when  Hadrian, 
making  abundant  provision  for  the  succession,  wished 
to  make  Pius  his  son  and  Marcus  his  grandson ;  and 
he  was  given  on  the  condition  that  he  should  espouse 
the  daughter  of  Pius.10  She  was  later  given  to  Mar- 
cus, however,  as  we  have  related  in  his  life,11  because 
Verus  seemed  too  much  her  junior  in  years,  while 
Verus  took  to  wife  Marcus'  daughter  Lucilla.12  He 
was  reared  in  the  House  of  Tiberius,13  and  received 
instruction  from  the  Latin  grammarian  Scaurinus  (the 
son  of  the  Scaurus  14  who  had  been  Hadrian's  teacher 
in  grammar),  the  Greeks  Telephus,  Hephaestio, 
Harpocratio,  the  rhetoricians  Apollonius,  Caninius 

s i.e.  Pius;  see  Marc.,  v.  1  and  note. 
10  See  Ael.,  vi.  9.  u  Of.  Marc.,  vi.  2. 

12  See  Marc.,  vii.  7 ;  ix.  4.  13  See  note  to  Pius,  x.  4. 

14  A  famous  grammaticus ;  see  Plin.,  Epist.,  v.  11 ;  Gellius, 
xi.  15,  3. 



rhetores  Apollonium,  Celerem  Caninium  et  Herodem 
Atticum,    Latinum     Cornel ium     Frontonem ;    philo- 

6  sophos  Apollonium  et  Sextum.     hos  omnes    aniavit 
unice,  atque  ab  his  invicem  dilectus  est,  nee  tameii 

7  ingeniosus   ad    litteras.      amavit    autem    in    pueritia 
versus    facere,    post    orationes.       et    melior    quidera 
orator   fuisse    dicitur    quam    poeta,    immo,   ut  verius 

8  dicam,  peior  poeta  quam  rhetor,     nee  desunt  qui  di- 
cant  eum  adiutum  ingenio  amicorum,  atque  ab  aliis 
ei   ilia   ipsa,   qualiacumque   sunt,  scripta ;    si   quidem 
multos  disertos  et  eruditos   semper  secum    habuisse 

9  dicitur.     educatorem  habuit  Nicomedem.     fuit  volup- 
tarius  l  et  nimis  laetus  et  omnibus  deliciis  ludis  iocis 

10  decenter  aptissimus.     post  septimum  annum  in  famil- 
iam  Aureliam  traductus   Marci  moribus  et  auctoritate 
format  us  est.     amavit  venatus    palaestras    et    ornnia 

11  exercitia  iuventutis.      fuitque  privatus    in   domo   im- 
peratoria  viginti  et  tribus  annis. 

III.  Qua  die  togam  virilem  Verus  accepit,  An- 
toninus Pius  ea  occasione  qua  patris  temp  Ium  dedi- 

2cabat  populo  liberalis  fuit.  mediusque  inter  Pium  et 
Marcum  idem  resedit,2  cum  quaestor  populo  munus 

3  daret.     post  quaesturam  statim  consul  est  factus  cum 

1  So  P  ;  uoluptuarius  Peter.  *  se  resedit  P. 

1See  Marc.,  ii.  4.  a  See  Pius,  x.  4;  Marc.,  ii.  7. 

8  See  Marc.,  iii.  2.  4  i.e.  was  adopted  by  Pius. 

8  i.e.  he   did   not  hold  any  public  office,  although  it  was 
usual  to  bestow  such  on  young  members  of  the  imperial  house- 


VERUS  II.  6— III.  3 

Celer,1  Herodes  Atticus,  and  the  Latin  Cornelius 
Fronto,  his  teachers  in  philosophy  being  Apollonius2 
and  Sextus.3  For  all  of  these  he  cherished  a  deep 
affection,  and  in  return  he  was  beloved  by  them,  and 
this  despite  his  lack  of  natural  gifts  in  literary  studies. 
In  his  youth  he  loved  to  compose  verses,  and  later  on 
in  life,  orations.  And,  in  truth,  he  is  said  to  have 
been  a  better  orator  than  poet,  or  rather,  to  be  strictly 
truthful,  a  worse  poet  than  speaker.  Nor  are  there 
lacking  those  who  say  that  he  was  aided  by  the  wit 
of  his  friends,  and  that  the  things  credited  to  him, 
such  as  they  are,  were  written  by  others ;  and  in  fact 
it  is  said  that  he  did  keep  in  his  employ  a  number  of 
eloquent  and  learned  men.  Nicomedes  was  his  tutor. 
He  was  devoted  to  pleasure,  too  care-free,  and  very 
clever,  within  proper  bounds,  at  every  kind  of  frolic, 
sport,  and  raillery.  At  the  age  of  seven  he  passed  138 
into  the  Aurelian  family,4  and  was  moulded  by  the 
manners  and  influence  of  Marcus.  He  loved  hunt- 
ing and  wrestling,  and  indeed  all  the  sports  of 
youth.  And  at  the  age  of  three  and  twenty  he  was 
still  a  private  citizen  5  in  the  imperial  household. 

III.  On  the  day  when  Verus  assumed  the  toga  virilis 
Antoninus  Pius,  who  on  that  same  occasion  dedicated 
a  temple  to  his  father,  gave  largess  to  the  people  ; 6 
and  Verus  himself,  when  quaestor,7  gave  the  people 
a  gladiatorial  spectacle,  at  which  he  sat  between  Pius 
and  Marcus.  Immediately  after  his  quaestorship  he  154 

hold ;   see  Pius,  vi.   9-10  and  note.     Verus  was  evidently 
quaestor  in  153. 

6  This  was  probably  in  145,  for  the  toga  virilis  was  assumed 
by  Marcus  in  his  fifteenth  year  ;  see  Marc.  iv.  5.     Antoninus' 
coins  of  145  bear  the  legend  Liberalitas  IV',  see  Cohen,  ii2, 
p.  318  f.,  Nos.  490-501. 

7  See  Pius  ,  vi.  10. 



Sextio  1  Laterano.     interiectis  annis  cum  Marco  fratre 

4  iterum  factus  est  consul,     diu   autem    et  2    privatus 

fuit  et  ea  honorificentia  caruit  qua  Marcus  ornabatur. 

5namneque3  in  senatu  ante  quaesturam  sedit  neque 

in    itinere    cum   patre   sed   cum    praefecto    praetorii 

vectus  est  nee  aliud  ei  honorificentiae  adnomen  ad- 

iunctum  est  quam  quod  Augusti  nlius  appellatus  est. 

6  fuit  studiosus    etiam    circeiisium    baud    aliter    quam 
gladiatorii  muneris.      hie  cum    tantis    deliciarum    et 
luxuriae  quateretur  erroribus,  ab  Antonino  videtur  ob 
hoc  retentus  quod  eum  pater  ita  in  adoptionem  Pii 
transire  iusserat  ut  iiepotem  appellaret.     cui,  quan- 

7  turn  videtur,   ridem  exhibuit,  non    amorem.     amavit 
tamen  Antoninus  Pius  simplicitatem  ingenii  purita- 
temque 4  vivendi   hortatusque    est    ut    imitaretur  et 

8  fratrem.    defuncto  Pio  Marcus  in  eum  omnia  contulit, 
participatu    etiam    imperatoriae    potestatis    indulto, 
sibique  consortem  fecit,  cum  illi  soli  senatus  detulisset 

IV.   Dato  igitur  imperio  et  indulta  tribunicia  potes- 

tate,  post  consulatus  5  etiam  honorem  delatum  Verum 

vocari    praecepit,  suum  in   eum   transferens    nomen, 

2  cum    ante     Commodus    vocaretur.       Lucius    quidem 

1  Sextio  Peter  with  Clinton  ;  sestilio  P.         a  ei  P.        3  nam 
neque  Jordan  ;  namque  P.  4 puritatemque  P,  perhaps  a 

corruption  ;   Peter  suggests  hilaritatemque.  5  post  consu- 

latus Petrarch  ;  proconsulates  P1 ;  proconsulate  P  corr. 

1  See  Marc.,  vi.  3-6. 

2  This  is  confirmed  by  inscriptions,  e.g.,  C.I.L.,  iii.  3843  = 
Dessau,  7ns.  SeL,  358. 


VERUS  III.  4— IV.  2 

was  made  consul,  with  Sextius  Lateranus  as  his 
colleague,  and  a  number  of  years  later  he  was  created 
consul  for  a  second  term  together  with  his  brother  161 
Marcus.  For  a  long  time,  however,  he  was  merely 
a  private  citizen  and  lacked  the  marks  of  honour  with 
which  Marcus  was  continually  being  decorated.1 
For  he  did  not  have  a  seat  in  the  senate  until  he  was 
quaestor,  and  while  travelling,  he  rode,  not  with  his 
father,  but  with  the  prefect  of  the  guard,  nor  was  any 
title  added  to  his  name  as  a  mark  of  honour  save  only 
that  he  was  called  the  son  of  Augustus.2  He  was 
fond  of  circus-games  no  less  than  of  gladiatorial 
spectacles.  And  although  he  was  weakened  by  such 
follies  of  debauchery  and  extravagance,  nevertheless 
Pius  retained  him  as  a  son,  for  the  reason,  it  seems, 
that  Hadrian,  wishing  to  call  the  youth  his  grandson, 
had  ordered  Pius  to  adopt  him.  Towards  Pius,  so 
far  as  it  appears,  Verus  showed  loyalty  rather  than 
affection.  Pius,  however,  loved  the  frankness  of  his 
nature a  and  his  unspoiled  way  of  living,  and  en- 
couraged Marcus  to  imitate  him  in  these.  When 
Pius  died,  Marcus  bestowed  all  honours  upon  Verus, 
even  granting  him  a  share  in  the  imperial  power  ; 
he  made  him  his  colleague,  moreover,  when  the 
senate  had  presented  the  sovereignty  to  him  alone.4 
IV.  After  investing  him  with  the  sovereignty,  then, 
and  installing  him  in  the  tribunician  power,5  and  after 
rendering  him  the  further  honour  of  the  consulship, 
Marcus  gave  instructions  that  he  be  named  Verus, 
transferring  his  own  name  to  him,  whereas  previously 
he  had  been  called  Commodus.6  In  return  for  this, 

3  See  note  to  c.  i.  5.  4  Cf.  Marc.,  vii.  5. 

5  See  note  to  Pius,  iv.  7. 

6  On  his  name  see  note  to  Hadr.,  xxiv.  1. 



Marco  vicem  reddens  si  quid  susciperet l  obsecutus 
3ut  legatus  proconsul!  vel  praeses  imperatori.  iam 
primum  enirn  pro  ambobus  2  ad  milites  est  locutus  et 
pro  consensu  imperil  3  graviter  se  et  ad  Marci  mores 

4  Ubi    vero   in    Syriam 4    profectus    est,   non    solum 
licentia  vitae    liberioris    sed    etiam    adulteriis   et  iu- 

5  venum  5  amoribus    infamatus   est ;    si  quidem  tantae 
luxuriae    fuisse    dicitur    ut    etiam,   posteaquam 6    de 
Syria  rediit,  popinam  domi  instituerit,  ad  quam  post 
convivium     Marci    devertebat,7    ministrantibus    sibi 

6  omni  genere  turpium  persoiiarum.      fertur  et   nocte 
perpeti  alea  lusisse,  cum  in  Syria  concepisset  id  vitium, 
atque  in  tantum  vitiorum  Gaianorum  et  Neronianorum 
ac  Vitellianorum  fuisse  aemulum,  ut  vagaretur  nocte 
per  tabernas  ac  lupanaria  obtecto  capite    cucullione 
vulgari  viatorio  et  comissaretur  cum  triconibus,  com- 
mitteret  rixas,  dissimulans  quis  esset,  saepeque  efflic- 
tum  livida  facie  redisse  et  in  tabernis  agnitum,  cum 

7  sese  absconderet.     iaciebat    et    nummos    in    popinas 
Smaximos,  quibus  calices  frangeret.     amavit  et  aurigas, 

1  Thus  Lenze ;  si  susciperet  obsecutus  P ;    f  si  susciperet 
obsecutus  Peter.  2  So  Damste  ;  Marcus  pro  ambobus  P. 
spro  consensu  imperil    Jordan ;    pro  consensus    imperio   P. 
4  Syria  P,  Peter.         5  So  Winterfeld  ;  iuuentis  P1 ;  iuuentutis 
P  corr.  ;  incestis  Peter.  fi posteaquam   Petrarch  ;   quam 
postea  P,  Peter.            7  deuertcbat  P,  which  Lessing  restores  ; 
diuertebat  edd. 

li.e.  the  praetorian  guard;  see  Marc.,  vii.  9. 

2  See  note  to  Marc.,  viii.  10.  3  Cf.  Marc.,  viii.  12. 

4  This  is  told  about  Nero  (Tac.,  Ann.,  xiii.  25;  Suet.,  Nero, 
xxvi.  ;  Dio,  Ixi.  8),  but  not,  at  least  by  extant  authors,  about 


VERUS  IV.  3-8 

Verus  obeyed  Marcus,  whenever  he  entered  upon 
any  undertaking,  as  a  lieutenant  obeys  a  proconsul 
or  a  governor  obeys  the  emperor.  For,  at  the  begin- 
ning, he  addressed  the  soldiers1  in  his  brother's  be- 
half as  well  as  his  own,  and  in  consideration  of  the 
joint  rule  he  conducted  himself  with  dignity  and 
observed  the  moral  standard  that  Marcus  had  set  up. 

When  he  set  out  for  Syria,2  however,  his  name  was  162 
smirched  not  only  by  the  licence  of  an  unbridled  life,3 
but  also  by  adulteries  and  by  love-affairs  with  young 
men.  Besides,  he  is  said  to  have  been  so  de- 
praved as  to  install  a  cook-shop  in  his  home  after  he 
returned  from  Syria,  and  to  repair  thither  after 
Marcus'  banquets  and  have  all  manner  of  foul  persons 
serve  him.  It  is  said,  moreover,  that  he  used  to 
dice  the  whole  night  through,  after  he  had  taken  up 
that  vice  in  Syria,  and  that  he  so  rivalled  Caligula, 
Nero,  and  Vitellius  in  their  vices  as  to  wander  about 
at  night  through  taverns  and  brothels  with  only  a 
common  travelling-cap  for  a  head- covering,  revel 
with  various  rowdies,  and  engage  in  brawls,  conceal- 
ing his  identity  the  while  4 ;  and  often,  they  say, 
when  he  returned,  his  face  was  beaten  black  and 
blue,  and  once  he  was  recognised  in  a  tavern  even 
though  he  had  hidden  himself.  It  was  his  wont  also 
to  hurl  large  coins  into  the  cook-shops  and  therewith 
smash  the  cups.  He  was  very  fond  also  of  chario- 
teers, favouring  the  "  Greens  ".5  He  held  gladiatorial 

Caligula  or  Vitellius.     The  same  thing  is  also  told  about  Otho 
(Suet.,  Otho,  ii.  1)  and  Commodus  (Com.,  iii.  7). 

5  The  teams  and  drivers  competing  in  the  races  were 
supplied  by  four  racing  syndicates,  named,  after  the  colours 
which  they  adopted,  the  "  Greens,"  the  "  Blues,"  the  "Beds," 
and  the  "  Whites".  Caligula  and  Nero  were  also  partisans 
of  the  "  Greens  "  ;  see  Suet.,  CaL,  Iv.  2,  and  Nero,  xxii. 



9  Prasino  favens.  gladiatorum  etiam  frequentius  pug- 
nas  in  convivio  habuit,  trahens  cenas  in  noctem  et  in 
toro  convivali  condormiens,  ita  ut  levatus  cum  stro- 

10  matibus  in  cubiculum  perferretur.     somni  fuit  permo- 
dici,  digestionis  facillimae. 

11  Sed   Marcus  haec  omnia  bene  sciens  l  dissimulabat 
V.  pudore  2  illo  ne  reprehenderet  fratrem.      et  notissi- 

mum  eius  quidem  fertur  tale  convivium,  in  quo  primum 
duodecim  accubuisse  dicitur,  cum  sit  not  ssimum 
dictum  de  numero  convivarum  "  septem  convivium, 
2novem  vero  convicium  ".  donates  autem  pueros  de7 
coros  qui  ministrabant  singulis,  donates  etiam  struc- 
tores  et  lances  singulis  quibusque,  donata  et  viva  ani- 
malia  vel  cicurum  vel  ferarum  avium  vel  quadripedum,3 

3  quorum    cibi    adpositi    erant,    donates    etiam    calices 
singulis  per  singulas  potiones,  murrinos  et  crystallines 
Alexandrines,  quotiens  bibitum  est  ;  data  etiam  aurea 
atque  argentea  pocula  et  gemmata,  coronas  quin  etiam 
datas  lemn;scis  aureis  interpositis  et  alieni  temporis  4 
floribus,  data  et  vasa  aurea  cum  unguentis  ad  speciem 

4  alabastrorum,  data  et  vehicula  cum  mulabus  ac  muli- 
onibus   cum    iuncturis   argenteis,    ut  ita   de  convivio 

5  redirent.     omne  autem  convivium  ;  es  imatum  dicitur 

6  sexagies  centenis  milibus  sestertiorum.    hoc  convivium 
posteaquam    Marcus    audivit,    ingemuisse    dicitur    et 

7  doluisse    publicum     fatum.     post    convivium    lusum 

1  So  Oberdick  ;  omnia  nesciens  P ;  omnia  non  nesciens  Peter. 
2  So  Novak  ;  prae  ('  K  •  in  P)  before  pudore  Peter.  3  So  P ; 
guadrupedium  B,  Peter.  4  So  Pb ;  ahenis  temporibus  P  corr. 

J  This  saying  is  not  found  elsewhere;  all  the  evidence, 
both  literary  and  monumental,  shews  that  nine  was  the 
normal  number.  There  was  an  old  principle  that  the  number 


VERUS  IV.  9— V.  7 

bouts  rather  frequently  at  his  banquets,  and  after 
continuing  the  meal  far  into  the  night  he  would  fall 
asleep  on  the  banqueting-couch,  so  that  he  had  to  be 
lifted  up  along  with  the  covers  and  carried  to  his 
bedroom.  He  never  needed  much  sleep,  however ; 
and  his  digestion  was  excellent. 

But  Marcus,  though  he  was  not  without  knowledge 
of  these  happenings,  with  characteristic  modesty 
pretended  ignorance  for  fear  of  censuring  his  brother. 
V.  One  such  banquet,  indeed,  became  very  notori- 
ous. This  was  the  first  banquet,  it  is  said,  at  which 
couches  were  placed  for  twelve,  although  there  is  a 
very  well-known  saying  about  the  proper  number  of 
those  present  at  a  banquet  that  "  seven  make  a  dinner, 
nine  make  a  din  ".1  Furthermore,  the  comely  lads 
who  did  the  serving  were  given  as  presents,  one  to 
each  guest ;  carvers  and  platters,  too,  were  presented  to 
each,  and  also  live  animals  either  tame  or  wild,  winged 
or  quadruped,  of  whatever  kind  were  the  meats 
that  were  served,  and  even  goblets  of  murra 2  or  of 
Alexandrine  crystal  were  presented  to  each  man  for 
each  drink,  as  often  as  they  drank.  Besides  this,  he 
gave  golden  and  silver  and  even  jewelled  cups,  and 
garlands,  too,  entwined  with  golden  ribbons  and 
flowers  out  of  season,  golden  vases  with  ointments 
made  in  the  shape  of  perfume -boxes,  and  even 
carriages,  together  with  mules  and  muleteers,  and 
trappings  of  silver,  wherewith  they  might  return 
home  from  the  banquet.  The  estimated  cost  of  the 
whole  banquet,  it  is  reported,  was  six  million  sesterces. 
And  when  Marcus  heard  of  this  dinner,  they  say,  he 
groaned  and  bewailed  the  fate  of  the  empire.  After 

at  a  banquet  should  not  be  less  than  the  Graces  or  greater 
than  the  Muses  ;  see  Gellius,  xiii.  11,  2. 

2  See  note  to  Marc.  xvii.  4.  217 


8  est  tesseris  usque  ad  lucem.     et   haec   quidem  post 
Parthicum  bellum,  ad  quod  eum  misisse  dicitur  Mar- 
cus, ne  vel  in  urbe  ante  oculos  omnium  peccaret,  vel 
ut    parsimoniam    peregrinatione    addisceret,    vel     ut 
timore  bellico    emendatior  rediret,  vel  ut  se  imper- 

9  atoreni   esse   cognosceret.      sed  quantum   profecerit, 
cum  alia  vita  turn  haec  quam  narravimus  cena  mon- 

VI.  Circensium  tantam  curam  habuit  ut  frequenter 
e  provincia  1  litteras  causa  circensium  et  miserit  et 

2acceperit.  denique  etiam  praesens  et  cum  Marco 
sedens  multas  a  Venetianis  est  passus  iniurias,  quod 

Sturpissime  contra  eos  faveret.  nam  et  Volucri  equo 
Prasino  aureum  simulacrum  fecerat,  quod  secum  por- 

4  tabat.     cui  quidem  passas  uvas  et  nucleos  in  vicem 
hordei  in  praesepe  ponebat,  quern  sagis  fuco  tinctis 
coopertum  in  Tiberianam  ad  se  adduci  iubebat,  cui 

5  mortuo  sepulchrum  in  Vaticano  fecit,     in  huius  equi 
gratiam   primum    coeperunt    equis    aurei    vel    brabia 

epostulari.  in  tanto  autem  equus  ille  honore  fuit,  ut 
ei  a  populo  Prasinianorum  saepe  modius  aureorum 

7  Profectum  eum  ad  Parthicum  bellum  Marcus 
Capuam  prosecutus  est ;  cumque  hide  per  omnium 
villas  se  ingurgitaret,  morbo  implicitus  apud  Canusium 

1  e  added  by  Salm. ;  prouincialibus  P  corr. 

1  See  note  to  c.  iv.  8.  2  i.e.  "  Flyer  ". 

8  See  note  to  Pius,  x.  4.         4  See  Marc.,  viii.  9  L  and  note. 


VERUS  V.  8— VI.  7 

the  banquet,  moreover,  they  diced  until  dawn.  And 
all  this  was  done  after  the  Parthian  war,  whither 
Marcus  had  sent  him,  it  is  said,  either  that  he  might 
commit  his  debaucheries  away  from  the  city  and  the 
eyes  of  all  citizens,  or  that  he  might  learn  economy 
by  his  travels,  or  that  he  might  return  reformed 
through  the  fear  inspired  by  war,  or,  finally,  that  he. 
might  come  to  realize  that  he  was  an  emperor.  But 
how  much  good  all  this  did  is  shown  not  only  by  the 
rest  of  his  life,  but  also  by  this  banquet  of  which  we 
have  just  told. 

VI.  Such  interest  did  Verus  take  in  the  circus- 
games  that  frequently  even  in  his  province  he  des- 
patched and  received  letters  pertaining  to  them.  And 
finally,  even  at  Rome,  when  he  was  present  and  seated 
with  Marcus,  he  suffered  many  insults  from  the 
"Blues,"1  because  he  had  outrageously,  as  they 
maintained,  taken  sides  against  them.  For  he  had  a 
golden  statue  made  of  the  "  Green  "  horse  Volucer,2 
and  this  he  always  carried  around  with  him  ;  indeed, 
he  was  wont  to  put  raisins  and  nuts  instead  of  barley 
in  this  horse's  manger  and  to  order  him  brought  to 
him,  in  the  House  of  Tiberius,3  covered  with  a  blanket 
dyed  with  purple,  and  he  built  him  a  tomb,  when  he 
died,  on  the  Vatican  Hill.  It  was  because  of  this  horse 
that  gold  pieces  and  prizes  first  began  to  be  demanded 
for  horses,  and  in  such  honour  was  this  horse  held, 
that  frequently  a  whole  peck  of  gold  pieces  was  de- 
manded for  him  by  the  faction  of  the  "  Greens  ". 

When  Verus  set  out  for  the  Parthian  war,  Marcus  162 
accompanied  him  as  far  as  Capua  4 ;  from  there  on  he 
gorged  himself  in  everyone's  villa,  and  in  consequence 
he  was  taken  sick  at  Canusium,  becoming  very  ill,  so 
that  his  brothor  hastened  thither  to  see  him.     And 



aegrotavit.     quo  ad  eum  l  visendum  frater  contendit. 

Smulta  in  eius  vita  ignava  et  sordida  etiam  belli  tem- 

9  pore  deteguntur.     nam  cum  interfecto  legato,  caesis 

legionibus,     Syris    defectionem    cogitantibus,    oriens 

vastaretur,  ille  in  Apulia  venabatur  et  apud  Corinthum 

et  Athenas  inter  symphonias  et  cantica  navigabat  et 

per  singulas  maritimas    civitates    Asiae    Pamphyliae 

VII.  Ciliciaeque  clariores  voluptatibus  immorabatur.      An- 

tiochiam  posteaquam  venit,  ipse  quidem  se  luxuriae 

dedidit,  duces  autem  confecerunt  Parthicum  bellum, 

Statius   Priscus   et  Avidius  Cassius  et  Martius  Verus 

per  quadriennium,  ita  ut  Babylonem  et  Mediam  per- 

2venirent  et  Armenian!  vindicarent      partumque  ipsi 

nomen  est   Armeniaci,   Parthici,  Medici,  quod  etiam 

3  Marco  Romae  agenti  delatum  est.     egit  autem  per 
quadriennium    Verus    hiemem     Laodiceae,    aestatem 

4  apud  Daphnen,   reliquam  partem   Antiochiae.     risui 
fuit  omnibus    Syris,  quorum  multa  ioca  in  theatro  in 

5  eum  dicta  exstant.     vernas  in  triclinium  Saturnalibus 

6  et  diebus  festis  semper  admisit.     ad  Euphraten  tamen 
impulsum  comitum  suorum  sequendo  2  profectus  est. 

7  Ephesum  etiam  rediit,  ut  Lucillam  uxorem,  missam  a 
patre  Marco,  susciperet,  et  idcirco  maxime  ne  Marcus 
cum  ea  in  Syriam  veniret  ac  flagitia  eius  adnosceret. 

1  So  Peter  ;  quod  eum  P1  (m  later  erased).  2  So  Peter2; 

inpulsum  .  .  .  secunde  P1 ;  inpulsu  .  .  .  tecum  P  corr. 

1  Aelius  Severianus,  governor  of  Cappadocia ;  see  note  to 
Marc.,  viii.  6. 

2  Governor  of  Cappadocia ;  he  carried  on  a  successful  cam- 
paign in  Armenia  in  164.     Later,  he  informed  Marcus  of  the 
revolt  of  Avidius  Cassius  (see  Dio,  Ixxi.  23),  and  afterwards 
became  Cassius'  successor  in  the  governorship  of  Syria. 

3  See  Marc.,  ix.  1-2  and  notes.     The  Armenian  campaign 


VERUS  VI.  8— VII.  7 

now  in  the  course  of  this  war  there  were  revealed 
many  features  of  Verus'  life  that  were  weak  and  base. 
For  while  a  legate  was  being  slain/  while  legions 
were  being  slaughtered,  while  Syria  meditated  revolt, 
and  the  East  was  being  devastated,  Verus  was  hunt- 

O  * 

ing  in  Apulia,  travelling  about  through  Athens  and 
Corinth  accompanied  by  orchestras  and  singers,  and 
dallying  through  all  the  cities  of  Asia  that  bordered 
on  the  sea,  and  those  cities  of  Pamphylia  and  Cilicia 
that  were  particularly  notorious  for  their  pleasure- 
resorts.  VII.  And  when  he  came  to  Antioch,  there 
he  gave  himself  wholly  to  riotous  living.  H  is  generals, 
meanwhile,  Statins  Priscus,  Avidius  Cassius,  and 
Martius  Verus2  for  four  years  conducted  the  war  un- 
til they  advanced  to  Babylon  and  Media,  and  re- 
covered Armenia.3  He,  however,  gained  the  names 
Armeniacus,  Parthicus,  and  Medicus  ;  and  these  were 
proffered  to  Marcus  also,  who  was  then  living  at 
Rome.  For  four  years,  moreover  Verus  passed  his  163-166 
winters  at  Laodicea,  his  summers  at  Daphne,  and  the 
rest  of  the  time  at  Antioch.4  As  far  as  the  Syrians 
were  concerned,  he  was  an  object  for  ridicule,  and 
many  of  the  jibes  which  they  uttered  against  him  on 
the  stage  are  still  preserved.  Always,  during  the 
Saturnalia  and  on  holidays  he  admitted  his  more 
pampered  slaves  to  his  dining-room.  Finally,  how- 
ever, at  the  insistence  of  his  staff  he  set  out  for  the 
Euphrates,  but  soon,  in  order  to  receive  his  wife 
Lucilla,  who  had  been  sent  thither  by  her  father 
Marcus,5  he  returned  to  Ephesus,  going  there  chiefly 
in  order  that  Marcus  might  not  come  to  Syria  with 

was  the  first  one,  then  followed  the  campaigns  in  Parthia  and 

4  Of.  Marc.,  viii.  12.  5Cf.  Marc.,  ix.  4. 



nam  senatui  Marcus  dixerat  se  filiam  in  Syriam  de- 
Sducturum.  confecto  sane  bello  regna  regibus,  pro- 
9  vincias  vero  comitibus  suis  regendas  dedit.  Romam 

inde  ad  triumphum  invitus,  quod  Syriam  quasi  regnum 

suum  relinqueret,  rediit  et  pariter  cum  fratre  trium- 

phavit,  susceptis  a  senatu  nominibus  quae  in  exercitu 
10  acceperat.     fertur  praeterea  ad  amicae  vulgaris  arbit- 

rium  in  Syria  posuisse  barbam  ;  unde  in  eum  a  Syris 

multa  sunt  dicta. 

VIII.   Fuit  eius   fati  ut  in  eas  provincias  per  quas 

rediit  Romam  usque  luem  secum  deferre    videretur. 

2  et  nata  fertur  pestilentia  in  Babylonia,  ubi  de  templo 
Apollinis  ex  arcula  aurea,  quam  miles  forte  inciderat, 
spiritus  pestilens  evasit,  atque  inde  Parthos  orbemque l 

3  complesse.     sed  hoc  non  Lucii  Veri  vitio  sed  Cassii, 
a  quo  contra  fidem  Seleucia,  quae  ut  amicos  milites 

4  nostros  receperat,  expugnata  est.     quod  quidem  inter 
ceteros  etiam    Quadratus,  belli  Parthici  scriptor,  in- 
cusatis  Seleucenis,  qui  fidem  primi  ruperant,  purgat. 

5  Habuit  haiic  reverentiam  Marci  Verus,  ut  nomina 

1  urbemgue  P. 

1  Verus'  coins  of   166    bear  the   legends  Pax  and    Pax 

2  Armenia,    Osroene,  and  probably  other  client-kingdoms. 
For  the  coins  see  note  to  Marc.,  ix.  1. 

3 Of.  Marc.,  xii.  8  f. 

4  Armeniacus,    Parthicus    Maximus,    and    Medicus;    see 
notes  to  Marc.,  ix.  1-2. 

5  Probably   the  famous  Panthea  ;    see    Marcus, 
viii.  37  ;  Lucian,  Imag.t  x. ;  xx. 

6  Of.  Marc.,  xiii.  3  f. 


VERUS  VII.  8— VIII.  5 

her  and  discover  his  evil  deeds.  For  Marcus  had 
told  the  senate  that  he  himself  would  conduct  his 
daughter  to  Syria.  Then,  after  the  war  was  finished,1 166 
he  assigned  kingdoms  2  to  certain  kings,  and  provinces 
to  certain  members  of  his  staff,  to  be  ruled,  and  re- 
turned to  Rome  for  a  triumph,3  reluctantly,  however, 
since  he  was  leaving  in  Syria  what  almost  seemed  his 
own  kingdom.  His  triumph  he  shared  with  his 
brother,  and  from  the  senate  he  accepted  the  names 
which  he  had  received  in  the  army.4  It  is  said, 
furthermore,  that  he  shaved  off  his  beard  while  in 
Syria  to  humour  the  whim  of  a  low-born  mistress* ;  5 
and  because  of  this  many  things  were  said  against 
him  by  the  Syrians. 

VIII.  It  was  his  fate  to  seem  to  bring  a  pestilence 
with  him  to  whatever  provinces  he  traversed  on  his 
return,  and  finally  even  to  Rome.6  It  is  believed  that 
this  pestilence  originated  in  Babylonia,  where  a  pes- 
tilential vapour  arose  in  a  temple  of  Apollo  from  a 
golden  casket  which  a  soldier  had  accidentally  cut 
open,  and  that  it  spread  thence  over  Parthia  and 
the  whole  world.  Lucius  Verus,  however,  is  not  to 
blame  for  this  so  much  as  Cassius,  who  stormed 
Seleucia  in  violation  or  an  agreement,  after  it  had 
received  our  soldiers  as  friends.  This  act,  indeed, 
many  excuse,  and  among  them  Quadratus,7  the  his- 
torian of  the  Parthian  war,  who  blames  the  Seleucians 
as  the  first  to  break  the  agreement. 

Such  respect  did  Verus  have  for  Marcus,  that  on 

7Asinius  Quadratus,  author  of  a  history  of  Rome  from 
the  foundation  of  the  city  to  the  reign  of  Severus  Alexander; 
see  Suidas,  s.v.  KoSparos.  His  history  of  the  Parthian  wars  is 
cited  by  Stephanus  of  Byzantium,  frag.  12  f. ;  see  also  Av. 
Cass.,  i.  1. 



quae  sibi  delata  fuerant  cum  fratre  commtmicaret  die 
^  triumph!,  quern  pariter  celebrarunt.  reversus  e 

Parthico  bello  minore  circa  fratrem  cultu  fuit  Verus  ; 

nam  et  libertis  inhonestius  indulsit  et  multa  sine  fratre 
'  disposuit.  his  accessit,  quod,  quasi  reges  aiiquos  ad 

triumphum  adduceret,  sic   histriones  eduxit  e  Syria, 

quorum     praecipuus    fuit    Maximinus,    quern     Paridis 

8  nomine  nuncupavit.     villam  praeterea  exstruxit  in  Via 
Clodia  famosissimam,  in  qua  per  multos  dies  et  ipse 
ingenti  luxuria   debacchatus  est  cum  libertis  suis  et 
amicis  imparibus,1  quorum  praesentiae 2  nulla  inerat 

9  reverentia.     et   Marcum  rogavit,  qui  venit,   ut  fratri 
venerabilem  morum  suorum  et  imitandam.  ostenderet 
sanctitudinem,  et  quinque  diebus  in  eadem  villa  resi- 
dens  cognitionibus  continuis  operam  dedit,  aut  con- 

lOvivante  fratre  aut  convivia  comparante.  habuit  et 
Agrippum  histrionem,  cui  cognomentum  erat  Mem- 
phii,  quern  et  ipsum  e  Syria  veluti  tropaeum  Parthicum 

11  adduxerat.  quern  Apolaustum  nominavit.  adduxerat 
secum  et  fidicinas  et  tibicines  et  histriones  scurrasque 
mimarios  et  praestigiatores  et  omnia  mancipiorum 
genera,  quorum  Syria  et  Alexandria  pascitur  voluptate, 
prorsus  ut  videretur  bellum  non  Parthicum  sed  hist- 
rionicum  confecisse. 

1  So  Richter ;  paribus  P,  Peter.  2 praesentiae  nulla 

Novak ;  praesentia  ulla  P  ;  in  praesentia  nuila  Peter. 

1  See  note  to  c.  vii.  9.  2  Cf.  c.  ix.  3-5. 

3  Also  mentioned  by  Fronto.  Prin.  Hist.,  p.  209  N. 

4  Running   N.W.   from    Rome   through    central   Etruria, 
branching  off  from  the  Via  Cassia  near  Veii.     The  villa  of 
Verus  was  probably  on  the  Via  Cassia,  near  the  modern  Acqua 
Traversa,  north  of  the  Pons  Mulvius. 

5 i.e.  "Enjoyable".     After  his  manumission  he  took  the 
name    L.   Aelius    Aurelius  Apolaustus   Memphiua.      He   is 


VERUS  VIII.  6-11 

the  day  of  the  triumph,  which  they  celebrated  to- 
gether, he  shared  with  his  brother  the  names  which 
had  been  granted  to  himself.1  After  he  had  returned 
from  the  Parthian  war.  however.  Verus  exhibited  less 
regard  for  his  brother;  for  he  pampered  his  freedmen  - 
shamefully,  and  settled  many  things  without  his 

»  v 

brother's  counsel.  Besides  all  this,  he  brought  actors 
out  of  Syria8  as  proudly  as  though  he  were  leading 
kings  to  a  triumph.  The  chief  of  these  was  Max.- 
miiius.  on  whom  he  bestowed  the  name  Paris.  Further- 
more, he  built  an  exceedingly  notorious  yilla  on  the 

«-       * 

Clodian  Way.4  and  he-re  he  not  only  reyelled  himself 
for  many  days  at  a  time  in  boundless  extravagance 

•  • 

together  With  his  freedmen  and  friends  of  inferior 
rank  in  whose  presence  he  felt  no  shame,  but  he  eyen 
invited  Marcus.  Marcus  came,  in  order  to  display  to 
his  brother  the  purity  of  his  own  moral  code  as 
worthy  of  respect  and  imitation,  and  for  rive  days,  stay- 
ing in  the  same  villa,  he  busied  himself  continuously 
with  the  examination  of  law-cases,  while  his  brother, 
in  the  meantime,  was  either  banqueting  or  preparing 
banquets.  Verus  maintained  also  the  actor  A^rippus, 
surnamed  Memphius,  whom  he  had  brought  with  him 
from  Syria,  almost  as  a  trophy  of  the  Parthian  war, 
and  named  Apolaustus^.5  He  had  brought  with  him, 
too.  players  of  the  harp  and  the  Mute,  actors  and 
jesters  from  the  mimes,  juii^ltrs.  and  all  kinds  of 
slaves  in  whose  entertainment  Syria  and  Alexandria 
find  pleasure,  and  in  such  numbers,  indeed,  that  he 
seemed  to  have  concluded  a  war.  not  against  Parthians, 
but  against  actors. 


commemorated  in  numerous  inscriptions,  and  he  received 
many  local  honours  in  the  cities  of  Italy.  He  was  put  to 
death  in  139  ;  see  Com.,  vii.  1. 


IX.  Et  hanc  vitae  diversitatem T  atque  alia  multa 
inter  Marcum  et  Verum  simultates  fecisse,  noil 
aperta  veritas  indicabat,  sed  occultus  rumor  inseverat. 
2verum  illud  praecipuum  quod,  cum  Libonem  quendam 
patruelem  suum  Marcus  legatum  in  Syriam  misisset, 
atque  ille  se  insolentius  quam  verecundus  senator 
efferret,  dicens  ad  fratrem  suum  se  2  scripturum  esse 
si  quid  3  forte  dubitaret,  nee  Verus  praesens  pati  pos- 
set, subitoque  morbo  notis  prope  veneni  exsistentibus 
interisset,  visum  est  nonnullis,  non  tamen  Marco,  quod 
eius  fraude  putaretur  occisus.  quae  res  simultatum 
auxit  rumorem. 

3  Liberti  multum  potuerunt  apud  Verum,  ut  in  vita 
Marci  diximus,  Geminas  et  Agaclytus,  cui  dedit  invito 

4  Marco   Libonis    uxorem.     denique    nuptiis    a    Vero 4 

5  celebratis  Marcus  convivio  non  interfuit.     habuit  et 
alios   libertos    Verus   improbos,    Coeden   et   Eclectum 

^  ceterosque.  quos  omnes  Marcus  post  mortem  Veri 
specie  honoris  abiecit 5  Eclecto  retento,  qui  postca 
Commodum  filium  eius  occidit. 

1  Ad  bellum  Germanicum,  Marcus  quod  nollet 
Lucium  sine  se  vel  ad  bellum  mittere  vel  in  urbe 
dimitter  >  causa  luxuriae,  simul  profecti  sunt  atque 
Aquileiam  venerunt  invitoque  Lucio  Alpes  transgress!, 

1  haec  .  .  .  diuersitas  P.  2  fratrem  suum  se  Peter  ;  fra- 
il es  suos  P.  *qui  P.  4 ab  Vero  Peter;  habero  P. 
5  adiccit  P. 

1  Probably  the  M.  Annius  Libo  named  in  a  senatus  con- 
sultum  of  the  time  of  Pius  ;  see  C.I.L.,  iii.  p.  70GO. 

2 Marc.,  xv.  2. 

3Cf.  Com.,  xv.  2.  The  identification,  however,  of  Verus' 
freedman  with  Eclectus,  the  murderer  of  Commodus,  has 
been  doubted. 

4  Cf.  Marc.,  xiv.  and  notes. 


VERUS  IX.  2-7 

IX.  This  diversity  in  their  manner  of  life,  as  well  as 
many  other  causes,  bred  dissensions  between  Marcus 
and  Verus — or  so  it  was  bruited  about  by  obscure 
rumours  although  never  established  on  the  basis  of 
manifest  truth.  But,  in  particular,  this  incident  was 
mentioned  :  Marcus  sent  a  certain  Libo,1  a  cousin 
of  his,  as  his  legate  to  Syria,  and  there  Libo  acted 
more  insolently  than  a  respectful  senator  should, 
saying  that  he  would  write  to  his  cousin  if  he 
happened  to  need  any  advice.  But  Verus,  who  was 
there  in  Syria,  could  not  suffer  this,  and  when,  a  little 
later,  Libo  died  after  a  sudden  illness  accompanied 
by  all  the  symptoms  of  poisoning,  it  seemed  probable 
to  some  people,  though  not  to  Marcus,  that  Verus 
was  responsible  for  his  death ;  and  this  suspicion 
strengthened  the  rumours  of  dissensions  between  the 

Verus'  freedmen,  furthermore,  had  great  influence 
with  him,  as  we  related  in  the  Life  of  Marcus,2 
namely  Geminas  and  Agaclytus.  To  the  latter  of 
these  he  gave  the  widow  of  Libo  in  marriage  against 
the  wishes  of  Marcus  ;  indeed,  when  Verus  celebrated 
the  marriage  ceremony  Marcus  did  not  attend  the 
banquet.  Verus  had  other  unscrupulous  freedmen 
as  well,  Coedes  and  Eclectus  and  others.  All  of  these 
Marcus  dismissed  after  Verus'  death,  under  pretext 
of  doing  them  honour,  with  the  exception  of  Eclectus, 
and  lie  afterwards  slew  Marcus'  son,  Commodus.3 

When  the  German  war  broke  out,  the  two  Em- 166 
perors  went  to  the  front  together,  for  Marcus  wished 
neither  to  send  Lucius  to  the  war  alone,  nor  yet,  be- 
cause of  his  debauchery,  to  leave  him  in  the  city. 
When  they  had  come  to  Aquileia,4  they  proceeded  to 
cross  the  Alps,  though  this  was  contrary  to  Lucius' 



8  cum  Verus  apud  Aquileiam  tantum  venatus1  con- 
vivatucque  esset,  Marcus  autem  omnia  prospexisset. 

9de  quo  bello  quid  2  per  legates  barbarorum  pacem 
petentium,  quid3  per  duces  nostros  gestum  est,  in 

10  Marci   vita    plenissime    disputatum    est.      composito 
autem  bello  in  Pannonia  urguente  Lucio  Aquileiam 
redierunt,4    quodque  5    urbanas    desiderabat    Lucius 

11  voluptates  in  urbem  festinatum  6  est.     sed  non  longe 
ab  Altino  subito  in  vehiculo  morbo,  quern  apoplexin 
vocant,  correptus  Lucius  depositus  e  vehiculo  detracto 
sanguine     Altinum     perductus,     cum    triduo    mutus 
vixisset,  apud  Altinum  periit. 

X.   Fuit  sermo  quod  et  socrum  Faustinam  incestas- 

set.     et  dicitur  Faustinae  socrus  dolo  aspersis  ostreis 

veneno  exstinctus  esse,  idcirco  quod  consuetudinem 

2quam  cum  matre  habuerat  filiae  prodidisset.     quamvis 

et  ilia  fabula  quae  in  Marci  vita  posita  est  abhorrens 

3  a  talis  viri  vita  sit  exorta,  cum  multi  etiam  uxori  eius 
flagitium    mortis    adsignent,  et    idcirco  quod  Fabiae 
nimium    indulserat    Verus,     cutus    potentiam     uxor 

4  Lucilla  7   ferre   non   posset,     tanta   sane    familiaritas 
inter  Lucium  et  Fabiam  sororem  fuit,  ut  8  hoc  quoque 
usurpaverit  rumor  quod  inierint  consilium  ad  Marcum 

56   vita   tollendum,   idque   cum  esset  per  Agaclytum 

1  uectatus  P.  "  quid  Novak  ;  quidem  P  ;  quidcm  quid 

Peter.       "'quidem  P.       4  redicret  Pb  ;  rediret  Pa.        5  quoque  P. 
6festincitiimPeter;  destination  P.  7  Lucilla  Mommsen  ; 

lucii  P  ;  uel  Marci  P  corr.        8  ut  Novak  ;  ut  si  P  ;  uti  Peter. 

.j  xiv.  3-4. 

8  In  Venetia,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Plavis  (Piave)  ;  its  modern 
name  is  Altino. 


VERUS  IX.  8— X.  5 

desire  ;  for  as  long  as  they  remained  in  Aquileia  he  did 
nothing  but  hunt  and  banquet  while  Marcus  made 
all  the  plans.  As  far  as  this  war  was  concerned,  we 
have  very  fully  discussed  in  the  Life  of  Marcus  l  what 
was  accomplished  by  the  envoys  of  the  barbarians 
when  they  sued  for  peace  and  what  was  accomplished 
by  our  generals.  When  the  war  in  Pannonia  was 
settled,  they  returned  to  Aquileia  at  Lucius'  insistence, 
and  then,  because  he  yearned  for  the  pleasures  of 
the  city,  they  hastened  cityward.  But  not  far  from 
Altinum,  Lucius,  while  in  his  carriage,  was  suddenly 
stricken  with  the  sickness  which  they  call  apoplexy, 
and  after  he  had  been  set  down  from  his  carriage 
and  bled,  he  was  taken  to  Altinum,2  and  here  he  169 
died,  after  living  for  three  days  unable  to  speak. 

X.  There  was  gossip  to  the  effect  that  he  had 
violated  his  mother-in-law  Faustina.  And  it  is  said 
that  his  mother-in-law  killed  him  treacherously  by 
having  poison  sprinkled  on  his  oysters,  because  he 
had  betrayed  to  the  daughter 3  the  amour  he  had 
had  with  the  mother.  However,  there  arose  also 
that  other  story  related  in  the  Life  of  Marcus,4  one 
utterly  inconsistent  with  the  character  of  such  a  man. 
Many,  again,  fastened  the  crime  of  his  death  upon 
his  wife,  since  Verus  had  been  too  complaisant  to 
Fabia,  and  her  power  his  wife  Lucilla  could  not  en- 
dure. Indeed,  Lucius  and  his  sister  Fabia  did  be- 
come so  intimate  that  gossip  went  so  far  as  to  claim 
that  they  had  entered  into  a  conspiracy  to  make 
away  with  Marcus,  and  that  when  this  was  betrayed 
to  Marcus  by  the  freedman  Agaclytus,  Faustina  cir- 

3  Lucilla. 

4  Apparently  the  one  contained  in  Marc.,  xv.  5,  and  re- 
peated in  the  appendix  to  this  biography,  c.  xi.  2. 



libertum     proditum    Marco,    anteventum1    Lucium 
a  Faustina,2  ne  praeveniret. 

6  Fuit  decorus  corpore,  vultu  geniatus,  barba  prope 
barbarice  demissa,  procerus  et  fronte  in  supercilia  ad- 

7  ductiore  venerabilis.     dicitur   sane   tantam    habuisse 
curam  flaventium  capillorum,  ut  capiti  auri  ramenta 
respergeret,  quo  magis  coma  inluminata  flavesceret. 

8  lingua    impeditior    fuit,    aleae    cupidissimus,    vitae 
semper  luxuriosae   atque   in    pluribus    Nero    praeter 

9  crudelitatem  et  ludibria.     habuit  inter  alium  luxuriae 
apparatum  calicem  crystallinum  nomine  Volucrem  ex 
eius   equi  nomine  quern   dilexit,   humanae  potionis3 
modum  supergressum. 

XI.  Vixit  annis  quadraginta  duobus.  imperavit 
cum  fratre  annis  undecim.  inlatumque  eius  corpus 
est  Hadriani  sepulchro,  in  quo  et  Caesar  pater  eius 
naturalis  sepultus  est. 

2  Nota  est  fabula,  quam  Marci  non  capit  vita,  quod 
partem  vulvae  veneno  inlitam,  cum  earn  exsecuisset 
cultro  una  parte  venenato,  Marcus  Vero  porrexerit. 

3  sed  hoc  4  nefas  est  de  Marco  putari,  quamvis  Veri  et 

4  cogitata  et  facta  mereantur.     quod  nos  non  in  medio 
relinquemus    sed    totum     purgatum    confutatumque 
respuimus,  cum  adhuc  post  Marcum  praeter  vestram 
clementiam,  Diocletiane  Auguste,  imperatorem  talem 
nee  adulatio  videatur  potuisse  confingere. 

lante  aduentum  P.  2  a  Faustina  Mommsen;  a  omitted 
in  P.  3 positionis  P.  4  se  ad  hoc  P. 

J  Of.  Dio,  Ixxi.  3,  1  =  Zonaras,  xii.  2.  2See  c.  vi.  3. 

3  Evidently  an  error,  for  he  was  born  15  Dec.,  130  (c.  i. 
8),  and  died  in  Jan.,  169. 

4  An  error;  his  reign  was  161-169. 

5  Of.  More.,  xx.  1  and  note.  6  See  note  to  c.  x.  2. 


VERUS  X.  6— XI.  4 

cumvented  Lucius  in  fear  that  he  might  circumvent 

Verus  was  well-proportioned  in  person  and  genial 
of  expression.  His  beard  was  allowed  to  grow  long, 
almost  in  the  style  of  the  barbarians ;  he  was  tall, 
and  stately  in  appearance,  for  his  forehead  projected 
somewhat  over  his  eyebrows.  He  took  such  pride 
in  his  yellow  hair,  it  is  said,  that  he  used  to  sift 
gold-dust  on  his  head  in  order  that  his  hair,  thus 
brightened,  might  seem  yellower.  He  was  some- 
what halting  in  speech,  a  reckless  gambler,  ever  of 
an  extravagant  mode  of  life,  and  in  many  respects, 
save  only  that  he  was  not  cruel  or  given  to  acting, 
a  second  Nero.  Among  other  articles  of  extrava- 
gance he  had  a  crystal  goblet,  named  Volucer  after 
that  horse  of  which  he  had  been  very  fond,2  that 
surpassed  the  capacity  of  any  human  draught. 

XI.  He  lived  forty- two  years,3  and,  in  company 
with  his  brother,  reigned  eleven.4  His  body  was 
laid  in  the  Tomb  of  Hadrian,5  where  Caesar,  his  real 
father,  was  also  buried. 

There  is  a  well-known  story,6  which  Marcus' 
manner  oflife  will  not  warrant,  that  Marcus  handed 
Verus  part  of  a  sow's  womb  which  he  had  poisoned 
by  cutting  it  with  a  knife  smeared  on  one  side  with 
poison.  But  it  is  wrong  even  to  think  of  such  a  deed 
in  connection  with  Marcus,  although  the  plans  and 
deeds  of  Verus  may  have  well  deserved  it ;  nor  shall 
we  leave  the  matter  undecided,  but  rather  reject  it 
discarded  and  disproved,  since  from  the  time  of 
Marcus  onward,  with  the  exception  of  your  Clemency, 
Diocletian  Augustus,  not  even  flattery,  it  seems,  has 
been  able  to  fashion  such  an  emperor. 




I.  Avidius  Cassius,  ut  quidam  volunt,  ex  familia 
Cassiorum  fuisse  dicitur,  per  matrem  tamen  ;  homine 
novo  2  genitus  Avidio  Severo,  qui  crdines  duxerat  et 

2  post  ad  summas  dignitates  pervenerat.  cuius  Quad- 
ratus  in  historiis  meminit,  et  quidem  graviter,  cum 
ilium  summum  virum  et  necessarium  rei  publicae 

Sadserit  et  apud  ipsum  Marcum  praevalidum.  nam 
iam  eo  imperante  perisse  tatali  sorte  perhibetur. 

4  Hie  ergo  Cassius  ex  familia,  ut  diximus,  Cassiorum, 
qui  in  curia  in  C.  lulium3  conspiraverant,  oderat 
tacite  principatum  nee  ferre  poterat  imperatorium 
nomen  dicebatque  esse  eo  gravius  nomen4  imperii, 
quod  non  posset  e  re  publica  tolli  nisi  per  alterum 

:In  P  the  9th  Vita,  i.e.  following  Pertinax.  2  homine 

nouo  genitus  Klebs,  Prosop.  i.  p.  188  ;  homine  omitted  in  P ; 
auo  genitus  Peter  (vulg.).  2  So  P  corr.  ;  in  ciuilium  P1. 

4  Thus  Peter  with  Mommsen  ;  esse  gramus  nomine  P. 

irThe  honorary  title  of  Vir  Clarissimus  was  regularly 
borne  by  senators  during  the  later  empire. 

3  In  reality  his  name  was  C.  Avidius  Heliodorus.  A  native 
of  Cyrrhus  in  Syria  (see  Dio,  Ixxi.  22,  2),  he  was  made  im- 
perial secretary  by  Hadrian,  and  was  prefect  of  Egypt  under 
Antoninus;  see  C.I.L.,  iii.  6025=  Dessau,  Ins.  Set.,  2615. 
He  is  probably  to  be  identified  with  tihephilosophus  Heliodorus, 
mentioned  in  Hadr.,  xvi.  10.  The  expression  novus  homo 





Of  the  Senatorial  Order.1 

I.  Avidius  Cassius  is  said,  according  to  the  state- 
ments of  some,  to  have  belonged  to  the  family  of  the 
Cassii,  but  only  on  his  mother's  side.  His  father  was 
Avidius  Severus,2  the  first  of  the  family  to  hold  public 
office,  who  at  first  commanded  in  the  ranks,3  but  later 
attained  to  the  highest  honours  of  the  state.  Quadra  - 
tus4  mentions  him  in  his  history,  and  certainly  with 
all  respect,  for  he  declares  that  he  was  a  very  distin- 
guished man,  both  indispensable  to  the  state  and  in- 
fluential with  Marcus  himself;  for  he  succumbed  to 
the  decrees  of  fate,  it  is  said,  when  Marcus  had 
already  begun  to  rule. 

Now  Cassius,  sprung,  as  we  have  said,  from  the 
family  of  the  Cassii  who  conspired  against  Gaius 
Julius,5  secretly  hated  the  principate  and  could  not 
brook  even  the  title  of  emperor,  saying  that  the  name 
of  empire  was  all  the  more  onerous  because  an 

was  regularly  used,  as  here,  to  denote  the  man  who  was  the 
first  of  his  family  to  hold  public  office. 

3  As  chief  centurion  of  a  legion,  or  primus  pilus ;  the  ex- 
pression is  regularly  used  in  this  sense ;  see  Maxim.,  iv.  4 ; 
Firm.,  xiv.  2  ;  Prob.,  iii.  2. 

4  See  note  to  Ver.,  viii.  4. 

5  i.e.  C.  Cassius  Longinus  and  C.  Cassius  Parmensis. 



^  imperatorem.  denique  temptasse  in  pueritia  dicitur 
extorquere  etiam  Pio  principatura,  sed  per  patrem, 
virum  sanctum  et  gravem,  adfectionem  tyrannidis 
latuisse,  habitum  tamen  semper  a  ducibus  suspectum. 

}  Vero  autem  ilium  parasse  insidias,  ipsius  Veri  epistula 
indicat,  quam  inserui.  ex  epistula  Veri :  "  Avidius 
Cassius  avidus  est,  quantum  et  mihi  videtur  et  iam1 
sub  avo  meo,  patre  tuo,  innotuit,  imperii ;  quern  velim 

8observari  iubeas.  omnia  ei  nostra  displicent,2  opes 
non  mediocres  parat,  litteras  nostras  ridet.  te  phil- 
osopham  aniculam,  me  luxuries um  morionem  vocat. 
vide  quid  agendum  sit.  ego  hominem  non  odi,  sed 
vide  ne  tibi  et  liberis  tuis  non  bene  consulas,3  cum 
talem  inter  praecinctos  habeas  qualem  milites  libenter 
•*-  audiunt,  libenter  vident."  rescriptum  Marci  de 
Avidio  Cassio :  "Epistulam  tuam  legi,  sollicitam 
potius  quam4  imperatoriam  et  non  nostri  temporis. 

2  nam  si  ei  divinitus  debetur  imperium,  non  poterimus 
interficere,   etiamsi    velimus.      scis    enim    proavi    tui 
dictum:     'successorem    suum    nullus    occidit'.       sin 
minus,    ipse    sponte    sine    nostra    crudelitate    fatales 

3  laqueos    incident,     adde   quod   non   possumus   reum 
facere,  quern  et  nullus  accusat  et,  ut  ipse  dicis,  milites 

1  inde,  following  iam  in  P,  removed  by  Novak.  2  omnia 
ei  nostra  displicent  P  corr.  (edipliceni  P1) ;  omnia  enim  nostra 
ei  d.  Peter.  3consu1at  P.  4  quam  omitted  by  P1,  added 
by  P  corr. 

1  It  is  now  generally  agreed  that  the  letters  and  other  al- 
leged documents  contained  in  this  vita  are  pure  forgeries,  and 
the  same  is  in  general  true  about  the  other  documents  of  this 
sort  in  the  Historia  Augusta;  see  Intro.,  p.  xx. 

2  Pius.     The  allusion  to  Pius  as  the  grandfather  of  Verus 
is  in  itself  enough  to  prove  the  letter  a  forgery,  since  it  pre- 
supposes that  Verus  was  adopted  by  Marcus,  which  was  not 



emperor  could  not  be  removed  from  the  state  except 
by  another  emperor.  In  his  youth,  they  say,  he  tried 
to  wrest  the  empire  from  Pius  too,  but  through  his 
father,  a  righteous  and  worthy  man,  he  escaped  de- 
tection in  this  attempt  to  seize  the  throne,  though  he 
continued  to  be  suspected  by  Pius'  generals.  Against 
Verus  he  organized  a  genuine  conspiracy,  as  a  letter 
of  Verus'  own,  which  I  append,  makes  clear.  Extract 
from  the  letter  of  Verus  l  :  "  Avidius  Cassius  is  avid 
for  the  throne,  as  it  seems  to  me  and  as  was  well- 
known  in  the  reign  of  my  grandfather,2  your  father ; 
I  wish  you  would  have  him  watched.  Everything  we 
do  displeases  him,  he  is  amassing  no  inconsiderable 
wealth,  and  he  laughs  at  our  letters.  He  calls  you 
a  philosophical  old  woman,  me  a  half-witted  spend- 
thrift. Consider  what  should  be  done.  I  do  not  dis- 
like the  man,  but  look  to  it  lest  you  take  too  little 
heed  for  yourself  and  for  your  children  when  you 
keep  in  active  service  a  man  whom  the  soldiers  are 
glad  to  hear  and  glad  to  see."  II.  Marcus'  answer 
concerning  Avidius  Cassius  ;  "  I  have  read  your  letter, 
which  is  that  of  a  disquieted  man  rather  than  that  of 
a  general,  and  one  not  worthy  of  our  times.  For  if 
the  empire  is  divinely  decreed  to  be  his,  we  cannot 
slay  him  even  should  we  so  desire.  Remember  what 
your  great-grandfather3  used  to  say,  'No  one  ever 
kills  his  successor '.  And  if  this  is  not  the  case,  he 
will  of  himself  fall  into  the  toils  of  fate  without  any 
act  of  cruelty  on  our  part.  Add  that  we  cannot  judge 
a  man  guilty  whom  no  one  has  accused,  and  whom, 
as  you  say  yourself,  the  soldiers  love.  Furthermore, 

the  case  ;  see  note  to  Marc.,  v.  1.    The  forger  is  not  consistent, 
for  in  c.  ii.  5  Hadrian  is  referred  to  as  Verus'  grandfather. 
3  Trajan. 



4amant.  deinde  in  causis  maiestatis  haec  natura  est 
ut  videantur  vim  pati  etiam  quibus  probatur.  scis 
enim  ipse  quid  avus  tuus  Hadrianus  dixerit :  '  misera 
condicio  imperatorura,  quibus  de  adfectata1  tyrannide 

6  nisi  occisis  non  potest  credi '.  eius  autem  exemplum 
ponere  malui2  quam  Domitiani,  qui  hoc  primus  dixisse 
fertur.  tyrannorum  enim  etiam  bona  dicta  noil  habent 

7tantum  auctoritatis  quantum  debent.  sibi  ergo 
habeat  suos  mores,  maxime  cum  bonus  dux  sit  et 

Sseverus  et  fortis  et  rei  publicae  necessarius.  nam 
quod  dicis,  liberis  meis  cavendum  esse  morte  illius ; 
plane  liberi  mei  pereant,  si  magis  amari  merebitur 
Avidius  quam  illi,  et  si  rei  publicae  expediet,  Cassium 
vivere  quam  liberos  Marci."  haec  de  Cassio  Verus, 
haec  Marcus. 

III.  Sed  nos  hominis  naturam  et  mores  breviter  ex- 
plicabimus.  neque  enim  plura  de  his  sciri  possunt, 
quorum  vitam  et  inlu*-trare  nullus  audet  eorum  causa 

2 a  quibus  oppressi  fuerint.  addemus  autem  quemad- 
modum  ad  imperium  venerit  et  quemadmodum  sit 

Soccisus  et  ubi  victus.  proposui  enim,  Diocletiane 
Auguste,  omnes  qui  imperatorum  nomen  sive  iusta 
causa  sive  iniusta 3  habuerunt,  in  litteras  mittere,  ut 
omnes  purpuratos  Augustos  cognosceres. 

4  Fuit  his  moribus,  ut  nonnumquam  trux  et  asper 
videretur,  aliquando  mitis  et  lenis,  saepe  religiosus, 
alias  contemptor  sacrorum,  avidus  vini  item  abstinens, 

1  adfectata  Petschenig ;  adfectu  P ;  adfecta  Peter.  3  malui 
omitted  by  P1,  supplied  by  P  corr.  3  sine  iusta  causa  sine 
iniusta  Novak ;  sine  iniusta  P1 ;  siue  iuste  sine  iniuste  P 
corr. ;  siue  iusta  ex  causa  siue  iniusta  Peter  with  Mommsen. 

It  is  attributed  to  Domitian  in  Suet.,  Dom.,  xxi. 
a  Of.  Aelt  i.  1. 



in  cases  of  treason  it  is  inevitable  that  even  those  who 
have  been  proved  guilty  seem  to  suffer  injustice.  For 
you  know  yourself  what  your  grandfather  Hadrian 
said,  '  Unhappy  is  the  lot  of  emperors,  who  are  never 
believed  when  they  accuse  anyone  of  pretending  to  the 
throne,  until  after  they  are  slain  '.  I  have  preferred, 
moreover,  to  quote  this  as  his,  rather  than  as  Domi- 
tian's,1  who  is  reported  to  have  said  it  first,  for  good 
sayings  when  uttered  by  tyrants  have  not  as  much 
weight  as  they  deserve.  So  let  Cassius  keep  his  own 
ways,  especially  as  he  is  an  able  general  and  a  stern 
and  brave  man,  and  since  the  state  has  need  of  him. 
And  as  for  your  statement  that  I  should  take  heed  for 
my  children  by  killing  him,  by  all  means  let  my 
children  perish,  if  Avidius  be  more  deserving  of  love 
than  they  and  if  it  profit  the  state  for  Cassius  to  live 
rather  than  the  children  of  Marcus."  Thus  did  Verus, 
thus  did  Marcus,  write  about  Cassius. 

III.  But  let  us  briefly  portray  the  nature  and  char- 
acter of  the  man  ;  for  not  very  much  can  be  known 
about  those  men  whose  lives  no  one  has  dared  to 
render  illustrious  through  fear  of  those  by  whom  they 
were  overcome.  We  will  add,  moreover,  how  he 
came  to  the  throne,  and  how  he  was  killed,  and  where 
he  was  conquered.  .For  I  have  undertaken,  Diocle- 
tian Augustus,  to  set  down  in  writing  the  lives  of  all 
who  have  held  the  imperial  title2  whether  rightfully 
or  without  right,  in  order  that  you  may  become  ac- 
quainted with  all  the  emperors  that  have  ever  worn 
the  purple. 

Such  was  his  character,  then,  that  sometimes  he 
seemed  stern  and  savage,  sometimes  mild  and  gentle, 
often  devout  and  again  scornful  of  sacred  things, 
addicted  to  drink  and  also  temperate,  a  lover  of  eat- 



cibi  adpetens  et  mediae  patiens,  Veneris  cupidus  et 

5  castitatis  amator.     nee  defuerunt  qui  ilium  Catilinam 

vocarent,  cum  et  ipse  se  ita  gauderet  appellari,  addens 

futurum   se   Sergium   si   dialogistam  occidisset,    An- 

Gtoninum  hoc  nomine  significans.,  qui  tantum  enituit 

in  philosophia,  ut  iturus  ad  bellum  Marcomannicum, 

timentibus  cunctis  ne  quid  fatale  proveniret,  rogatus 

sit  non  adulatione  sed  serio,  ut  praecepta  philosophiae 

7  ederet.     nee  ille  timuit,  sed  per  ordinem  paraeneseos  1 

8  per  triduum  disputavit.      fuit    praeterea    disciplinae 
militaris  Avidius  Cassius  tenax  et  qui  se  Marium  dici 

IV.   Quoniam  de  severitate  illius  dicere  coepimus, 
multa  exstant  crudelitatis  potius  quam  severitatis  eius 

2  indicia,    nam  primum  milites  qui  aliquid  provincialibus 
tulissent  per  vim,  in  illis  ipsis  locis,  in  quibus  peccave- 

3  rant,  in  crucem  sustulit.  primus  etiam  id  suppliciigenus 
mvenit,  ut  stipitem  grandem  poneret  pedum  octoginta 
et  centum2  et  a  summo  usque   ad   imum  damnatos 
ligaret  et  ab  imo  focum  adponeret  incensisque  aliis 

4alios  fumo,  cruciatu,  timore  etiam  necaret.  idem 
denos  catenates  in  profluentem  mergi  iubebat  vel  in 

5  mare,  idem  multis  desertoribus  manus  excidit,  aliis 
crura  incidit  ac  poplites,  dicens  maius  exemplum  esse 

1  The  words  hoc  est  praeceptionum,  which  follow  paraeneseos 
in  P,  removed  by  Gas.  2  The  words  id  est  materiam, 

following  centum  in  P,  removed  by  Gas. 

1  Apparently  in  allusion  to  Catiline's  plan  for  the  murder 
of  Cicero,  although  Sallust's  description  of  Catiline  seems  also 
to  have  been  in  the  writer's  mind. 

2  The  T&  €jy  tavrov  in  12  books. 


ing  yet  able  to  endure  hunger,  a  devotee  of  Venus 
and  a  lover  of  chastity.  Nor  were  there  lacking  those 
\vho  called  him  a  second  Catiline,1  and  indeed  he  re- 
joiced to  hear  himself  thus  called,  and  added  that  he 
would  really  be  a  Sergius  if  he  killed  the  philoso- 
phizer,  meaning  by  that  name  Antoninus.  For  the 
emperor  was  so  illustrious  in  philosophy  that  when 
he  was  about  to  set  out  for  the  Marcomannic  war, 
and  everyone  was  fearful  that  some  ill-luck  might  be- 
fall him,  he  was  asked,  not  in  flattery  but  in  all 
seriousness,  to  publish  his  "  Precepts  of  Philoso- 
phy "  ; 2  and  he  did  not  fear  to  do  so,  but  for  three 
days  discussed  the  books  of  his  "  Exhortations  "  one 
after  the  other.  Moreover,  Avidius  Cassius  was  a 
strict  disciplinarian  and  wished  to  be  called  a 

IV.  And  since  we  have  begun  to  speak  of  his  strict- 
ness, there  are  many  indications  of  what  must  be  called 
savagery,  rather  than  strictness,  on  his  part.  For,  in 
the  first  place,  soldiers  who  had  forcibly  seized  any- 
thing from  the  provincials  he  crucified  on  the  very 
spot  where  they  had  committed  the  crime.  He  was 
the  first,  moreover,  to  devise  the  following  means 
of  punishment:  after  erecting  a  huge  post,  180 
feet  high,  and  binding  condemned  criminals  on  it  from 
top  to  bottom,  he  built  a  fire  at  its  base,  and  so  burned 
some  of  them  and  killed  the  others  by  the  smoke, 
the  pain,  and  even  by  the  fright.  Besides  this,  he 
had  men  bound  in  chains,  ten  together,  and  thrown 
into  rivers  or  even  the  sea.  Besides  this,  he  cut  off 
the  hands  of  many  deserters,  and  broke  the  legs  and 
hips  of  others,  saying  that  a  criminal  alive  and 

3  As  the  type  of  a  stern  disciplinarian  and  successful 



6  viventis  l  miserabiliter  criminosi   quam   occisi.     cum 
exercitum   duceret,    et   inscio    ipso    manus    auxiliaria 
centurionibus  suis  auctoribus  tria  milia  Sarmatarum 
neglegentius  agentum  in  Danuvii  ripis  occidissent  et 
cum  praeda   ingenti  ad    eum    redissent    speraiitibus 
centurionibus  praemium,  quod  perparva  manu  tantum 
hostium  segnius   agentibus    tribunis   et   ignorantibus 
occidissent,  rapi  eos  iussit  et  in  crucem  tolli  servilique 
supplicio  adfici,  quod  exemplum  non  exstabat,  dicens 
evenire  potuisse  ut  essent  insidiae,  ac  periret  Roman! 

7  imperii  reverentia.     et  cum  ingens  seditio  in  exercitu  2 
orta  esset,  processit  nudus  campestri  solo  tectus  et 
ait,  "  Percutite,"  inquit,  "me,  si  audetis,  et  corruptae 

Sdisciplinae  facinus  addite".  tune  conquiescentibus 
9  cunctis  meruit  timeri,  quia  ipse  3  non  timuit.  quae 
res  tantum  disciplinae  Romanis  addidit,  tantum  ter- 
roris  barbaris  iniecit,  ut  pacem  annorum  centum  ab 
Antonino  absente  peterent ;  si  quidem  viderant 
damnatos  Romani  ducis  iudicio  etiam  eos  qui  contra 
fas  vicerant. 

V.   De  hoc  multa  gravia  contra  militum  licentiam 

facta  inveniuntur  apud   Aemilium  Parthenianum,  qui 

adfectatores  tyraimidis  iam  inde  a  veteribus  historiae 

2tradidit.     nam  et  virgis  caesos  in  foro  et  in  mediis 

1  auiuentis  (a  later  erased)  P;  aduiuentis  Peter2  with 
Baehrens.  2in  extrcitum  orta  P,  Peter.  3ipse  om.  by 

1  Known  only  from  this  citation. 


wretched  was  a  more  terrible  example  than  one  who 
had  been  put  to  death.  Once  when  he  was  com- 
manding the  army,  a  band  of  auxiliaries,  at  the  sug- 
gestion of  their  centurions  and  without  his  knowledge, 
slaughtered  3,000  Sarmatians,  who  were  camping 
somewhat  carelessly  on  the  bank  of  the  Danube,  and 
returned  to  him  with  immense  plunder.  But  when 
the  centurions  expected  a  reward  because  they  had 
slain  such  a  host  of  the  enemy  with  a  very  small  force 
while  the  tribunes  were  passing  their  time  in  indolence 
and  were  even  ignorant  of  the  whole  affair,  he  had 
them  arrested  and  crucified,  and  punished  them  with 
the  punishment  of  slaves,  for  which  there  was  no 
precedent;  "It  might,"  he  said,  "have  been  an 
ambush,  and  the  barbarians'  awe  for  the  Roman 
Empire  might  have  been  lost."  And  when  a  fierce 
mutiny  arose  in  the  camp,  he  issued  forth  clad  only 
in  a  wrestler's  loin-cloth  and  said  :  "  Strike  me,  if 
you  dare,  and  add  the  crime  of  murder  to  breach  of 
discipline".  Then,  as  all  grew  quiet,  he  was  held  in 
well  deserved  fear,  because  he  had  shown  no  fear 
himself.  Tin's  incident  so  strengthened  discipline 
among  the  Romans  and  struck  such  terror  into  the 
barbarians,  that  they  besought  the  absent  Antoninus 
for  a  hundred  years'  peace,  since  they  had  seen  even 
those  who  conquered,  if  they  conquered  wrongfully, 
sentenced  to  death  by  the  decision  of  a  Roman 

V.  Many  of  the  stern  measures  he  took  to  put  down 
the  licence  of  the  soldiers  are  recorded  in  the  works 
of  Aemilius  Parthenianus,1  who  has  related  the  history 
of  the  pretenders  to  the  throne  from  ancient  times 
even  to  the  present.  For  example,  after  openly 
beating  them  with  the  lictors'  rods  in  the  forum  and 




castris  securi  percussit,  qui  ita  meruerunt,  et  manus 

3  multis  amputavit.     et  praeter  laridum  ac  buccellatum 

atque  acetum  militem  in  expeditione  portare  prohi- 

buit  et  si  aliud  quippiam  repperit  luxuriem  lion  levi 

4supplico  adfecit.     exstat  de  hoc  epistula  divi  Marci 

5 ad  praefectum  suuin  tails:    "Avidio  Cassio  legiones 

Syriacas  dedi  difflueiites  luxuria  et  Daphnidis  mori- 

bus  agentes,  quas  totas  excaldantes  se  repperisse  Cae- 

6  sonius  Vectilianus  scripsit.     et  puto  me  non  errasse, 

si  quidem  et    tu  notum    habeas    Cassium,  hominem 

7Cassianae    severitatis    et    disciplinae.     neque    enim 

milites  regi  possunt  nisi  vetere  disciplina.     scis  enim 

versum  a  bono  poeta  dictum  et  omnibus  frequenta- 

tum  : 

'  Moribus  antiquis  res  stat  Romana  virisque. 

8tu  tantum   fac  adsint  legionibus  abunde  commeatus, 

quos,    si    bene    Avidium    novi,    scio    non    perituros." 

9  praefecti  ad  Marcum  :  "  Recte  consuluisti,  mi  domine, 

10  quod  Cassium  praefecisti l  Syriacis  legionibus.     nihil 
enim  tarn  expedit  quam  homo   severior  Graecanicis 

11  militibus.     ille     sane    omnes    excaldationes,    omnes 
12flores  de  capite  collo  et  sinu  militi  excutiet.     annona 

militaris  omnis  parata  est,  neque  quicquam  deest  sub 

bono    duce ;    non   enim    multum    aut   quaeritur   aut 

VI.  impenditur."     nee  fefellit   de   se   indicium  habitum. 

lpraefecisti  P  corr. ;  pratfectis  P1. 

1  Also  brought  as  a  reproach  against  the  Syrian  army  in 
Alex.,  liii.  2. 

2  A  line  from  Ennius'  Annales,  quoted  in  Cicero,  de  Rep., 
v. ;  see  Augustinus,  Civ.  Dei,  ii.  21. 



in  the  midst  of  the  camp,  he  beheaded  those  who  de- 
served it  with  the  axe,  and  in  numerous  instances 
cut  off  his  soldiers'  hands.  He  forbade  the  soldiers, 
moreover,  to  carry  anything  when  on  the  march  save 
lard  and  biscuit  and  vinegar,  and  if  he  discovered  any- 
thing else  he  punished  the  breach  of  discipline  with 
no  light  hand.  There  is  a  letter  concerning  Cassius 
that  the  Deified  Marcus  wrote  to  his  prefect,  running 
somewhat  as  follows  :  "  I  have  put  Avidius  Cassius 
in  command  of  the  Syrian  legions,  which  are  running 
riot  in  luxury  and  conducting  themselves  with  the 
morals  of  Daphne  ;  concerning  these  legions  Caesonius 
Vectilianus  has  written  that  he  found  them  all  ac- 
customed to  bathe  in  hot  water.1  And  I  think  I  have 
made  no  mistake,  for  you  too  know  Cassius,  a  man 
of  true  Cassian  strictness  and  rigour.  Indeed,  the 
soldiers  cannot  be  controlled  except  by  the  ancient 
discipline.  You  know  what  the  good  poet  says,  a  line 
universally  quoted  : 

'The    state    of    Rome    is   rooted    in   the   men   and 
manners  of  the  olden  time.'  2 

Do  you  take  care  only  that  provisions  are  abundantly 
provided  for  the  legions,  for  if  I  have  judged  Avidius 
correctly  I  know  that  they  will  not  be  wasted."  The 
prefect's  answer  to  Marcus  runs  :  "  You  planned 
wisely,  Sire,  when  you  put  Cassius  in  command  of 
the  Syrian  legions.  Nothing  benefits  Grecianized 
soldiers  like  a  man  who  is  somewhat  strict.  He  will 
certainly  do  away  with  all  warm  baths,  and  will 
strike  all  the  flowers  from  the  soldiers'  heads  and 
necks  and  breasts.  Food  for  the  soldiers  is  all  pro- 
vided ;  and  nothing  is  lacking  under  an  able  general, 
for  but  little  is  either  asked  or  expended."  VI.  And 



nam  statim  et  ad  signa  edici  iussit  et  programma  in 
parietibus  fixit,  ut,  si  quis  cinctus  inveniretur  apud 

2  Daphnen,  discinctus  rediret.     arma  militum  septima 
die  semper  respexit,  vestimenta  etiam  et  calciamenta 
et  ocreas,  delicias  omnes  de  castris  summovit  iussitque 
eos  hiemem  sub  pellibus  agere  nisi  corrigerent  suos 

3  mores ;    et    egissent,  nisi    honestius  vixissent.     exer- 
citium  septimi  diei    fuit  omnium  militum,  ita  ut  et 

4sagittas  mitterent  et  armis  luderent.  dicebat  enim 
miserum  esse,  cum  exercerenturathletae  venatores  et 
gladiatores,  non  exerceri  milites  ;  quibus  minor  esset 
futurus  labor,  si  consuetus  esset. 

5  Ergo  correcta  disciplina  et  in  Armenia  et  in  Arabia 

6  et  in  Aegypto  res  optime  gessit  amatusque  est    ab 
omnibus  oriental ibus  et  speciatim  ab  Antiochensibus, 
qui  etiam  imperio  eius  consenserunt,  ut  docet  Marius 

7  Maximus  in  vita  divi   Marci.     nam  et  cum1  Bucolici 
milites  per  Aegyptum  gravia  multa  facerent,  ab  hoc 
retunsi  sunt,  ut  item  2  Marius   Maximus  refert  in  eo 
libro  quern  secundum  de  vita  Marci  Antonini  edidit. 

VII.   Hie  imperatorem  se  in  oriente  appellavit,  ut 

1  cum  et  P.  3  item  P  ;  idem  Peter. 

1  Discinctus  means  "  deprived  of  his  sword-belt " — a 
punishment  inflicted  upon  disobedient  soldiers. 

2 An  attempt  to  summarize  the  important  and  brilliant 
campaign  of  164-106,  in  which  Cassius  drove  the  Parthians 
out  of  Syria,  overran  Mesopotamia,  and  finally  captured 
Ctesiphon,  the  Parthian  capital ;  see  Marc.,  ix.  1;  Ver.,  vii. 
1-2  ;  Dio,  hod.  2. 



Cassius  did  not  disappoint  the  expectation  that  had 
been  formed  of  him,  for  he  immediately  had  the 
proclamation  made  at  assembly,  and  posted  notices 
on  the  walls,  that  if  any  one  were  discovered  at 
Daphne  in  his  uniform  he  would  return  without  it.1 
Regularly  once  a  week  he  inspected  his  soldiers' 
equipment,  even  their  clothes  and  shoes  and  leggings, 
and  he  banished  all  dissipation  from  the  camp  and 
issued  an  order  that  they  would  pass  the  winter  in 
their  tents  if  they  did  not  mend  their  ways  ;  and  they 
would  have  done  so,  had  they  not  conducted  them- 
selves more  respectably.  Once  a  week  there  was  a 
drill  of  all  the  soldiers,  in  which  they  even  shot 
arrows  and  engaged  in  contests  in  the  use  of  arms. 
For  he  said  that  it  was  shameful  that  soldiers  should 
not  be  trained,  while  athletes,  wild  beast  fighters  and 
gladiators  were,  for  the  soldiers'  future  labours,  if 
familiar  to  them,  would  be  less  onerous. 

And  so,  having  stiffened  military  discipline,  he 
conducted  affairs  in  Armenia  and  Arabia  and  Egypt 
with  the  greatest  success.2  He  was  well  loved  by 
all  the  eastern  nations,  especially  by  the  citizens  of 
Antioch,  who  even  acquiesced  in  his  rule,  as  Marius 
Maximus  relates  in  his  Life  of  the  Deified  Marcus. 
And  when  the  warriors  of  the  Bucolici  did  many 
grievous  things  in  Egypt,  they  were  checked  by 
Cassius,3  as  Marius  Maximus  also  relates  in  the 
second  book  of  those  he  published  on  the  Life  of 

VII.  Finally,  while  in  the  East,4  he  proclaimed  him- 175 

8  See  Marc.,  xxi.  2  and  note. 

4  After  his  victorious  campaign  against  the  Parthians  he 
was  appointed  governor-general  of  all  the  eastern  provinces ; 
see  Dio,  Ixxi.  3,  1. 



quidam  dicunt,  Faustina  volente,  quae  valetudini  Marci 
iam  diffidebat  et  timebat,  ne  infantes  filios  tueri  sola 
non  posset,  atque  aliquis  exsisteret,  qui  capta  statione 
2regia  infantes  de  medio  tolleret.  alii  autem  dicunt, 
hanc  artem  adhibuisse  militibus  et  provincialibus 
Cassium  contra  Marci  amorem,  ut  sibi  posset  con- 
sentiri,  quod  diceret  Marcum  diem  suum  obisse. 

3  nam  et  divum  eum  appellasse  dicitur,  ut  desiderium 
illius  leniret. 

4  Imperatorio  animo  cum  processisset,  eum  qui  sibi 
aptaverat  ornamenta  regia    statim    praefectum  prae- 
torii  fecit ;  qui  et  ipse  occisus  est  Antonino  invito  ab 
exercitu,    qui    et    Maecianum,     cui    erat    commissa 
Alexandria    quique     consenserat l    spe    participatus 
Cassio,  invito  atque  ignorante  Antonino  interemit. 

5  Nee  tamen  Antoninus  graviter  est  iratus  rebellione 
cognita   nee    in    eius    liberos    aut    adfectus    saevit. 

6  senatus  ilium  hostem  appellavit  bonaque    eius    pro- 
scripsit.     quae  Antoninus  in  privatum  aerarium  con- 
geri   noluit,  quare    senatu    praecipiente  in    aerarium 

7  publicum  sunt  relata.     nee  Romae  terror  defuit,  cum 

1  senserat  P. 

1So  also  Hare.,  xxiv.  6,  and  Dio,  Ixxi.  22,  3  f.  Dio  adds 
the  not  improbable  story  that  Faustina  bade  Cassius  hold 
himself  in  readiness,  in  case  aught  befell  Marcus,  to  marry 
her  and  seize  the  sovereignty,  and  that  when  a  false  report  of 
Marcus*  death  was  brought  he  declared  himself  emperor. 
According  to  o.  ix.  9,  the  version  in  the  text  was  given  by 
Marius  Maxiinus. 

2  i.e.  on  receipt  of  the  report  of  his  death ;  see  last  note. 

3  Cf.  Marc.,  xxv.  4. 

4  The  prefect   of  Egypt,   Flavius   Calvisius,   declared  for 
Oassius;   see  Dio,  Ixxi.  28,  3.      Evidence  that  Egypt  recog- 
nized him  as  emperor  is  afforded  by  a  papyrus,  dated  in  the 



self  emperor,  some  say,  at  the  wish  of  Faustina,1  who 
now  despaired  of  Marcus'  health  and  was  afraid  that 
she  would  be  unable  to  protect  her  infant  children  by 
herself,  and  that  some  one  would  arise  and  seize  the 
throne  and  make  away  with  the  children.  Others, 
however,  say  that  Cassius  employed  an  artifice  with 
the  soldiers  and  provincials  to  overcome  their  love  for 
Marcus  so  that  they  would  join  him,  saying  that 
Marcus  had  met  his  end.  '  And,  indeed,  he  called  him 
"the  Deified,"  2  it  is  said,  in  order  to  lessen  their  grief 
for  him. 

When  his  plan  of  making  himself  emperor  had 
been  put  into  effect,  he  forthwith  appointed  prefect 
of  the  guard  the  man  who  had  invested  him  with  the 
imperial  insignia.  This  man  was  later  put  to  death 
by  the  army  3  against  the  wishes  of  Antoninus.  The 
army  also  slew  Aiaecianus,  in  whose  charge  Alexandria 
had  been  placed  ;  he  had  joined  Cassius4  in  the  hope 
of  sharing  the  sovereignty  with  him,  and  he  too  was 
slain  against  the  wishes  and  without  the  knowledge 
of  Antoninus. 

For  all  that,  Antoninus  was  not  seriously  angered 
on  learning  of  this  revolt,  nor  did  he  vent  his  rage 
on  Cassius'  children  or  on  his  kin.  7"he  senate, 
however,  pronounced  him  a  public  enemy  and  con- 
fiscated his  property.5'  But  Antoninus  was  unwilling 
that  this  should  be  forfeited  to  the  privy-purse,  and 
so,  at  the  bidding  of  the  senate,  it  was  delivered  to 
the  public  treasury.  And  there  was  no  slight  con- 
sternation at  Rome ;  for  many  said  that  Avidius 
Cassius  would  advance  on  the  city  in  the  absence  of 

first  year  of  Imperator  Caesar  Julius  Avidius  Cassius ;   see 
Bull.  Inst.  Egypt.,  vii.  (1896),  p.  123. 
5Cf.  Marc.,  xxiv.  9. 



quidam  Avidium  Cassium  dicerent  absente  Antonino, 
qui  nisi  a  voluptariis  unice  amabatur,  Romam  esse 
venturum  atque  urbem  tyrannice  direpturum,  maxime 
senatorum  causa,  qui  eum  hostem  iudicaverant  bonis 

Sproscriptis.  et  amor  Antonini  hoc  maxime  enituit, 
quod  consensu  omnium  praeter  Antiochenses  Avidius 

9  interemptus  est ;  quern  quidem  occidi  non  iussit  sed 
passus  est,  cum  apud  cunctos  clarum  esset,  si  pote- 
VIII.  statis  suae  fuisset,  parsurum  l  illi  fuisse.  caput  eius 
ad  Antoninum  cum  delatum  esset,  ille  non  exsultauit, 
non  elatus  est,  sed  etiam  doluit  ereptam  sibi  esse 
occasionem  miser  icordiae,  cum  diceret  se  vivum 
ilium  voluisse  capere,  ut  illi  exprobraret  beneficia 

2sua  eumque  servaret.  denique  cum  quidam  diceret 
reprehendendum  Antoninum,  quod  tarn  mitis  esset  in 
hostem  suum  eiusque  liberos  et  adfectus  atque  omnes 
quos  conscios  tyrannidis  repperisset,  addente  illo  qui 
reprehendebat  "  Quid  si  ille  vicisset  ?  "  dixisse  dicitur 
"  Non  sic  deos  coluimus  nee  sic  vivimus,  ut  ille  nos 

Svinceret".  enumeravit  deinde  omnes  principes  qui 
occisi  essent  habuisse  causas  quibus  mererentur  occidi, 
nee  quemquam  facile  bonum  vel  victum  a  tyranno  vel 

4occisum,  dicens  meruisse  Neronem,  debuisse  Cali- 
gulam,  Othonem  et  Vitellium  nee  imperare  voluisse. 

1  parsurum  P  corr. ;  passurum  P1. 

1Cf.  Marc.,  xxv.  3.  According  to  Dio,  Ixxi.  27,  2-3, 
Cassins  was  killed  by  two  petty-officers,  who  then  took  his 
head  to  Marcus. 

2  Nero  committed  suicide  in  order  to  escape  death  at  the 
hands  of  the  guard  after  Galba  had  been  proclaimed  emperor 
and  he  himself  had  been  declared  a  public  enemy  by  the 
senate ;  see  Suet.,  Nero,  xlvii.-xlix.  Caligula  was  assassinated 
by  two  officers  of  the  guard;  see  Suet.,  Cat.,  Iviii.  Otho 
committed  suicide  after  his  defeat  by  the  army  of  Vitellius 



Antoninus,  who  was  singularly  loved  by  all  but  the 
profligates,  and  that  he  would  ravage  it  like  a  tyrant, 
especially  because  of  the  senators  who  had  declared 
him  an  enemy  to  the  state  and  confiscated  his 
property.  The  love  felt  for  Antoninus  was  most 
clearly  manifested  in  the  fact  that  it  was  with  the 
consent  of  all  save  the  citizens  of  Antioch  that 
Avidius  was  slain.  Antoninus,  indeed,  did  not  so 
much  order  his  execution  as  suffer  it ;  for  it  was  clear 
to  all  that  he  would  have  spared  him  had  it  been  in 
his  power.  VIII.  And  when  his  head  was  brought  to 
Antoninus  he  did  not  rejoice  or  exult,1  but  rather 
was  grieved  that  he  had  lost  an  opportunity  for  show- 
ing mercy ;  for  he  said  that  he  had  wished  to  take 
him  alive,  so  that  he  might  reproach  him  with  the 
kindness  he  had  shown  him  in  the  past,  and  then 
spare  his  life.  Finally,  when  some  one  said  that 
Antoninus  deserved  blame  because  he  was  so  indulgent 
toward  his  enemy  and  his  enemy's  children  and  kin, 
and  indeed  toward  every  one  whom  he  had  found 
concerned  in  the  outbreak,  and  added  furthermore, 
"  What  if  Cassius  had  been  successful  ?  "  the  Emperor 
said,  it  is  reported :  "  We  have  not  worshipped  the 
gods  in  such  a  manner,  or  lived  such  lives,  that  he 
could  overcome  us ".  Thereupon  he  pointed  out 
that  in  the  case  of  all  the  emperors  who  had  been 
slain  there  had  been  reasons  why  they  deserved  to 
die,  and  that  no  emperor,  generally  recognized  as 
good,  had  been  conquered  or  slain  by  a  pretender, 
adding  that  Nero  had  deserved  to  die  and  Caligula 
had  forfeited  his  life,  while  neither  Otho  nor  Vitellius 
had  really  wished  to  rule.2  He  expressed  similar 

(Suet.,  Otho,  xi.),  and  Vitellius  was  murdered  by  the  soldiers 
of  Vespasian  (Suet.,  Vit.,  xvii). 



5  etiam l  de  Galba 2   paria  sentiebat,   cum    diceret    in 
imperatore    avaritiam     esse     acerb  issimum     malum. 

6  denique   non    Augustum,    non    Traianum,   non    Ha- 
drianum,  non  patrem  suum  a  rebellibus  potuisse  su- 
perari,  cum  et  multi  fuerint  et   ipsis  vel  invitis  vel 

7  insciis  exstincti.     ipse  autem  Antoninus  a  senatu  petiit 
ne  graviter  in  conscios  defectionis  animadverteretur, 
eo  ipso  tempore  quo  rogavit  ne  quis  senator  tempori- 
bus    suis     capitali   supplicio    adficeretur,    quod     illi 

8  maximum  amorem    conciliavit.     denique  paucissimis 
centurionibus     punitis     deportatos     revocari     iussit. 

IX.  Antiochensibus,3  qui  4  Avidio  Cassio  consenserant,  et 
his  5  et  aliis  civitatibus,  quae  ilium  iuverant,  ignovit, 
cum  primo  Antiochensibus  graviter  iratus  esset  iisque 
spectacula  sustulisset  et  multa  alia  civitatis  orna- 

2menta,  quae  postea  reddidit.  filios  Avidii  Cassii 
Antoninus  Marcus  parte  media  paterni  patrimonii 
donavit,  ita  ut  filias  eius  auro  argento  et  gemmis 

3  cohonestaret.  nam  et  Alexandriae,  filiae  Cassii,  et 
genero  Drunciano  liberam  evagandi  ubi  vellent 

4potestatem  dedit.  vixeruntque  non  quasi  tyranni 
pignora  sed  quasi  senatorii  ordinis  in  summa  securi- 
tate,  cum  illis  etiam  6  in  lite  obici  fortunam  propriae 
vetuisset  domus,  damnatis  aliquibus  iniuriarum,  qui 

1  So  Peter  with  Boxhorn  ;  nam  P.  2  de  Pertinace  et 

Galba  P.  3  So  P  corr  ;  antiochcnsis  P1.  4gwi  P  ;  quogue 
Peter  with  Madvig.  5  sed  et  his  P,  Peter2.  6  illi  seuam 
P1  ;  illis  P  corr. 

1  Galba's  refusal  to  give  the  expected  donative  to  the  troops 
so  embittered  the  soldiers  that  they  refused  to  swear  allegiance 
to  him  (Suet.,  Galb.,  xvi.) ;  his  stinginess  also  caused  the 
guard  to  join  Otho  in  the  conspiracy  by  which  he  was 
murdered  (i&,  xvii  i). 

sCf.  Marc.,  xxv.  5-6  and  note. 



sentiments  concerning  Galba  also,  saying  that  in  an 
emperor  avarice  was  the  most  grievous  of  all  failings.1 
And  lastly,  he  said,  no  rebels  had  succeeded  in  over- 
coming either  Augustus,  or  Trajan,  or  Hadrian,  or 
his  own  father,  and,  although  there  had  been  many 
of  them,  they  had  been  killed  either  against  the 
wishes  or  without  the  knowledge  of  those  emperors. 
Antoninus  himself,  moreover,  asked  the  senate  to  re- 
frain from  inflicting  severe  punishment  on  those  men 
who  were  implicated  in  the  rebellion  ;  he  made  this 
request  at  the  very  same  time  in  which  he  requested 
that  during  his  reign  no  senator  be  punished  with 
capital  punishment 2—  an  act  which  won  him  the 
greatest  affection.  Finally,  after  he  had  punished  a 
very  few  centurions,  he  gave  orders  that  those  who  had 
been  exiled  should  be  recalled.3  IX.  The  citizens  of 
Antioch  also  had  sided  with  Avidius  Cassius,  but 
these,  together  with  certain  other  states  which  had 
aided  Cassius,  he  pardoned,  though  at  first  he  was 
deeply  angered  at  the  citizens  of  Antioch  and  took 
away  their  games  and  many  of  the  distinctions  of  the 
city,  all  of  which  he  afterwards  restored.  To  the 
sons  of  Avidius  Cassius  Antoninus  presented  half  of 
their  father's  property,4  and  his  daughters  he  even 
graced  with  gold  and  silver  and  jewels.  To  Alexan- 
dria, Cassius'  daughter,  and  Druncianus,  his  son-in- 
law,  he  gave  unrestricted  permission  to  travel  wher- 
ever they  liked.  And  they  lived  not  as  the  children 
of  a  pretender  but  as  members  of  the  senatorial  order 
and  in  the  greatest  security,  as  was  shown  by  the 
orders  he  gave  that  not  even  in  a  law- suit  should  they 
be  taunted  with  the  fortunes  of  their  family,  and  by 
his  convicting  certain  people  of  personal  affront  who 

3  Of.  Marc.,  xxv.  7  £.  4 Of.  Marc.,  xxvi.  12. 



in  eos  petulantes  fuissent.     quos  quidem  amitae  suae 

marito  commendavit. 
5      Si    quis    autem    omnem   hanc    historiam  scire  de- 

siderat,  legat  Marii  Maxirni  secundum  librum  de  vita 

Marci,  in  quo  ille  ea  dicit  quae  solus  l  Marcus  mortuo 
6iam    Vero    egit.     tune    enim    Cassius    rebellavit,    ut 

probat  epistula  missa  ad   Faustinam,  cuius  hoc  exera- 

7  plum  est :  "  Verus  mihi  de  Avidio  verum  scripserat, 
quod  cuperet    imperare.      audisse    enim   te   arbitror 

8  quod  Veri  statores  2  de  eo  nuntiarent.     veni  igitur  in 
Albanum,    ut    tractemus    omnia    dis    volentibus,    nil 

9  timens."    hinc  autem  apparet  Faustinam  ista  nescisse, 
cum    dicat   Marius    infamari    earn    cupiens    quod  ea 

10  conscia  Cassius  imperium  sumpsisset.     nam  et  ipsius 
epistula  exstat  ad  virum,  qua  urget 3  M.ircum  ut  in 

11  eum  graviter  vindicet.     exemplum  epistulae  Faustinae 
ad  Marcum  :  "  Jpsa  in  Albanum  eras,  ut  iubes,  mox 
veniam ;  tamen  iam  hortor,   ut,  si  amas  liberos  tuos, 

12istos  rebelliones  acerrime  persequaris.  male  enim 
assueverunt  duces  et  milites,4  qui  nisi  opprimuntur, 

X.  oppriment."     item   alia  epistula  eiusdem    Faustinae 

ad    Marcum :    "  Mater    mea    Faustina   patrem    tuum 

Pium  in  defectione  5  Celsi  hortata6  est,  ut  pietatem 

2primum  circa  suos  servaret,    sic    circa  alienos.     non 

enim  pius  est  imperator,  qui  non  cogitat  uxorem  et 

3  filios.     Commodus    noster    vides    in    qua    aetate    sit, 

4  Pompeianus  gener  et  senior  est  et  peregrinus.     vide 

1  solum  P.  2So   Peter  with  Salm. ;    herispatores  P. 

3  urget  P;  urguet  edd.  *  et  duces  milites  P1 ;  et  duces  et 

milites  P  corr.  6  eiusdem  in  def.  P  ;  eiusdem  removed  by 

Gas.  Q sic  hortata  P;  sic  removed  by  Novak  ;  coliortata 

Peter  2. 

1  See  note  to  c.  i.  7.  2  See  note  to  Q.  vii.  1. 

3  Nothing  is  known  of  any  such  revolt. 


had  been  insulting  to    them.      He    even    put  them 
under  the  protection  of  his  uncle  by  marriage. 

If  any  one  wishes,  moreover,  to  know  the  whole  of 
this  story,  let  him  read  the  second  book  of  Marius 
Maximus  on  the  life  of  Marcus,  in  which  he  relates 
everything  that  Marcus  did  as  sole  emperor  after  the 
death  of  Verus.  For  it  was  during  this  time  that 
Cassius  rebelled,  as  a  letter  written  to  Faustina  shows, 
from  which  the  following  is  an  extract : l  "  Verus  told 
me  the  truth  about  Avidius,  that  he  desired  to  rule. 
For  I  presume  you  heard  what  Verus'  messengers  re- 
ported about  him.  Come,  then,  to  our  Alban  villa, 
so  that  with  the  help  of  the  gods  we  may  prepare  for 
everything,  and  do  not  be  afraid."  It  would  appear 
from  this  that  Faustina  knew  nothing  of  the  affair, 
though  Marius  Maximus,  wishing  to  defame  her,  says 
that  it  was  with  her  connivance  that  Cassius  attempted 
to  seize  the  throne.2  Indeed,  we  have  also  a  letter 
of  hers  to  her  husband  in  which  she  urges  Marcus 
to  punish  Cassius  severely.  A  copy  of  Faustina's 
letter  to  Marcus  reads  :  "  I  shall  come  to  our  Alban 
villa  to-morrow,  as  you  command.  Yet  I  urge  you 
now,  if  you  love  your  children,  to  punish  those  rebels 
with  all  severity.  For  soldiers  and  generals  have  an 
evil  habit  of  crushing  others  if  they  are  not  crushed 
themselves."  X.  Another  letter  of  this  same  Faus- 
tina to  Marcus  reads  similarly :  "  When  Celsus  re- 
volted,3 my  mother,  Faustina,  urged  your  father,  Pius, 
to  deal  righteously  first  with  his  own  kin,  and  then  with 
strangers.  For  no  emperor  is  righteous  who  does  not 
take  thought  for  his  wife  and  children.  You  can  see 
how  young  our  son  Commodus  is ;  our  son-in-law 
Pompeianus  4  is  an  elderly  man  and  a  foreigner  be- 

4  See  Marc.,  xx.  6. 



5  quid  agas  de  Avidio  Cassio  et  de  ems  consciis.     noli 
parcere  homitiibus,  qui  tibi  non  pepercerunt  et  nee 

6  mihi  nee  filiis   nostris    parcerent,   si   vicissent.     ipsa 
iter    tuum    mox    consequor ;     quia     Fadilla    nostra 

7aegrotabat,  in  Formianum  venire  non  potui.  sed  si 
te  Formiis  invenire  non  potuero,  adsequar  Capuam, 
quae  civitas  et  meam  et  filiorum  nostrorum  aegri- 

Studinem  poterit  acliuvare.  Soteridam  medicum  in 
Formianum  ut  demittas,  rogo.  ego  autem  Pisitheo 
nihil  credo,  qui  puellae  virgini  curationem  nescit 

9adhibere.     signatas  l  mihi  litteras  Calpurnius  dedit ; 

ad  quas  rescribam,  si  tardavero,  per  Caecilium  senem 

lOspadonem,    hominem,    ut    scis,    fidelem.     cui   verbo 

mandabo,  quid  uxor  Avidii  Cassii  et  filii  et  gener  de 

te  iactare  dicantur." 

XI.  Ex  his  litteris  intellegitur  Cassio  Faustinam 
consciam  non  fuisse,  quin  etiam  supplicium  eius 
graviter  exegisse,  si  quidem  Antoninum  quiescentem 
et  clementiora  cogitantem  ad  vindictae  necessitatem 

2impulit.      cui2  Antoninus  quid  rescripserit,    subdita 

3  epistula    perdocebit :     "  Tu    quidem,    mea    Faustina, 
religiose  pro  marito  et  pro  nostris  liberis  agis.     nam 
relegi  epistulam  tuam  in  Formiano,  qua  me  hortaris, 

4  ut    in    Avidii  conscios  vindicem.     ego    vero  et    eius 
liberis    parcam    et   genero   et    uxori,   et   ad  senatum 
scribam,    ne    aut    proscriptio    gravior    sit   aut    poena 

5  crudelior.     non  enim  quicquam  est,  quod  imperatorem 
Romanum    melius    commendet    gentibus    quam    cle- 

signitas  P,  which  Ellis  thinks  perhaps  right  in  sense  of 
"  in  cipher  ".        2  cu,  i.e.  cum.  P. 



sides,  Consider  well  what  you  will  do  about  Avidius 
Cassius  and  his  accomplices.  Do  not  show  forbearance 
to  men  who  have  shown  no  forbearance  to  you  and 
would  show  none  either  to  me  or  to  your  children, 
should  they  be  victorious.  I  shall  follow  you  on  your 
way  presently  ;  I  have  not  been  able  to  come  to  the 
Formian  villa  because  our  dear  Fadilla l  was  ill. 
However,  if  I  shall  fail  to  find  you  at  Formiae,  I  will 
follow  on  to  Capua,  a  city  which  can  furnish  help  to 
me  and  our  children  in  our  sickness.  Please  send  the 
physician  Soteridas  to  Formiae.  I  have  no  confidence 
in  Pisitheus,  who  does  not  know  how  to  treat  a  young 
girl.  Calpurnius  has  brought  me  a  sealed  letter;  I 
shall  reply  to  it,  if  I  linger  on  here,  through  Caecilius, 
the  old  eunuch,  a  man  to  be  trusted,  as  you  know.  I 
shall  also  report  through  him,  in  a  verbal  message, 
what  Cassius'  wife  and  children  and  son-in-law  are 
said  to  be  circulating  about  you." 

XI.  From  these  letters  it  can  be  seen  that  Faustina 
was  not  in  collusion  with  Cassius,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
earnestly  demanded  his  punishment ;  for,  indeed,  it 
was  she  who  urged  on  Antoninus  the  necessity  of 
vengeance  when  he  was  inclined  to  take  no  action 
and  was  considering  more  merciful  measures.  The 
following  letter  tells  what  Antoninus  wrote  to  her  in 
reply  :  "  Truly,  my  Faustina,  you  are  over-anxious 
about  your  husband  and  children.  For  while  I  was 
at  Formiae  I  re-read  the  letter  wherein  you  urged 
me  to  take  vengeance  on  Avidius'  accomplices.  I, 
however,  shall  spare  his  wife  and  children  and  son- 
in-law,  and  I  will  write  to  the  senate  forbidding  any 
immoderate  confiscation  or  cruel  punishment.  For 
there  is  nothing  which  endears  a  Roman  emperor  to 

1  Arria  Fadilla,  fourth  child  of  Marcus,  born  about  150. 



6  mentia.     haec  Caesarem  deum  fecit,  haec  Augustum 
consecravit,  haec  patrem  tuum  specialiter  Pii  nomine 

7  ornavit.     denique  si  ex  mea  sententia  de  bello  iudi- 
Scatum  esset,  nee  Avidius  esset  occisus.     esto  igitur 

secura ; 

'di  me  tuentur,  dis  pietas  mea 
cordi  est'. 

Pompeianum    nostrum    in    annum    sequentem    con- 
sulem  dixi."     haec  Antoninus  ad  coniugem. 

XII.   Ad  senatum  autem  qualem  orationem  miserit, 

2  interest  scire.     ex  oratione    Marci  Antonini  :  "  Ha- 
betis     igitur,     patres     conscripti,     pro     gratulatione 
victoriae    generum    meum    consulem,    Pompeianum 
dico,  cuius  aetas  olim  remuneranda  fuerat  consulatu, 
nisi  viri    fortes  intervenissent,    quibus    reddi    debuit 

3  quod  a  re  publica  debebatur.     iiunc  quod  ad  defec- 
tionem  Cassianam   pertinet,  vos  oro  atque    obsecro, 
patres  conscripti,  ut  censura  vestra  deposita  meam  pie- 
tatem  clementiamque  servetis,  immo  vestram,  neque 

4  quemquam  l  senatus  occidat.     nemo  senatorum  punia- 
tur,  nullius  fundatur  viri  nobilis  sanguis,  deportati  rede- 

6  ant,  proscripti  bona  recipiant.  utinam  possem  multos  2 
etiam  ab  inferis  excitare !  lion  enim  umquam  placet 
in  imperatore  vindicta  sui  doloris,  quae  si  iustior 

Gfuerit,    acrior    videtur.     quare    filiis    Avidii  Cassii  et 

1  quemquam  ullum  P;  ullum  removed  by  Lessing ;  quem- 
quam unum  Peter.  2  multos  P,  which  Lessing  restores ; 
multatos  Peter. 

1Cf.  Hadr.,  rxiv.  4;  Piust  ii.  4. 

2  Horace,  Odes,  i.  17,  13. 

3  The  fact  that  the  second  consulship  of  Pompeianus  (see 
Marc.,  xx.  6)  was  in  173,  two  years  prior  to  Cassius'  revolt, 
shows  that  this  letter  is  not  genuine. 



mankind  as  much  as  the  quality  of  mercy.  This 
quality  caused  Caesar  to  be  deified  and  made  Augustus 
a  god,  and  it  was  this  characteristic,  more  than  any 
other,  that  gained  your  father  his  honourable  name 
of  Pius.1  Indeed,  if  the  war  had  been  settled  in  ac- 
cordance with  my  desires,  Avidius  would  not  have 
been  killed.  So  do  not  be  anxious  ; 

'  Over  me  the  gods  keep  guard,  the  gods  hold  dear 
my  righteousness.'  2 

I  have  named  our  Pompeianus  consul  for 
next  year."  3  Thus  did  Antoninus  write  to  his  wife. 
XII.  It  is  of  interest,  moreover,  to  know  what  sort 
of  a  message  he  sent  to  the  senate.  An  extract  from 
the  message  of  Marcus  Antoninus  :  "  So  then,  in  return 
for  this  manifestation  of  joy  at  our  victory,  Conscript 
Fathers,  receive  myson-in-law  as  consul — Pompeianus, 
I  mean,  who  has  come  to  an  age  that  were  long  since 
rewarded  with  the  consulship,  had  there  not  stood  in 
the  way  certain  brave  men,  to  whom  it  was  right  to 
give  what  was  due  them  from  the  state.  And  now, 
as  to  Cassius'  revolt,  I  pray  and  beseech  you,  Con- 
script Fathers,  lay  aside  your  severity,  and  preserve 
the  righteousness  and  mercy  that  are  mine — nay  rather 
I  should  say,  yours — and  let  the  senate  put  no  man 
to  death.  Let  no  senator  be  punished ;  let  the  blood 
of  no  distinguished  man  be  shed  ;  let  those  who  have 
been  exiled  return  to  their  homes  ;  let  those  who  have 
been  outlawed  recover  their  estates.  Would  that  I 
could  also  recall  many  from  the  grave  !  Vengeance 
for  a  personal  wrong  is  never  pleasing  in  an  emperor, 
for  the  juster  the  vengeance  is,  the  harsher  it  seems. 
Wherefore,  you  will  grant  pardon  to  the  sons  and  son- 
in-law  and  wife  of  Avidius  Cassius.  For  that  matter, 



genero  et  uxori  veniam  dabitis.     et  quid  dico  veniam  ? 

7  cum  illi  nihil  fecerint.     vivant  igitur  securi,  scientes 
sub    Marco    vivere.     vivant  in  patrimonio  parentum 
pro  parte  doiiato,  auro  argento  vestibus  fruantur,  sint 
divites,  sint  securi,  sint  vagi  et  liberi  et  per  ora  om- 
nium ubique  populorum  circumferant  meae,  circum- 

8  ferant  vestrae  pietatis  exemplum.     nee  magna  haec 
est,  patres  conscripti,  dementia,  veniam  proscriptorum 

9  liberis  et  coniugibus  dari.     ego  vero  a  vobis  peto,  ut 
conscios  seiiatorii  ordinis  et  equestris  a  caede,  a  pro- 
scriptiorie,  a  timore,  ab  infamia,  ab  invidia,  et  postremo 
ab  omni    vindicetis  iniuria    detisque  hoc  meis    tem- 

10  poribus,  ut  in  causa  tyrannidis  qui  in  tumultu  cecidit 
probetur  occisus." 

XIII.   Hanc  eius  clementiam  senatus  his  adclama- 

2  tionibus  prosecutus  est :   "  Antonine  pie,  di  te  servent. 
Antonine  clemens,  di  te  servent.     Antonine  clemens,1 

3  di  te  servent.     tu  voluisti  quod  licebat,  nos  fecimus 
quod  decebat.     Commodo  imperium  iustum  rogamus. 
progeniem  tuam  robora.     fac  securi  sint  liberi  nostri. 

4  bonum  imperium  nulla  vis  laedit.   Commodo  Antonino 
tribumciam  potestatem    rogamus,   praesentiam  tuam 

5  rogamus.      philosophiae   tuae,   patientiae    tuae,    doc- 
trinae  tuae,  nobilitati  tuae,  innocentiae  tuae.     vincis 
inimicos,   hostes   exsuperas,   di    te  tuentur,"  et  reli- 

6  Vixerunt  igitur   posteri  Avidii  Cassii  securi  et  ad 

1  So  P ;   repetition  from  the  preceding  has  crowded  out 
some  other  adj. 

1  For  similar  outcries  alleged  to  have  taken  place  in  the 
senate  see  Corn.,  xviii.-xix. ;  Alex.,  vi.-xi. 

2  Bestowed  in  177;  see  Marc.,  xxvii.  5,  and  note. 



why  should  I  say  pardon  ?  They  have  done  nothing. 
Let  them  live,  therefore,  free  from  all  anxiety,  know- 
ing that  they  live  under  Marcus.  Let  them  live  in 
possession  of  their  parents'  property,  granted  to  each 
in  due  proportion  ;  let  them  enjoy  gold,  silver,  and 
raiment ;  let  them  be  rich  ;  let  them  be  free  from 
anxiety  ;  let  them,  unrestricted  and  free  to  travel 
wheresoever  they  wish,  carry  in  themselves  before  the 
eyes  of  all  nations  everywhere  an  example  of  my  for- 
bearance, an  example  of  yours.  Nor  is  it  any  great  act 
of  mercy,  Conscript  Fathers,  to  grant  pardon  to  the 
wives  and  children  of  outlawed  men.  I  do  beseech 
you  to  save  these  conspirators,  men  of  the  senatorial 
and  equestrian  orders,  from  death,  from  proscription, 
from  terror,  from  disgrace,  from  hatred,  and,  in  short, 
from  every  harm,  and  to  grant  this  to  my  reign,  that 
whoever,  in  the  cause  of  the  pretender,  has  fallen  in 
the  strife  may,  though  slain,  still  be  esteemed." 

XIII.  The  senate  honoured  this  act  of  mercy  with 
these  acclamations  : l  "  God  save  you,  righteous  An- 
toninus. God  save  you,  merciful  Antoninus.  God 
save  you,  merciful  Antoninus.  You  have  desired  what 
was  lawful,  we  have  done  what  was  fitting.  We  ask 
lawful  power  for  Commodus.  Strengthen  your  off- 
spring. Make  our  children  free  from  care.  No  vio- 
lence troubles  righteous'  rule.  We  ask  the  tribunician 
power  -  for  Commodus  Antoninus.  We  beseech  your 
presence.  All  praise  to  your  philosophy,  your 
patience,  your  principles,  your  magnanimity,  your 
innocence !  You  conquer  your  foes  within,  you 
prevail  over  those  without,  the  gods  are  watching 
over  you,"  and  so  forth. 

And  so  the  descendants  of  Avidius  Cassius  lived  un- 
molested and  were  admitted  to  offices  of  honour. 



Thonores  admissi  sunt.  sed  eos  Commodus  Antoninus 
post  excessum  divi  patris  sui  omnes  vivos  incendi 
iussit,  quasi  in  factione  deprehensos. 

8  Haec    sunt   quae   de   Cassio    Avidio    comperimus. 

9  cuius  ipsius  mores,  ut  supra  diximus,  varii  semper  fue- 
runt  sed  ad  censuram  crudelitatemque  propensiores. 

10  qui,  si  optinuisset  imperium,  fuisset  non  clemens  et 

XIV.  bonus,1  sed  ntilis  et  optimus  imperator.     nam  exstat 

epistula  eius  ad  generum  suum  iam  imperatoris  huius- 

2 modi:  "  Misera    res    publica,    quae    istos    divitiarum 

3  cupidos  et  divites  patitur,  misera.     Marcus  homo  sane 
optimus,  qui  dum    clemens    dici    cupit,2  eos  patitur 

4  vivere  quorum  ipse  non    probat  vitam.     ubi    Lucius 
Cassius,  cuius  nos  frustra  tenet  nomeii  ?  ubi  Marcus 
ille  Cato  Censorius  ?  ubi  omnis  disciplina  maiorum  ? 
quae  olim  quidem  intercidit,  nunc  vero  nee  quaeritur. 

5  Marcus  Antoninus  philosophatur  et    quaerit  de  ele- 
mentis 3  et    de   animis  et    de    honesto  et    iusto  nee 

6  sentit  pro  re  publica.     vides  multis  opus  esse  gladiis, 
multis  elogiis,  ut  in  antiquum  statum  publica  forma 

7  reddatur.     ego  vero  istis  praesidibus  provinciarum — 
an  ego  proconsules,  an  ego  praesides  putem,  qui  ob 
hoc  sibi  a  senatu  et  ab  Antonino  provincias  datas  cre- 

8  dunt,  ut  luxurientur,  ut  divites    fiant  ?     audisti,  prae- 
fectum  praetorii  nostri  philosophi  ante  triduum  quam 

1  So  Vielhaber  ;  non  modo  clemens  sed  bonus  P  ;  non  modo 
c.  et  b.  Peter.  2  So  P  ;  Peter  by  error  attributes  clementes 
to  P,  and  reads,  following  Petschenig,  clementem  se.  3  de 

clementes  P1 ;  de  clementiis  P  corr. 



But  after  his  deified  father's  death  Commodus 
Antoninus  ordered  them  all  to  be  burned  alive,  as  if 
they  had  been  caught  in  a  rebellion. 

So  much  have  we  learned  concerning  Avidius 
Cassius.  His  character,  as  we  have  said  before,1  was 
continually  changing,  though  inclined,  on  the  whole, 
to  severity  and  cruelty.  Had  he  gained  the  throne, 
he  would  have  made  not  a  merciful  and  kind  emperor 
but  a  beneficent  and  excellent  one.  XIV.  For  we 
have  a  letter  of  his,  written  to  his  son-in-law  after  he 
had  declared  himself  emperor,  that  reads  somewhat 
as  follows  :  "  Unhappy  state,  unhappy,  which  suffers 
under  men  who  are  eager  for  riches  and  men  who 
have  grown  rich  !  Marcus  is  indeed  the  best  of  men, 
but  one  who  wishes  to  be  called  merciful  and  hence 
suffers  to  live  men  whose  manner  of  life  he  cannot 
sanction.  Where  is  Lucius  Cassius,2  whose  name  we 
bear  in  vain  ?  Where  is  that  other  Marcus,  Cato  the 
Censor  ?  Where  is  all  the  rigour  of  our  fathers  ? 
Long  since  indeed  has  it  perished,  and  now  it  is  not 
even  desired.  Marcus  Antoninus  philosophizes  and 
meditates  on  first  principles,  and  on  souls  and 
virtue  and  justice,  and  takes  no  thought  for  the  state. 
There  is  need,  rather,  for  many  swords,  as  you  see 
for  yourself,  and  for  much  practical  wisdom,  in  order 
that  the  state  may  return  to  its  ancient  ways.  And 
truly  in  regard  to  those  governors  of  provinces — can 
I  deem  proconsuls  or  governors  those  who  believe 
that  their  provinces  were  given  them  by  the  senate 
and  Antoninus  only  in  order  that  they  might  revel 
and  grow  rich  ?  You  have  heard  that  our  philo- 

1  c.  iii.  4. 

2  Evidently  an  error  for  C.  Cassius  Longinus  ;  see  note  to 
c.  i.  4. 



fieret  mendicum  et  pauperem,  sed  subito  divitem 
factum.  unde,  quaeso,  nisi  de  visceribus  rei  publicae 
provincialiumque  fortunis  ?  sint  sane  divites,  sint 
locupletes.  aerarium  publicum  refercient ; l  tantum 
di  faveant  bonis  partibus,2  reddant 3  Cassiani  rei  pub- 
licae principatum."  haec  epistula  eius  indicat,  quam 
severus  et  quam  tristis  futurus  fuerit  imperator. 

1  Thus  Petrarch  ;  referient  P.  *patnbus  P.  A  red- 

dant P;  reddcnt  Casaubon,  Peter. 


sopher's  prefect  of  the  guard  was  a  beggar  and  a 
pauper  three  days  before  his  appointment,  and  then 
suddenly  became  rich.  How,  I  ask  you,  save  from 
the  vitals  of  the  state  and  the  purses  of  the  provin- 
cials ?  Well  then,  let  them  be  rich,  let  them  be 
wealthy.  In  time  they  will  stuff  the  imperial 
treasury  1 ;  only  let  the  gods  favour  the  better  side, 
let  the  men  of  Cassius  restore  to  the  state  a  lawful 
government."  This  letter  of  his  shows  how  stern 
and  how  strict  an  emperor  he  would  have  been. 

1  i.e.,  they  will  be  forced  to  disgorge  their  ill-gotten  gains. 




I.   De  Commodi  Antonini  parentibus  in  vita  Marci 

2  Antonini  satis  est  disputatum.     ipse  autem  natus  est 
apud  Lanuvium  cum  fratre  Antonino  gemino  pridie 
kal.   Sept.   patre  patruoque   consulibus,   ubi  et    avus 

3  maternus  dicitur  natus.      Faustina   cum  esset    Com- 
modo    cum     fratre    praegnans,    visa    est    in    somnis 

4  serpentes  parere,  sed  ex  his  unum  ferociorem.     cum 
autem     peperisset    Commodum    atque    Antoninum, 
Antoninus  quadrimus  elatus  est,  quern  parem  astrorum 

5  cursu  Commodo  mathematici  promittebant.     mortuo 
igitur  fratre  Commodum  Marcus  et    suis  praeceptis 
et  magnorum  atque  optimorum  virorum  erudire  co- 

6  natus  est.     habuit  litteratorem  Graecum  Onesicratem, 
Latinum  Capellam  Antistium  ;  orator  ei  Ateius  San- 
ctus  fuit. 

7  Sed  tot  disciplinarum  magistri  nihil  ei  profuerunt. 
tantum  valet  aut  ingenii  vis  aut  eorum  qui  in  aula 
institutores  habentur.      nam  a  prima  statim  pueritia 
turpis,  improbus,  crudelis,  libidinosus,  ore  quoque  pol- 

1  Marc.,  i.  1-4,  *  Of.  Pius,  i.  8. 





I.  The  ancestry  of  Commodus  Antoninus  has  been 
sufficiently  discussed  in  the  life  of  Marcus  Antoninus.1 
As  for  Commodus  himself,  he  was  born,  with  his  twin 
brother  Antoninus,  at  Laiiuvium — where  his  mother's 
father  was  born,  it  is  said  2 — on  the  day  before  the 
Kalends  of  September,  while  his  father  and  uncle  31  Aug 
were  consuls.  Faustina,  when  pregnant  with  Com-  161 
modus  and  his  brother,  dreamed  that  she  gave  birth 
to  serpents,  one  of  which,  however,  was  fiercer  than 
the  other.  But  after  she  had  given  birth  to  Com- 
modus and  Antoninus,  the  latter,  for  whom  the  as- 
trologers had  cast  a  horoscope  as  favourable  as  that 
of  Commodus,  lived  to  be  only  four  years  old.  After 
the  death  of  Antoninus,  Marcus  tried  to  educate 
Commodus  by  his  own  teaching  and  by  that  of  the 
greatest  and  the  best  of  men.  In  Greek  literature 
he  had  Onesicrates  as  his  teacher,  in  Latin,  Antistius 
Capella  ;  his  instructor  in  rhetoric  was  Ateius  Sanctus. 

However,  teachers  in  all  these  studies  profited  him 
not  in  the  least — such  is  the  power,  either  of  natural 
character,  or  of  the  tutors  maintained  in  a  palace. 
For  even  from  his  earliest  years  he  was  base  and  dis- 
honourable, and  cruel  and  lewd,  defiled  of  mouth,  more- 



8  lutus  et  coiistupratus l  fuit.     iam  in  his  artifex,  quae 
stationis  imperatoriae  non  erant,  ut  calices  fingeret, 
saltaret,  cantaret,  sibilaret,  scurram  denique  et  gladia- 

9  torem  perfectum  ostenderet.     auspicium  crudelitatis 
apud   Centurncellas    dedit   anno    aetatis   duodecimo, 
nam   cum  tepidius  forte  lautus  esset,  balneatorem  in 
fornacem  conici  iussit ;  quando  a  paedagogo,  cui  hoc 
inssum  fuerat,  vervecina  pellis  in  fornace  consumpta 
est,  ut  fidem  poenae  de  foetore  nidoris  impleret. 

10      Appellatus  est  autem  Caesar  puer  cum  fratre  suo 

Vero.2     quarto    decimo    aetatis    anno  in    collegium 

II.  sacerdotum  3  adscitus  est.     cooptatus  est  inter  tros- 

sulos 4  principes 5    iuventutis,    cum    togam    sumpsit. 

adhuc  in  praetexta    puerili    congiarium  dedit  atque 

2ipse  in  Basilica  Traiani  praesedit.  indutus  autem 
toga  est  Nonarum  luliarum  die,  quo  in  terris  Romulus 
non  apparuit,  et  eo  tempore  quo  Cassius  a  Marco 

•'*  descivit.  profectus  est  commendatus  militibus  cum 
patre  in  Syriam  et  Aegyptum  et  cum6  eo  Romam 

1  constuppatus   P.  a  suo    Vero   Ursinus;    Seuero  P. 

3  sacerdotis  P.          4trossulos  Lipsius;  ires  solos  P.         5prin- 
ceps  P.         6  so  P  corr. ;  et  cum  om.  in  P1. 

1  Dio,  on  the  other  hand,  describes  him  as  not  naturally 
vicious,  but  weak  and  easily  influenced  ;  see  Ixxii.  1,  1. 

2  On  the  coast  of  Etruria,  near  the  southern  end  ;  it  is  the 
modern  Civita  Vecchia. 

3  Cf.  c.  xi.  13  ;  Marc.,  xii.  8  and  note. 

4  M.  Annius  Verus,  who  died  in  169 ;  see  Marc.,  xxi.  3. 
5Cf.  c.  xii.  1 ;  Marc.,  xvi.  1  and  note.     His  election  to  the 

college  of  pontifices  is  commemorated  on  a  coin  ;  see  Cohen, 
iii2,  p.  311,  no.  599. 

6  Cf.  c.  xii.  3 ;  Marc.,  xxii.  12  and  note. 

7  See  note  to  Marc.,  vi.  3.     The  title  princeps  iuventutis 
appears   on  his  coins  of  this   period  (Cohen  iii2,  p.   311   f., 
nos.  601-618),  and  in  an  inscription  from  Africa  (C.I.L.,  viii. 
11928).     Trossuli  was  an  old   name   given   to   the  Roman 



over,  and  debauched.1  Even  then  he  was  an  adept 
in  certain  arts  which  are  not  becoming  in  an  emperor 
for  he  could  mould  goblets  and  dance  and  sing  and 
whistle,  and  he  could  play  the  buffoon  and  the 
gladiator  to  perfection.  In  the  twelfth  year  of  his 
life,  at  Centumcellae,2  he  gave  a  forecast  of  his 
cruelty.  For  when  it  happened  that  his  bath  was 
drawn  too  cool,  he  ordered  the  bathkeeper  to  be  cast 
into  the  furnace  ;  whereupon  the  slave  who  had  been 
ordered  to  do  this  burned  a  sheep-skin  in  the  furnace, 
in  order  to  make  him  believe  by  the  stench  of  the 
vapour  that  the  punishment  had  been  carried  out. 

While  yet   a    child    he    was    given    the    name    of  12  Oct., 
Caesar,3  along  with  his  brother  Verus,4  and  in  his  four-     1^6 
teenth  year  he  was  enrolled  in  the  college  of  priests.5     17|n< 
II.  When  he  assumed  the  toga,6  he  was  elected  one  of 
the  leaders  of  the  equestrian  youths,7  the  trossuli,  and 
even  while  still  clad  in  the  youth's  praetexta  he  gave 
largess  8  and  presided  in  the  Hall  of  Trajan.9     He 
assumed  the  toga  on  the  Nones  of  July — the  day  on  7  July, 
which    Romulus    vanished    from    the    earth — at    the     175 
time  when  Cassius  revolted  from  Marcus.     After  he 
had  been  commended  to  the  favour  of  the  soldiers  he 
set  out  with  his  father  for  Syria10  and  Egypt,  and 
with  him  he  returned  t6  Rome.11     Afterward  he  was 

cavalry.  It  was  supposed  to  have  been  derived  from  Tros- 
sulum,  a  town  captured  by  the  cavalry,  but  even  in  the 
second  century  B.C.,  its  meaning  was  no  longer  understood; 
see  Pliny,  Nat.  Hist.,  xxiii.  2,  35  f. 

8  Commemorated  on  coins;    see  Cohen,  iii2,  p.  266  f.,  nos. 

9  See  note  to  Hadr.,  vii.  6. 

10  In  July,  175.     See  Marc.,  xxv.  1. 

11  See  Marc.,  xxvii.  3.     Commodus'  return  to  Rome  was 
celebrated  by  an  issue   of  coins  with  the   legend  Adventus 
Caes(aris) ;  see  Cohen,  iii2,  p.  228,  nos.  1-2, 



4rediit.  post  haec  venia  legis  annariae  impetrata  con- 
sul est  factus,  et  cum  patre  imperator  est  appellatus 
V  kal.  Dec.  die  Pollione  et  Apro  consulibus  et 

5  triumphavit  cum  patre.     nam  et    hoc  patres  decre- 
verant.     profectus  est  cum  patre  et  ad  Germanicum 

6  Adhibitos  custodes  vitae  suae  honestiores  ferre  non 
potuit,  pessimos  quosque  detinuit  et  summotos  usque 

7  ad  aegritudinem  desideravit.     quibus  per  patris  mol- 
litiem  restitutis  popinas  et  ganeas  in  Palatinis  semper 
aedibus  fecit  iieque  umquam  pepercit  vel  pudori  vel 

Ssumptui.  in  domo  aleam  exercuit.  mulierculas 
formae  scitioris  ut  prostibula  mancipia  per  speciem  l 
lupanarium  et  ludibrium  pudicitiae  contraxit.  imi- 

9  tatus  est  propolas  circumforanos.  equos  currules 
sibi  comparavit.  aurigae  habitu  currus  rexit,  gladia- 
toribus  convixit,  atque  se  2  gessit  ut  lenonum  minister, 
ut  probris  natum  magis  quam  ei  loco  eum  crederes,3 
ad  quern  fortuna  provexit. 

III.  Patris  ministeria  seniora  summovit,  amicos  senes 

2abiecit.     filium  Salvii  luliani,  qui  exercitibus  praeerat, 

1  per  speciem  Turnebus;  perficium  P1 ;  pcrficiens 
1  atque  se  Editor;  aquam  P,  Peter.         z  crecleret  P. 

P  corr. 

1  Cf.  Marc.,  xxii.  12  and  note. 

2  On  the  occasion  of  Marcus'  triumph  ;  see  c.  xii.  4  ;  Marc., 
xvi.  2  and  note. 

3  See  c.  xii.  5  and  note  to  Marc.,  xvii.  3. 

4  See  c.  xii.  6  and  Marc.,  xxvii.  9. 

6 But  not  in  public,  except  on  moonless  nights;   see  Dio, 
Ixxii.  17,  1. 



granted  exemption  from    the  law  of  the  appointed 
year  and  made  consul/  and  on  the  fifth  day  before  177 
the  Kalends  of  December,  in  the  consulship  of  Pollio27  ^ 
and  Aper,  he  was  acclaimed  Imperator  together  with 
his    father,2  and    celebrated    a    triumph   with    him.3  23  Dec., 
For  this,  too,  the  senate  had  decreed.     Then  he  set 
out  with  his  father  for  the  German  war.4 

The  more  honourable  of  those  appointed  to  super- 
vise his  life  he  could  not  endure,  but  the  most  evil  he 
retained,  and,  if  any  were  dismissed,  he  yearned  for 
them  even  to  the  point  of  falling  sick.  And  when 
they  were  reinstated  through  his  father's  indulgence, 
he  always  maintained  eating-houses  and  low  resorts 
for  them  in  the  imperial  palace.  He  never  showed 
regard  for  either  decency  or  expense.  He  diced  in 
his  own  home.  He  herded  together  women  of  un- 
usual beauty,  keeping  them  like  purchased  prostitutes 
in  a  sort  of  brothel  for  the  violation  of  their  chastity. 
He  imitated  the  hucksters  that  strolled  about  from 
market  to  market.  He  procured  chariot-horses  for 
his  own  use.  He  drove  chariots  in  the  garb  of  a  pro- 
fessional charioteer,5  lived  with  gladiators,  and  con- 
ducted himself  like  a  procurer's  servant.  Indeed, 
one  would  have  believed  him  born  rather  to  a  life  of 
infamy  than  to  the  high  place  to  which  Fortune 
advanced  him. 

III.  His  father's  older  attendants  he  dismissed,6  and 
any  friends  7  that  were  advanced  in  years  he  cast  aside. 

6  e.g.  Tarrutenius   Paternus,    now  prefect   of    the    guard 
(see  c.  iv.  1),  and  C.  Aufidius  Victorinus,  governor  of  Ger- 
mania  Superior   under  Marcus.      He   retained   his   father's 
friends  for  a  "  few  years  "  (Herodian,  i.  8,  1),  i.e.  until  about 

7  See  note  to  Hel.,  xi.  2. 



ob1  impudicitiam  frustra  teniptavit  atque  exinde 
3  luliano  tetendit  insidias.  honestissimos  quosque  aut 

per  contumeliam  aut  per  honorem  indignissimum 
4abiecit.  appellatus  est  a  mimis  quasi  obstupratus 

eosdemque  ita  ut  non  apparerent  subito  deportavit. 

5  bellum    etiam  quod  pater  paene   confecerat  legibus 
hostium  addictus    remisit   ac    Romam    reversus    est. 

6  Romam  ut  rediit,  subactore  suo  Saotero  post  se  in 
curro  locato  ita  triumphavit  ut  eum  saepius  2  cervice 
reflexa  publice  oscularetur.     etiam  in  orchestra  hoc 

7  idem  fecit,     et  cum  potaret  in  lucem  helluareturque 
viribus  Romani  imperil,  vespera  etiam  per  tabernas  ac 

Slupanaria     volitavit.     misit    homines    ad     provincias 

regendas  vel  criminum  socios  vel  a  criminosis  com- 
9mendatos.  in  senatus  odium  ita  venit  3  ut  et  ipse 

crudeliter  in  tanti  ordinis  perniciem  saeviret  fieretque 

e  coiitempto  crudelis. 

IV.  Vita  Commodi  Quadratum  et  Lucillam  compulit 

ad  eius  interfectionem  consilia  inire,  non  sine  prae- 

Jo&  P,  Petschenig  ;  ad  Peter.        2  serins  P.          suehit  P1. 

1  P.  Salvius  Julianus,  consul  in  175.     He  was  apparently 
in  command  of  troops  on  the  Rhine. 

2  See  c.  iv.  8. 

3  According  to  Herodian  (i.  6)  he  gave  up  the  war  against 
the  advice  of  Marcus'  friends  and  advisers,  especially  his  own 
brother-in-law,    Pompeianus.     He    did,   however,   force   the 
Quadi,   Marcomanni,    and   Buri    to   accept   terms   of   peace 
which  were  not  discreditable  to  Rome  (Dio,  Ixxii.  2-3)  and  was 
acclaimed  Imperator  for  the  fourth  time. 

4  For  the   official  expression  of   reception   see   c.   xii.    7. 
His  return  is  commemorated  by  coins  of  180  with  the  legends 
Adventus  Aug(usti)  and  Fort(una)  Eed(ux) ;  see  Cohen,  iii2, 
p.  228,  no.  3,  and  p.  248,  no.  165. 

5  Called  in  an  inscription  triumphus  felici*simus  Germani- 
cus  secundus :  see  C.I.L.,  xiv.  2922  =  Dessau,  Ins.  SeL,  1420. 

6Cf.  Ver.,  iv.  6. 



The  son  of  Salvius  Julianus,  the  commander  of  the 
troops,1  he  tried  to  lead  into  debauchery,  but  in  vain, 
and  he  thereupon  plotted  against  Julianus.2  He 
degraded  the  most  honourable  either  by  insulting 
them  directly  or  giving  them  offices  far  below  their 
deserts.  He  was  alluded  to  by  actors  as  a  man  of 
depraved  life,  and  he  thereupon  banished  them  so 
promptly  that  they  did  not  again  appear  upon  the 
stage.  He  abandoned  the  war  which  his  father  had 
almost  finished  and  submitted  to  the  enemy's  terms,3 
and  then  he  returned  to  Rome.4  After  he  had  come  22  Oct., 
back  to  Rome  he  led  the  triumphal  procession  5  with  180 
Saoterus,  his  partner  in  depravity,  seated  in  his  chariot, 
and  from  time  to  time  he  would  turn  around  and  kiss 
him  openly,  repeating  this  same  performance  even  in 
the  orchestra.  And  not  only  was  he  wont  to  drink 
until  dawn  and  squander  the  resources  of  the  Roman 
Empire,  but  in  the  evening  he  would  ramble  through 
taverns  and  brothels.6  He  sent  out  to  rule  the 
provinces  men  who  were  either  his  companions  in 
crime  or  were  recommended  to  him  by  criminals. 
He  became  so  detested  by  the  senate  that  he  in  his 
turn  was  moved  with  cruel  passion  for  the  destruction 
of  that  great  order,7  and  from  having  been  despised 
he  became  bloodthirsty. 

IV.  Finally  the  actions  of  Commodus  drove  Quad- 
ratus  and  Lucilla,8  with  the  support  of  Tarrutenius 

7  Especially  after  the  conspiracy  of  Quadratus  and  Lucilla, 
according  to  Herodian,  i.  8,  7. 

8  On  this  conspiracy,  formed  probably  toward  the  end  of 
182,  see  Dio,  Ixxii.  4,  4-5,  and  Herodian,  i.  8,  3-6.     Quadratus 
was  probably  the  grandson  of  Marcus'  sister;  see  Marc.,  vii. 
4.     Lucilla  was  Commodus'  elder  sister,  the  wife  of  Lucius 
Verus,  and  after  his  death,   of   Claudius  Pompeianus ;  see 
Marc.,  xx.  6. 



2  fecti  praetorio  Tarrutenii  Paterni  consilio.     datum  au- 
tem  est  negotium  peragendae  necis  Claudio  Pompeiano 

3  propinquo.     qui    ingressus  ad  Commodum    destricto 
gladio,  cum  faciendi   potestatem   habuisset,  in    haec 
verba    prorumpens    '  Hunc    tibi    pugionem    senatus 
mittit '  detexit  facinus  fatuus  nee  implevit,  multis  cum 

4  eo  participantibus  causam.     post  haec  interfecti  sunt 
Pompeianus  primo  et  Quadratus,  dein  Norbana  atque 
Norbanus  et   Paralius  ;    et   mater  eius  et  Lucilla  in 
exsilium  exacta. 

5  Turn  praefecti  praetorio  cum  vidissent  Commodum 
in    tantum    odium  incidisse    obtentu    Saoteri,    cuius 
potentiam  populus  Romanus  ferre  non  poterat,  urbane 
Saoterum  eductum  a  Palatio  sacrorum  causa   et  re- 
deuntem  in  hortos  suos  per  frumentarios  occiderunt. 

6  id  vero  gravius    quam    de    se    ipso    Commodo    fuit. 

7  Paternum  autem  et  huius  caedis  auctorem  et,  quantum 
videbatur,  paratae  necis  Commodi  conscium  et  inter- 
ventorem,   ne  coniuratio  latius  puniretur,  instigante 
Tigidio   per  lati    clavi    honorem    a    praefecturae  ad- 

8  ministratione  summovit.     post    paucos   dies   insimu- 
lavit     eum      coniurationis,     cum      diceret     ob     hoc 
promissam  luliani  filio  filiam  Paterni,  ut  in  lulianum 

1  According  to  Dio,  Ixxii.  5,  2,  Paternus  had  no  share  in  the 

2  Apparently  Claudius  Pompeianus  Quintianus,  the  son  of 
Lucilla's  husband,  Claudius  Pompeianus,  by  a  former  mar- 
riage.     Herodian  speaks  of  him  as  a  youth  at  this  time. 

s  Lucilla  was  exiled  to  Capri,  where  she  was  put  to  death  ; 
see  c.  v.  7. 

4  See  note  to  Hadr.,  xi.  4. 

5  Tigidius  Perennis,  appointed  co-prefect  with  Paternus  in 


6  He   was   granted    the   right   to   wear  the  broad   purple 
stripe  on  his  tunic,  the  exclusive  privilege  of  the  senatorial 



Paternus,  the  prefect  of  the  guard,1  to  form  a  plan  for 
his  assassination.  The  task  of  slaying  him  was  as- 
signed to  Claudius  Pompeiaiius,  a  kinsman.2  But  he, 
as  soon  as  he  had  an  opportunity  to  fulfil  his  mission, 
strode  up  to  Commodus  with  a  drawn  sword,  and, 
bursting  out  with  these  words,  "  This  dagger  the 
senate  sends  thee,"  betrayed  the  plot  like  a  fool,  and 
failed  to  accomplish  the  design,  in  which  many  others 
along  with  himself  were  implicated.  After  this 
fiasco,  first  Pompeianus  and  Quadratus  were  executed, 
and  then  Norbana  and  Norbanus  and  Paralius  ;  and 
the  latter's  mother  and  Lucilla  were  driven  into  exile.3 
Thereupon  the  prefects  of  the  guard,  perceiving 
that  the  aversion  in  which  Commodus  was  held  was 
all  on  account  of  Saoterus,  whose  power  the  Roman 
people  could  not  endure,  courteously  escorted  this 
man  away  from  the  Palace  under  pretext  of  a 
sacrifice,  and  then,  as  he  was  returning  to  his  villa, 
had  him  assassinated  by  their  private  agents.4  But  this 
deed  enraged  Commodus  more  than  the  plot  against 
Limself.  Paternus,  the  instigator  of  this  murder, 
who  was  believed  to  have  been  an  accomplice  in  the 
plot  to  assassinate  Commodus  and  had  certainly 
sought  to  prevent  any  far-reaching  punishment  of 
that  conspiracy,  was  now,  at  the  instigation  of 
Tigidius,5  dismissed  from  the  command  of  the  prae- 
torian guard  by  the  expedient  of  conferring  on  him 
the  honour  of  the  broad  stripe.6  And  a  few  days 
thereafter,  Commodus  accused  him  of  plotting,  say- 
ing that  the  daughter  of  Paternus  had  been  be- 
trothed to  the  son  of  Julianus7  with  the  under- 

order.     For  other  instances  of  the  elevation  of  a  prefect  of 
the  guard  into  the  senatorial  order  see  note  to  Hadr.,  viii.  7. 
7  See  c.  iii.  1-2,  and  for  his  execution  Dio,  Ixxii.  5,  1. 



transferretur  imperium.     quare  et  Paternum  et  lulia- 
num    et    Vitruvium    Secundum,    Paterni    familiaris- 
simum,  qui  epistulas  imperatcrias  curarat,  interfecit. 
9  domus  praeterea  Quintiliorum  omnis  exstincta,  quod 
Sextus  Condiani 1  films  specie  mortis  ad  defectionem 
10  diceretur  evasisse.     interfecta  et  Vitrasia  Faustina  et 
llVelius  Rufus  et  Egnatius  Capito  consularis.     in  exsi- 
lium  autem  acti  sunt  Aemilius  luncus  et  Atilius  Se- 
verus  consules.     et  in  multos  alios  varie  saevitum  est. 
V.  Post  haec  Commodus  numquam  facile  in  publicum 
processit  neque  quicquam  sibi  nuntiari  passus  est  nisi 
2  quod  Perennis  ante  tractasset.     Pereniiis  autem  Corn- 
modi  persciens  invenit  quern  ad  modum  ipse  potens 
Sesset.     nam     persuasit    Commodo,    ut    ipse    deliciis 
vacaret,  idem  vero  Perennis  curis  incumberet.     quod 
4  Commodus  laetanter  accepit.     hac  igitur  lege  vivens 
ipse  cum  trccentis  concubinis,  quas  ex  matronarum 
meretricumque  dilectu  ad  formae  speciem  concivit,2 
trecentisque  aliis  puberibus  exoletis,  quos  aeque  ex 
plebe  ac  nobilitate  vi  pretiisque'3  forma  disceptatrice 
collegerat,  in  Palatio  per  convivia  et    balneas    bac- 


Condiani  Casaubon  ;  condiciani  P.  2  conduit  Egna- 

tius ;  concilii  P.          s ui  pretiisque  Madvig,  Peter13 ;  nuptiisgue 
P ;  uultusque  Turnebus,  Peter1. 

1  The  brothers  Sex.  Quintilius  Condianus  and  Sex.  Quin- 
tilius   Valerius  Maximus.      According   to   Dio,  Ixxii.  5,  3-4, 
their  reputation  and  wealth  caused  them  to  be  suspected. 

2  More  correctly,  the  son  of  Quintilius  Valerius  Maximus 
and  consul  in  ICO.     He  was  included  in  the  sentence  pro- 
nounced against   his  father  and    uncle.     On  his  escape  see 
Dio,  Ixxii.  6. 



standing  that  Julianus  would  be  raised  to  the 
throne.  On  this  pretext  he  executed  Paternus 
and  Julianus,  and  also  Vitruvius  Secundus,  a  very 
dear  friend  of  Paternus,  who  had  charge  of  the 
imperial  correspondence.  Besides  this,  he  exter- 
minated the  whole  house  of  the  Quintilii,1  because 
Sextus,  the  son  of  Condianus,2  by  pretending  death, 
it  was  said,  had  made  his  escape  in  order  to  raise  a 
revolt.  Vitrasia  Faustina,  Velius  Rufus,3  and  Eg- 
natius  Capito,  a  man  of  consular  rank,  were  all  slain. 
Aemilius  luncus  and  Atilius  Severus,  the  consuls,4 
were  driven  into  exile.  And  against  many  others  he 
vented  his  rage  in  various  ways. 

V.  After  this  Commodus  never  appeared  in  public 
readily,  and  would  never  receive  messages  unless 
they  had  previously  passed  through  the  hands  of 
Perennis5.  For  Perennis,  being  well  acquainted 
with  Commodus'  character,  discovered  the  way  to 
make  himself  powerful,  namely,  by  persuading 
Commodus  to  devote  himself  to  pleasure  while 
he,  Perennis,  assumed  all  the  burdens  of  the 
government — an  arrangement  which  Commodus  joy- 
fully accepted.  Under  this  agreement,  then,  Com- 
modus lived,  rioting  in  the  Palace  amid  banquets  and 
in  baths  along  with  300  concubines,  gathered  together 
for  their  beauty  and  chosen  from  both  matrons  and 
harlots,  and  with  minions,  also  300  in  number,  whom 
he  had  collected  by  force  and  by  purchase  indiscrim- 
inately from  the  common  people  and  the  nobles 

3  Consul  in  178. 

4  The  year  of  their  consulship  is  unknown.     They   were 
not  necessarily  consuls  in  182. 

5  According  to  Herodiau,  i.  11,   5,  he  spent   most  of  the 
time  in  his  suburban  estate. 



5chabatur.  inter  haec  liabitu  victimarii  victimas  im- 
molavit.  in  harena  rudibus,  inter  cubicularios  gladia- 
tores  pugnavit  lucentibus  aliquando  mucronibus. 

6  tune  tamen  Perennis  cuncta  sibimet  vindicavit.     quos 
voluit  interemit,  spoliavit  plurimos,  omnia  iura  sub- 

7  vertit,  praedam  omnem  in  sinum  contulit.      ipse  autem 
Commodus  Lucillam  sororem,  cum  Capreas  misisset, 

Soccidit.  sororibus  dein  suis  ceteris,  ut  dicitur,  con- 
stupratis,  consobrina  patris  coraplexibus  suis  iniuncta 
uni  etiam  ex  coiicubinis  matris l  nomen  imposuit. 

9  uxorem,2  quam  deprehensam  in  adulterio  exegit, 
lOexactam  relegavit  et  postea  occidit.  ipsas  con- 

11  cubinas  suas  sub    oculis  suis  stuprari    iubebat.      nee 
inruentium  in  se  iuvenum  carebat  infamia,  omni  parte 
corporis  atque  ore  in  sexum  utrumque  pollutus. 

12  Occisus  est   eo  tempore  etiam  Claudius  quasi  a  la- 
tronibus,  cuius  filius  cum  pugione  quondam  ad  Com- 
modum    ingressus    est,  multique  alii    senatores    sine 

ISiudicio  interempti,  feminae  quoque  divites.  et  nou- 
nulli  per  provincias  a  Perenni  ob  divitias  insimulati 

14spoliati  sunt  vel  etiam  interempti.  iis  autem  quibus 
deerat  ficti  criminis  adpositio  obiciebatur,  quod 
scribere  noluissent 3  Commodum  heredem. 

1  matris  P ;  patris  Salmasius,  Peter.        zinposuit.    uxorem 
Heer;  inposuit  uxoris  P,  Peter.  3  noluissent  Casaubon, 

Baehrens  ;  uoluissent  P,  Peter. 

1  Dio,  on  the  other  hand,  declares  that  his  administration 
was  characterized  by  integrity  and  restraint ;  see  Ixxii.  10, 1. 
Herodian  (i.  8)  has  the  same  point  of  view  as  the  biography. 

2  See  note  to  c.  vii.  7. 



solely  on  the  basis  of  bodily  beauty.  Meanwhile, 
dressed  in  the  garb  of  an  attendant  at  the  sacrifice, 
he  slaughtered  the  sacrificial  victims.  He  fought 
in  the  arena  with  foils,  but  sometimes,  with  his 
chamberlains  acting  as  gladiators,  with  sharpened 
swords.  By  this  time  Perennis  had  secured  all  the 
power  for  himself.  He  slew  whomsoever  he  wished 
to  slay,  plundered  a  great  number,  violated  every 
law,  and  put  all  the  booty  into  his  own  pocket.1 
Commodus,  for  his  part,  killed  his  sister  Lucilla, 
after  banishing  her  to  Capri.  After  debauching  his 
other  sisters,  as  it  is  said,  he  formed  an  amour  with 
a  cousin  of  his  father,2  and  even  gave  the  name  of 
his  mother  to  one  of  his  concubines.  His  wife,3  whom 
he  caught  in  adultery,  he  drove  from  his  house,  then 
banished  her,  and  later  put  her  to  death.  By  his 
orders  his  concubines  were  debauched  before  his  own 
eyes,  and  he  was  not  free  from  the  disgrace  of  in- 
timacy with  young  men,  defiling  every  part  of  his 
body  in  dealings  with  persons  of  either  sex. 

At  this  time  Claudius  also,  whose  son  had  previ- 
ously come  into  Commodus'  presence  with  a  dagger, 
was  slain,4  ostensibly  by  bandits,  and  many  other 
senators  were  put  to  death,  and  also  certain  women 
of  wealth.  And  not  a  few  provincials,  for  the  sake 
of  their  riches,  were  charged  with  crimes  by  Perennis 
and  then  plundered  or  even  slain  ;  and  some,  against 
whom  there  was  not  even  the  imputation  of  a  fic- 
titious crime,  were  accused  of  having  been  unwilling 
to  name  Commodus  as  their  heir. 

3Crispina  ;  see  note  to  Marc.,  xxvii.  8. 

4  See  c.  iv.  2  and  note.  The  biographer  has  apparently 
confused  the  father  with  the  son,  for  Claudius  Pompeianus 
was  alive  in  193 ;  see  Pert.,  iv.  10 ;  Did.  Jul.t  viii.  3. 



VI.  Eo  tern  pore  in  Sarmatia  res  bene  gestas  per 

2alios  duces  in  filium  suum  Perennis  referebat.  hie 
tamen  Perennis,  qui  tantum  potuit,  subito,  quod 
bello  Britannico  militibus  equestrls  loci  viros  prae- 
fecerat  amotis  senatoribus,  prodita  re  per  legates 
exercitus  hostis  appellatus  laceraiidusque  militibus 

3est  deditus.  in  cuius  potentiae  locum  Cleaudrum  ex 
cubiculariis  subrogavit. 

4  Multa  sane  post  interfectum  Perennem  eiusque 
filium  quasi  a  se  non  gesta  rescidit,  velut  in  integrum 

5restituens.  et  hanc  quidem  paenitentiam  scelerum 
ultra  triginta  dies  tenere  lion  potuit,  graviora  per 
Cleandrum  faciens  quam  fecerat  per  supradictum 

6  Perennem.  et  in  potentia  quidem  Oleander  Perenni 
successerat,  in  praefectura  vero  Niger,  qui  sex  taiitum 

7horis  praefectus  praetorio  fuisse  perhibetur.  muta- 
bantur  enim  praefecti  praetorio  per  horas  ac  dies, 

1  According  to  Herodian,  i.  9,  this  son  of  Perennis,  in 
command  of  the  Illyrian  troops,  formed  a  conspiracy  in  the 
army  to  overthrow  Commodus,  and  the  detection  of  the  plot 
led  to  Perennis'  fall  and  death. 

2In  184.  According  to  Dio,  Ixxii.  8,  the  Britons  living 
north  of  the  boundary- wall  invaded  the  province  and  anni- 
hilated a  detachment  of  Roman  soldiers.  They  were  finally 
defeated  by  Ulpius  Marcellus,  and  Commodus  was  acclaimed 
Imperator  for  the  seventh  time  and  assumed  the  title 
Britannicus ;  see  c.  viii.  4  and  coins  with  the  legend  Victoria) 
Brit(annica),  Cohen,  iii2,  p.  349,  no.  945, 

3  An  innovation   which  became  general  in  the  third   cen- 
tury, when  senatorial  commanders   throughout  the   empire 
were  gradually  replaced  by  equestrian. 

4  According  to  Dio,  Ixxii.  9,  it  was  at  the  demand  of  a 
delegation  of  1500  soldiers   of  the  army  of   Britain,   whom 
Perennis  had  censured  for  mutinous  conduct  (cf.  c.  viii.  4). 



VI.  About  this  time  the  victories  in  Sarmatia  won 
by  other  generals  were  attributed  by  Peremiis  to  his 
own  son.1  Yet  in  spite  of  his  great  power,  sud- 
denly, because  in  the  war  in  Britain2  he  had  dis- 
missed certain  senators  and  had  put  men  of  the 
equestrian  order  in  command  of  the  soldiers,3  this 
same  Perennis  was  declared  an  enemy  to  the  state, 
when  the  matter  was  reported  by  the  legate-*  in 
command  of  the  army,  and  was  thereupon  delivered 
up  to  the  soldiers  to  be  torn  to  pieces.4  In  his 
place  of  power  Commodus  put  Oleander,5  one  of  his  185. 

After  Perennis  and  his  son  were  executed,  Com- 
modus rescinded  a  number  of  measures  on  the  ground 
that  they  had  been  carried  out  without  his  authority, 
pretending  that  he  was  merely  re-establishing  pre- 
vious conditions.  However,  he  could  not  maintain 
this  penitence  for  his  misdeeds  longer  than  thirty 
days,  and  he  actually  committed  more  atrocious 
crimes  through  Oleander  than  he  had  done  through 
the  aforesaid  Perennis.  Although  Perennis  was  suc- 
ceeded in  general  influence  by  Oleander,  his  successor 
in  the  prefecture  was  Niger,  who  held  this  position  as 
prefect  of  the  guard,  it  is  said,  for  just  six  hours.  In 
fact,  prefects  of  the  guard  were  changed  hourly  and 

The  mutiny  was  finally  quelled  by  Pertinax;  see  Pert.,  iii. 

8 A  Phrygian  by  birth,  brought  to  Rome  as  a  slave;  see 
Herodian,  i.  12,  3.  After  securing  his  freedom  he  rose  in 
the  Palace  and  finally  became  chamberlain,  after  bringing 
about  the  fall  and  death  of  his  predecessor,  Saoterus;  see  c. 
iv.  5  and  Dio,  Ixxii.  12,  2.  He  also  contributed  to  the  fall 
of  Perennis ;  see  Dio,  Ixxii.  9,  3.  He  was  not  made  prefect 
until  186,  but  exercised  great  influence  in  his  capacity  as 
chamberlain  (see  §§  6  and  12). 



Commodo  peiora  omnia,  quam  fecerat  ante,  faciente. 
Sfuit  Marcius  Quartus  praefectus  praetorio  diebus 

quinque.  horum  successores  ad  arbitrium  Cleandri 
9aut  retenti  sunt  aut  occisi.  ad  cuius  nutum  etiam 

libertini  in  senatum1  atque    in  patricios   lecti  sunt, 

tuncque  primum  viginti  quinque  consules    in    unum 

10  annum,     venditaeque     omnes      provinciae.        omnia 
Oleander    pecunia    venditabat ;    revocatos  de   exsilio 

11  dignitatibus  ornabat,  res  iudicatas  rescindebat.     qui 
tantum  per  stultitiam  Commodi  potuit,  ut   Burrum, 
sororis  Commodi  virum,  reprehendentem  nuntiantem- 
que  Commodo  quae  fiebant  in  suspicionem  regui  ad- 
fectati  traheret  et  occideret,  multis  aliis,  qui   Burrum 

12  defendebant,  pariter  interemptis.     praefectus  etiam 
Aebutianus  inter  hos  est  interemptus  ;  in  cuius  locum 
ipse  Cleander  cum  aliis  duobus,  quos  ipse  delegerat, 

13  praefectus  est  factus.      tuncque  primum  tres  praefecti 
praetorio  fuere,  inter  quos  libertinus,2  qui  a  pugione 
appellatus  est. 

VII.  Sed  et  Cleandro  dignus  tandem  vitae  finis 
impositus.  nam  cum  insidiis  illius  Arrius  Antoninus 
fictis 3  criminibus  in  Attali  gratiam,  quern  in  pro- 

1senatuP.        2  libertinus  Jordan  ;   libertinos  P.         5factis 

1  So  also  Dio,  Ixxii.  12,  8-5. 

2  L.  Antistius  Burrus ;  he  seems  to  have  been  previously 
accused  on  the  same  charge  by  Pertinax ;  see  Pert,,  iii.  7, 



daily,  Commodus  meanwhile  committing  all  kinds  of 
evil  deeds,  worse  even  than  he  had  committed  before. 
Marcius  Quartus  was  prefect  of  the  guard  for  five 
days.  Thereafter,  the  successors  of  these  men  were 
either  retained  in  office  or  executed,  according  to  the 
whim  of  Clearider.  At  his  nod  even  freedmen  were 
enrolled  in  the  senate  and  among  the  patricians,  and 
now  for  the  first  time  there  were  twenty-five  consuls 
in  a  single  year.  Appointments  to  the  provinces  139 
were  uniformly  sold  ;  in  fact,  Oleander  sold  everything 
for  money.1  He  loaded  with  honours  men  who  were 
recalled  from  exile  ;  he  rescinded  decisions  of  the 
courts.  Indeed,  because  of  Commodus'  utter  de- 
generacy, his  power  was  so  great  that  he  brought 
Burrus,2  the  husband  of  Commodus'  sister,  who  was 
denouncing  and  reporting  to  Commodus  all  that  was 
being  done,  under  the  suspicion  of  pretending  to  the 
throne,  and  had  him  put  to  death  ;  and  at  the  same 
time  he  slew  many  others  who  defended  Burrus. 
Among  these  Aebutianus  was  slain,  the  prefect  of 
the  guard  ;  in  his  place  Cleander  himself  was  made 
prefect,  together  with  two  others  whom  he  himself 
chose.  Then  for  the  first  time  were  there  three 
prefects  of  the  guard,  among  whom  was  a  freedman, 
called  the  "  Bearer  of  the  Dagger".3 

VII.  However,  a  full  worthy  death  was  at  last  meted 
out  to  Cleander  also.  For  when,  through  his  intrigues, 
Arrius  Antoninus  4  was  put  to  death  on  false  charges 
as  a  favour  to  Attalus,  whom  Arrius  had  condemned 

3  i.e.  Cleander  himself.     The   dagger  was  the   symbol   of 
the  office  of  prefect. 

4  Together  with  Burrus  he  had  been  accused  by  Pertinax 
of  aspiring  to  the  throne  (see  Pert.,  iii.  7),  but  he  seems  to 
have  been  a  highly  respected  man  and  official. 



consulatu  Asiae  damnaverat,  esset  occisus,  nee  earn 
turn  invidiam  populo  saeviente  Commodus  ferre 
2potuisset,  plebi  ad  poenam  donatus  est,  cum  etiam 
Apolaustus  aliique  liberti  aulici  pariter  interempti 
sunt.  Oleander  inter  cetera  etiam  concubinas  eius 

3  constupravit,  de  quibus  filios  suscepit,  qui  post  eius 
interitum  cum  matribus  interempti  sunt. 

4  In  cuius  locum  lulianus  et  Regillus  subrogati  sunt, 
5quos  et  ipsos  postea  poenis  adfecit.     his  occisis  in- 

teremit  Servilium  et  Dulium  Silanos  cum  suis,  mox 
Antium  Lupum  et  Petronios  Mamertinum  et  Suram 
filiumque  Mamertini  Antoninum  ex  sorore  sua  geni- 

6  turn,  et  post  eos  sex  simul  ex  consulibus  Allium 
Fuscum,  Caelium  Felicem,  Lucceium  Torquatum, 
Larcium  Eurupianum,  Valevium  Bassianum,  Pac- 

7tumeium  l  Magnum  cum  suis,  atque  in  Asia  Sulpicium 
Crassum  pro  consule  et  lulium  Proculum  cum  suis 
Claudiumque  Lucanum  consularem  et  consobrinam 
patris  sui  Faustinam  Anniam  in  Achaia  et  alios  in- 

8  finitos.  destinaverat  et  alios  quattuordecim  occidere, 
cum  sumptus  eius  vires 2  Romani  imperil  sustinere 
non  possent. 

1  Pactum&ium  Casaubon;  Pactuleium  P.  2u'.res  Ur- 
sinus ;  iuriis  P1 ;  iniuriis  P  corr. 

JIn  189,  on  the  occasion  of  a  riot  due  to  a  lack  of  grain, 
for  which  the  mob  held  Oleander  responsible;  see  Dio, 
Ixxii.  13. 

2  See  Ver.t  viii.  10. 

3  He  married  one   of   them,  Damostratia,   according  to 
Dio,  Ixxii.  12,  1. 

4  For  Julianus'  death  see  Dio,  Ixxii.  14,  1.     He  is  prob- 
ably to  be  identified  with  L.  Julius  Vehilius  Gratus  Julianus, 
whose  interesting  career  is  recorded  in  an  inscription  from 
Rome  ;  see  Dessau,  Ins.  Sel.,  1327. 

6  Perhaps  M.  Servilius  Silanus,  consul  in  188. 



during  his  proconsulship  in  Asia,  Oommodus  could 
not  endure  the  hatred  of  the  enraged  people  and 
gave  Oleander  over  to  the  populace  for  punishment.1 
At  the  same  time  Apolaustus 2  and  several  other 
freedmen  of  the  court  were  put  to  death.  Among 
other  outrages  Oleander  had  debauched  certain  of 
Commodus' concubines,3  and  from  them  had  begotten 
sons,  who,  together  with  their  mothers,  were  put  to 
death  after  his  downfall. 

As  successors  to  Oleander  Commodus  appointed 
Julianus  and  Regillus,  both  of  whom  he  afterwards 
condemned.4  After  these  men  had  been  put  to 
death  he  slew  the  two  Silani,  Servilius  5  and  Dulius, 
together  with  their  kin,  then  Antius  Lupus  6  and  the 
two  Petronii,  Mamertinus  and  Sura,7  and  also  Mamer- 
tinus'  son  Antoninus,  whose  mother  was  his  own 
sister  ;  8  after  these,  six  former  consuls  at  one  time, 
Allius  Fuscus,  Caelius  Felix,  Lucceius  Torquatus, 
Larcius  Eurupianus,  Valerius  Bassianus  and  Pactu- 
meius  Magnus,9  all  with  their  kin  ;  in  Asia  Sulpicius 
Crassus,  the  proconsul,  Julius  Proculus,  together  with 
their  kin,  and  Claudius  Lucanus,  a  man  of  consular 
rank  ;  and  in  Achaia  his  father's  cousin,  Annia  Faus- 
tina,10 and  innumerable  others.  He  had  intended  to 
kill  fourteen  others  also,  since  the  revenues  of  the 
Roman  empire  were  insufficient  to  meet  his  expendi- 

6 His  grave-inscription  is  preserved;  see  C.I.L.,  vi.  1343. 

7  The  brothers  M.   Petronius   Sura  Mamertinus  and  M. 
Petronius   Sura  Septimianus   were  consuls  in  182  and  190 

8  Perhaps  Cornificia.  9  Consul  in  183. 

10  Annia  Fundania  Faustina,  daughter  of  M.  Annius 
Libo,  Marcus'  uncle  (see  Marc.,  i.  3).  She  is  probably  the 
woman  referred  to  in  c.  v.  8. 



VIII.  Inter  haec  Commodus  senatu  semet  in- 
ridente,1  cum  adulterum  matris  consulem  designasset, 
appellatus  est  Pius  ;  cum  occidisset  Perennem,  ap- 
pellatus est  Felix,  inter  plurimas  caedes  multorum 

2  civium  quasi  quidam  novus  Sulla,     idem  Commodus, 
ille  Pius,  ille  Felix,  finxisse  etiam  quandam  contra  se 

3  coniurationem  dicitur,  ut  multos  occideret.     nee  alia 
ulla  fuit  defectio  praeter  Alexandri,  qui  postea  se  et 

4  suos  interemit,  et  2  sororis  Lucillae.     appeilatus  est 
Commodus  etiam    Britannicus  ab  adulatoribus,  cum 
Britanni    etiam    imperatorem    contra    eum     deligere 

5  voluerint.     appellatus  est  etiam  Romanus  Hercules, 
quod  feras  Lanuvii  3  in  amphitheatre  occidisset.     erat 
enim  haec  illi  consuetude,  ut  domi  bestias  interficeret. 

6  fuit   praeterea    ea    dementia,    ut    urbem    Romanam 
coloniam  Commodianam  vocari  voluerit.     qui  4  furor 

3  senatu  semet  inridente  Peter 2 ;  senatu  semcttridente  P1 ; 
senatu  ridente  Peter l.  2et  om.  in  P.  3  lanuuium  P. 

4  cui  P. 

1  Probably  L.  Tutilius  Pontianus  Gentianus,  said  to  have 
been  one  of  Faustina's  lovers  (see  Marc.  xxix.  1),  and  consul 
suffectus  in  183,  the  year  in  which  the  name  Pius  was  be- 
stowed on  Commodus. 

2  The  name  is  borne   by  Commodus   in   the  Acts  of   the 
Arval  Brothers  for  7  Jan.,  183  ;  see  C.I.L.,  vi.  2099,  12.     It 
also  appears   on    the    coins   of   183,  e.g.  Cohen,  iii2,  p.  229, 
no.  13  ;  the  real  reason  for  its  assumption  is  not  known. 

3  This  name  appears  on  his  coins  of  185  ;  e.g.  Cohen,  iii  8, 
p.  233,  no.  49.     It  had  been  assumed  as  a  cognomen  by  the 
Dictator  Sulla. 

4  Julius  Alexander,  from  Emesa  in  Syria.  According  to 
Dio,  Ixxii.  14,  1-3,  his  execution  was  ordered  because  he  had 
speared  a  lion  while  on  horseback ;  he  killed  those  sent  to 
execute  him  and  then  made  his  escape,  but  was  overtaken. 

5  See  c.  iv.  1-4. 

6  An  allusion  to  the  mutiny  in  Britain ;  see  note  to  c.  vi.  2. 



VIII.  Meanwhile,  because  he  had  appointed  to  the 
consulship  a  former  lover  of  his  mother's,1  the  senate  183 
mockingly  gave  Commodus  the  name  Pius  ; 2  and 
after  he  had  executed  Perennis,  he  was  given  the 
name  Felix,3  as  though,  amid  the  multitudinous  185 
executions  of  many  citizens,  he  were  a  second  Sulla. 
And  this  same  Commodus,  who  was  called  Pius,  and 
who  was  called  Felix,  is  said  to  have  feigned  a  plot 
against  his  own  life,  in  order  that  he  might  have  an 
excuse  for  putting  many  to  death.  Yet  as  a  matter 
of  fact,  there  were  no  rebellions  save  that  of  Alex- 
ander,4 who  soon  killed  himself  and  his  near  of  kin, 
and  that  of  Commodus'  sister  Lucilla.5  He  was 
called  Britannicus  by  those  who  desired  to  flatter 
him,  whereas  the  Britons  even  wished  to  set  up  an 
emperor  against  him.6  He  was  called  also  the 
Roman  Hercules,7  on  the  ground  that  he  had  killed  192 
wild  beasts  in  the  amphitheatre  at  Lanuvium ;  and, 
indeed,  it  was  his  custom  to  kill  wild  beasts  on  his 
own  estate.  He  had,  besides,  an  insane  desire  that 
the  city  of  Rome  should  be  renamed  Colonia  Com- 
modiana.8  This  mad  idea,  it  is  said,  was  inspired  in 

7  See  also  §  9.     Romanus  Hercules  appears  among  his 
titles  as  given  by  Dio,  Ixxii.  15,  5,  and  also  in  an  inscription 
of  Dec.,  192 ;  see  C.I.I/.,  xiv.  3449  =  Dessau,  Ins.  Sel.,  400. 
He  had  the  lion's  skin  and  club,  the  attributes  of  Hercules, 
carried  before  him  in  the  streets  (Dio,  Ixxii.  17,  4),  and  had 
himself  portrayed  as  Hercules  on  coins  (Cohen,  iii2,  p.  251  f., 
nos.  180-210),  and  in  statues  (c.  ix.  2  ;  Dio,  Ixxii.  15,  6),  e.g. 
the  famous  bust  in  the  Gapitoline  Museum,  Rome. 

8  So  also  Dio,  Ixxii.  15,  2.     Col(onia)  L(ucia)  An(toniniana) 
Com(modiana)  appears  on  coins  of  190 ;  see  Cohen,  iiia,  p. 
233,  nos.  39-40.    He  also  gave  the  name  Commodianus  to 
the  senate  (§  9  and  Dio,  ibid.),  the  people  (c.  xv.  5),  the 
Palace  (c.  xii.  7),  the  legions  (Dio,  ibid.),  the  city  of  Carthage, 
and  the  African  fleet  (c.  xvii.  8). 



7  dicitur  ei  inter  delenimenta  Marciae  iniectus.     voluit 
Setiam  in    Circo   quadrigas    agitare.    dalniaticatus    in 
publico  processit   atque    ita  signuni  quadrigis  emit- 
9  tendis  dedit.     et  eo  quidem  tempore  quo  ad  senatum 
rettulit  de  Commodiana  facienda  Roma,  non  solum 
senatus   hoc   libenter  accepit   per  inrisionem,   quan- 
tum intellegitur,  sed  etiam  se  ipsum  Commodianum 
vocavit,  Commodum  Herculem  et  deum  appellans. 

IX.   Simulavit  se  et  in  Africam  iturum,  ut  sump- 
turn  itinerarium  exigeret,  et  exegit  eumque  in  con- 
2vivia    et    aleam    convertit.     Motilenum,    praefectum 
praetorii,  per  ficus  veneno  interemit.     accepit  statuas 
in    Herculis   habitu,    eique    immolatum  est    ut    deo. 
Smultos    praeterea    paraverat    interimere.     quod    per 
parvulum    quendam    proditum    est,    qui    tabulam    e 
cubiculo    eiecit,  in   qua  occidendorum  erant  nomina 

4  Sacra  Isidis  coluit,  ut  et  caput  raderet  et  Anubim 
Sportaret.  Bellonae  servientes  vere  exsecare  brac- 
Gchium  praecepit  studio  crudelitatis.  Isiacos  vere 

1  His  mistress,  who  afterwards  conspired  against  him  ;  see 
c.  xvii.  1. 

2  Called  chiridotae  Dalmatarum  in  Pert.,  viii.  2.     It  was  a 
long-sleeved  tunic   reaching  to   the  knee.     Dio  describes  it 
(Ixxii.  17,  2)  as  made  of  white  silk  with  gold  threads. 

3  See  note  to  c.  viii.  5. 

4  An  Egyptian  deity  regarded  as  the  protector  of  corpses 
and  tombs  and  represented  with  the  head  of  a  jackal,  or,  by 
the  Greeks  and  Romans,  with  that  of  a  dog.     His  cult  was 
often  combined  with  that  of  Isis,  and  according  to  Juvenal 



him  while  listening  to  the  blandishments  of  Marcia.1 
He  had  also  a  desire  to  drive  chariots  in  the  Circus, 
and  he  went  out  in  public  clad  in  the  Dalmatian 
tunic 2  and  thus  clothed  gave  the  signal  for  the 
charioteers  to  start.  And  in  truth,  on  the  occasion 
when  he  laid  before  the  senate  his  proposal  to  call 
Rome  Commocliana,  not  only  did  the  senate  gleefully 
pass  this  resolution,  out  of  mockery,  as  far  as  we 
know,  but  also  took  the  name  "  Commodian  "  to  itself, 
at  the  same  time  giving  Commodus  the  name  Her- 
cules, and  calling  him  a. god. 

IX.  He  pretended  once  that  he  was  going  to  Africa, 
so  that  he  could  get  funds  for  the  journey,  then  got 
them  and  spent  them  on  banquets  and  gaming  instead. 
He  murdered  Motilenus,  the  prefect  of  the  guard,  by 
means  of  poisoned  figs.  He  allowed  statues  of  him- 
self to  be  erected  with  the  accoutrements  of  Her- 
cules ; 3  and  sacrifices  were  performed  to  him  as  to  a 
god.  He  had  planned  to  execute  many  more  men 
besides,  but  his  plan  was  betrayed  by  a  certain  young 
servant,  who  threw  out  of  his  bedroom  a  tablet  on 
which  were  written  the  names  of  those  who  were  to 
be  killed. 

He  practised  the  worship  of  Isis  and  even  went  so 
far  as  to  shave  his  head  and  carry  a  statue  of  Anubis.4 
In  his  passion  for  cruelty  he  actually  ordered  the 
votaries  of  Bellona  to  cut  off  one  of  their  arms,5  and 
as  for  the  devotees  of  Isis,  he  forced  them  to  beat 

(vi.  534),  the  chief  priest  of  Isis  was  often  dressed  as 

5  The  cult  of  Bellona,  brought  to  Rome  from  Asia  Minor  in 
the  time  of  Sulla,  was  characterised  by  orgiastic  mui-ic  and 
dances,  in  which  the  votaries,  like  Mohammedan  dervishes, 
slashed  their  arms  and  bodies  ;  for  a  description  see  Tibullus, 
i.  6,  45  f. 



pineis  usque  ad  perniciem  pectus  tundere  cogebat. 
cum  Anubim  portaret,  capita  Isiacorum  graviter  ob- 
tundebat  ore  simulacri.  clava  non  solum  leones  in 
veste  muliebri  et  pelle  leonina  sed  etiam  homines 
multos  adflixit.  debiles  pedibus  et  eos,  qui  ambu- 
lare  non  possent,  in  gigantum  modum  formavit,  ita 
ut  a  genibus l  de  pannis  et  lintels  quasi  dracones 
tegerentur,2  eosdemque  sagittis  confecit.  sacra 
Mithriaca  homicidio  vero  polluit,  cum  illic 3  aliquid 
ad  speciem  timoris  vel  dici  vel  fingi  soleat. 

X.  Etiam  puer  et  gulosus  et  impudicus  fuit.  adules- 
cens  omne  genus  hominum  infamavit  quod  erat 
2secum,  et  ab  omnibus  est  infamatus.  inridentes  se 
feris  obiciebat.  eum  etiam,  qui  Tranquil li  librum 
vitam  Caligulae  continentem  legerat,  feris  obici  iussit, 
quia  eundem  diem  natalis  habuerat,  quern  et  Caligula. 

3  si  quis  sane  4  se  mori  velle  praedixisset,  hunc  invitum 
praecipitari  iubebat. 

In    iocis    quoque    perniciosus.      nam  eum,5   quern 

4  vidisset    albescentes   inter  nigros  capillos  quasi  ver- 

1  gentibus  P.  2  tegerentur  Petschenig,  Peter 2 ;  degerer- 

entur  P,  Peter1.  3illihic  P.  4  sane  P,  Peter  ;  ante 

Mom m sen.         5  eum  Jordan  ;  earn  P. 

1  i.e.  dressed  as  Hercules  ;  see  note  to  c.  viii.  5. 

2  According  to  Dio,  Ixxii.  20,  he  actually  attached  figures 
of  serpents  to  their  legs.     The  performance  was  an  imitation 
of  the  mythical  combats  between  the  gods  and  the  giants,  in 
which  the  latter  are  usually  represented,   e.g.   on  the  great 
altar  from  Pergamum,  as  having  serpents  for  legs. 



their  breasts  with  pine-cones  even  to  the  point  of 
death.  While  he  was  carrying  about  the  statue  of 
Anubis,  he  used  to  smite  the  heads  of  the  devotees 
of  Isis  with  the  face  of  the  statue.  He  struck  with 
his  club,  while  clad  in  a  woman's  garment  or  a  lion's 
skin,1  not  lions  only,  but  many  men  as  well.  Certain 
men  who  were  lame  in  their  feet  and  others  who 
could  not  walk,  he  dressed  up  as  giants,  encasing 
their  legs  from  the  knee  down  in  wrappings  and 
bandages  to  make  them  look  like  serpents,2  and  then 
despatched  them  with  his  arrows.  He  desecrated  the 
rites  of  Mithra3  with  actual  murder,  although  it  was 
customary  in  them  merely  to  say  or  pretend  some- 
thing that  would  produce  an  impression  of  terror. 

X.  Even  as  a  child  he  was  gluttonous  and  lewd.4 
While  a  youth,  he  disgraced  every  class  of  men  in  his 
company  and  was  disgraced  in  turn  by  them.  Who- 
soever ridiculed  him  he  cast  to  the  wild  beasts.  And 
one  man,  who  had  merely  read  the  book  by  Tran- 
quillus 5  containing  the  life  of  Caligula,  he  ordered 
cast  to  the  wild  beasts,  because  Caligula  and  he  had 
the  same  birthday.6  And  if  any  one,  indeed,  ex- 
pressed a  desire  to  die,  he  had  him  hurried  to  death, 
however  really  reluctant. 

In  his  humorous  moments,  too,  he  was  destructive. 
For  example,  he  put  a  starling  on  the  head  of  one 

3  A  Persian  deity,  whose  cult  was  brought  to  Rome  in  the 
time  of  Pompey,  and  became  very  popular  about  the  end  of 
the  first  century   after   Christ.      In   the   course  of   the  next 
two  centuries  the  god,  under  the  name  Sol  Invictus  Mithras, 
was   worshipped   throughout  the  Empire,  and  his  cult  was 
probably  the  most  formidable  rival  of  Christianity. 

4  But  see  note  to  c.  i.  7. 

5 i.e.  Suetonius;  see  note  to  Hadr.,  xi.  3. 
6  See  c.  L  2,  and  Suetonius,  Caligula,  viii.  1. 



miculos  habere,  sturno  adposito,  qui  se  vermes  sectari 
crederet,  capite  suppuratum  reddebat  obtunsione  oris.1 

5  pinguem  hominem    medio   ventre  dissicuit,    ut    eius 

6  intestina  subito  funderentur.     monopodios  et  luscinios 
eos,  quibus  ant  singulos  tulisset  oculos  2  aut  singulos 

7  pedes  fregisset,  appellabat.     multos  praeterea  passim 
exstinxit    alios,    quia    barbarico    habitu    occurrerant, 

8  alioSj  quia  nobiles  et  speciosi  erant.     babuit  in  deliciis 
homines  appellatos  nominibus  verendorum  utriusque 

9  sexus,  quos  libentius  suis  osculis  3  applicabat.     habuit 
et  hominem  pene  prominente  ultra  modum  animalium, 
quern   Onon  appellabat,   sibi    carissimum.     quern    et 
ditavit     et    sacerdotio    Herculis    rustici    praeposuit. 

XL  dicitur    saepe    pretiosissimis    cibis    humana    stercora 

miscuisse  nee  abstinuisse  gustum  aliis,  ut  putabat, 
2  inrisis.  duos  gibbos  retortos  in  lance  argentea  sibi 

sinapi  perfuses  exhibuit  eosdemque  statim  promovit 
Sac  ditavit.  praefectum  praetorii  suum  lulianum 

togatum  praesente   officio  suo  in  piscinam    detrusit. 

quern  saltare  etiam  nudum  ante  concubinas  suas  iussit 
4quatientem  cymbala  deformato  vultu.  genera  4  legu- 

minum  coctorum  ad  convivium  propter  luxuriae  con- 
5  tinuationem  raro  vocavit.  lavabat  per  diem  septies 

1  obtunsione  oris  Petschenig,  Peter3 ;  obtunsioneris  P ;  06- 
tunsionibus  Peter1.  2  oculos  om.  in  P1,  add.  in  P  corr. 

3  osculis  Ursinus  ;   oculis  P.  4  genera  .  .  .  uocauit  P, 

Peter2;  genere  .  .  .  uacauit  Salmasius,  Peter.1 

li.e.  ass. 

2  Apparently  a  private  cult,  carried  on  in  one  of  the  em- 
peror's suburban  estates. 

3  See  c.  vii.  4. 



man  who,  as  he  noticed,  had  a  few  white  hairs,  re- 
sembling worms,  among  the  black,  and  caused  his 
head  to  fester  through  the  continual  pecking  of  the 
bird's  beak — the  bird,  of  course,  imagining  that  it 
was  pursuing  worms.  One  corpulent  person  he  cut 
open  down  the  middle  of  his  belly,  so  that  his  in- 
testines gushed  forth.  Other  men  he  dubbed  one- 
eyed  or  one-footed,  after  he  himself  had  plucked  out 
one  of  their  eyes  or  cut  off  one  of  their  feet.  In  ad- 
dition to  all  this,  he  murdered  many  others  in  many 
places,  some  because  they  came  into  his  presence  in 
the  costume  of  barbarians,  others  because  they  were 
noble  and  handsome.  He  kept  among  his  minions 
certain  men  named  after  the  private  parts  of  both 
sexes,  and  on  these  he  liked  to  bestow  kisses.  He  also 
had  in  his  company  a  man  with  a  male  member  larger 
than  that  of  most  animals,  whom  he  called  Onos.1 
This  man  he  treated  with  great  affection,  and  he 
even  made  him  rich  and  appointed  him  to  the  priest- 
hood of  the  Rural  Hercules.2  XI.  It  is  claimed 
that  he  often  mixed  human  excrement  with  the  most 
expensive  foods,  and  he  did  not  refrain  from  tasting 
them,  mocking  the  rest  of  the  company,  as  he  thought. 
He  displayed  two  misshapen  hunchbacks  on  a  silver 
platter  after  smearing  them  with  mustard,  and  then 
straightway  advanced  'and  enriched  them.  He 
pushed  into  a  swimming-pool  his  praetorian  prefect 
Julianus,3  although  he  was  clad  in  his  toga  and  ac- 
companied by  his  staff;  and  he  even  ordered  this 
same  Julianus  to  dance  naked  before  his  concubines, 
clashing  cymbals  and  making  grimaces.  The  various 
kinds  of  cooked  vegetables  he  rarely  admitted  to  his 
banquets,  his  purpose  being  to  preserve  unbroken  the 
succession  of  dainties.  He  used  to  bathe  seven  and 



6atque  octies  et  in  ipsis  balneis  edebat.  adibat1 
deorum  templa  pollutus  2  stupris  et  humano  sanguine. 

7imitatus  est  et  medicum,  ut  sanguinem  hominibus 
emitteret  scalpris  feralibus. 

8  Menses  quoque  in  honorem  eius  pro  Augusto  Com- 
modum,  pro  Septembri     Herculera,   pro  Octobri  In- 
victum,  pro  Novembri  Exsuperatorium,  pro  Decembri 
Amazonium    ex    signo    ipsius    adulatores    vocabant. 

9  Amazonius  autera  vocatus  est  ex  amore  concubinae 
suae  Marciae,  quam  pictam  in  Amazone    diligebat, 
propter  quam  et  ipse  Amazonico  habitu  in  arenam 
Romanam  procedere  voluit. 

10  Gladiatorium   etiam   certamen    subiit    et   nomina 
gladiatorum  recepit  eo  gaudio  quasi  acciperet  trium- 

11  phalia.     ludum  semper  3  ingressus  est  et,  quotiens  in- 

12  grederetur,  publicis  monumentis  indi  iussit.    pugnasse 
autem  dicitur  septingenties  tricies  quinquies. 

13  Nominatus  inter  Caesares quartum  iduum  Octobrium, 
quas  Herculeas  postea  nominavit,  Pudente  et  Polli- 

14  one  consulibus.     appellatus  German icus  idibus  Hercu- 

1  adibat   ins.   by  Klein.  2 pollutus  P;  polluit  Peter. 

8  semper  P,  Lenze  ;  saepe  Casaubon,  Peter. 

1  Similar  mutilations  are  recorded  by  Dio,  Ixxii.  17,  2. 

2  The  complete  list  of  the  new  names  as  given  to  the  months 
is  contained  in  Dio,  Ixxii.  15,  3.     They  are  all  Commodus'  own 
names  and  titles.    In  Dio's  enumeration  the  new  names  are 
applied  differently  from  the  list  as  given  here,  but  the  dates 
given  in  c.   xi.-xii.  accord  with   Dio,  and  comparison   with 
known  events  shows  that  his  is  the  correct  order. 

3  See  note  to  c.  viii.  6. 

4  For  a  description  of  a  spectacle  lasting  fourteen  days,  in 
which  Commodus  fought  with  wild  beasts  and  gladiators,  see 
Dio,  Ixxii.  18-21. 

8  See  c.  xv.  8.  6  Of.  c.  xv.  4.  7  But  see  c.  xii.  11. 



eight  times  a  day,  and  was  in  the  habit  of  eating 
while  in  the  baths.  He  would  enter  the  temples  of 
the  gods  defiled  with  adulteries  and  human  blood. 
He  even  aped  a  surgeon,  going  so  far  as  to  bleed 
men  to  death  with  scalpels.1 

Certain  months  were  renamed  in  his  honour  by  his 
flatterers ;  for  August  they  substituted  Commodus, 
for  September  Hercules,  for  October  Invictus,  for 
November  Exsuperatorius,  and  for  December 
Amazonius,  after  his  own  surname.2  He  had  been 
called  Amazonius,  moreover,  because  of  his  passion 
for  his  concubine  Marcia,3  whom  he  loved  to  have 
portrayed  as  an  Amazon,  and  for  whose  sake  he  even 
wished  to  enter  the  arena  of  Rome  dressed  as  an 

He  engaged  in  gladiatorial  combats,4  and  accepted 
the  names  usually  given  to  gladiators  5  with  as  much 
pleasure  as  if  he  had  been  granted  triumphal  decora- 
tions. He  regularly  took  part  in  the  spectacles,  and 
as  often  as  he  did  so,  ordered  the  fact  to  be  inscribed 
in  the  public  records.6  It  is  said  that  he  engaged 
in  gladiatorial  bouts  seven  hundred  and  thirty-five 

He  received  the  name  of  Caesar  on  the  fourth  day 
before  the  Ides  of  the  month  usually  called  October,  12  Oct., 
which  he  later  named  Hercules,8  in  the  consulship  of 
Pudens  and  Pollio.9     He  was  called  Germanicus  10  on 

the  Ides  of  "  Hercules  "  in  the  consulship  of  Maxi- 15  Oct., 


8  On  these  names  of  the  months  see  note  to  c.  xi.  8. 

9  For  these  dates  see  c.  ii.  1-5,  and  notes. 

10  The  surname  was  doubtless  assumed  by  Commodus  at 
the  same  time  that  it  was  taken  by  Marcus  (see  note  to  Marc., 
xii.  9).    It  appears  on  a  coin  of  Marcus  and  Commodus  of 
172 ;  see  Cohen,  iii2,  p.  133,  no.  2. 



XII.  leis  Maximo  et  Orfito  consulibus.     adsuraptus  est  in 

omnia  collegia  sacerdotalia  sacerdos  XIII  kal.  Invictas 

2  Pisone  luliano  consulibus.     profectus  in  Germaniam 

3XIIII  kal.  Aelias,  ut  postea  nominavit.     iisdera  con- 

4sulibus  togam  virilem  accepit.     cum  patre  appellatus 

imperator    V    kal.    Exsuperatorias  Pollione    et  Apro 

5  iterum1  consulibus.     triumphavit  X  kal.  Ian.   iisdem 

6  consulibus.     iterum  profectus  III  nonas  Commodias 

7  Orfito  et  Rufo  consulibus.     datus  in  perpetuum  ab 
exercitu  et  senatu  in  domo  Palatina  Commodiana  con- 
servandus  XI  kal.  Romaiias  Praesente  iterum  consule. 

8  tertio  meditans  de  profectione  a  senatu  et  populo  suo 

9  retentus    est.     vota    pro    eo    lacta    sunt    nonis    Piis 

10  Fusciano    iterum    consule.      inter    haec    refertur    in 
litteras  pugnasse  ilium  sub  patre  trecenties  sexagies 

11  quinquies.2     item    postea  tantum  palmarum    gladia- 
toriarum  confecisse  vel  victis  retiariis  vel  occisis,  ut 

12mille  contingeret.  ferarum  autem  diversarum  manu 
sua  occidit,  ita  ut  elephantos  occideret,  multa  milia. 
et  haec  fecit  spectante  saepe  populo  Romano. 

XIII.  Fuit  autem  validus  ad  haec,  alias  debilis  et 
innrmus,  vitio  etiam  inter  inguina  prominenti,  ita  ut 

1  so  Peter ;  iterum  et  AJJTO  P.  "  quinties  P. 

1  The  official  language  describing  his  enthronement. 

2  See  note  to  c.  viii.  6. 

3 Perhaps  because  of  the  plague  (see  Marc.,  xiii.  3)  which 
seems  to  have  broken  out  again  about  this  time;  see  Dio, 
Ixxii.  14,  3;  Herodian,  i.  12,  1-2. 

4  A  gladiator  provided  with  a  heavy  net  in  which  he  tried 
to  entangle  his  opponent;  if  successful  he  then  killed  him 
with  a  dagger. 

BBut  see  c.  xi.  12.  6See  iiote  to  c.  xi.  10. 



mus  and  Orfitus.     XII.   He  was  received  into  all  the 
sacred    colleges   as  a  priest    on    the    thirteenth   day  20  Jan. 
before  the  Kalends  of  "  Invictus,"  in  the  consulship     175 
of  Piso  and  Julianus.      He  set  out  for  Germany  on 
the  fourteenth  day  before  the  Kalends  of  the  month  19  May, 
which  he  later  named  Aelius,  and  assumed  the  toga     175 
in  the  same  year.     Together  with  his  father  he  was 
acclaimed    Imperator    on    the    fifth    day   before    the  27  Nov., 
Kalends    of    "  Exsuperatorius,"    in    the    year   when     176 
Pollio  and  A  per  served  their  second  consulships,  and 
he  celebrated  a  triumph  on  the  tenth  day  before  the  23  Dec., 
Kalends  of  January  in  this  same  year.      He  set  out 
on  his  second  expedition  on  the  third  day  before  the3  Aug., 
Nones  of  "  Commodus  "    in  the  consulship  of  Orfitus 
and     Rufus.       He    was  officially    presented    by    the 
army  and  the  senate  to  be  maintained  in  perpetuity 
in  the  Palatine  mansion,1  henceforth  called  Commodi- 
ana/2    on    the  eleventh    day  before  the    Kalends   of  22  Oct., 
"Romanus,"  in   the   year  that    Praesens  was  consul 
for  the  second  time.     When  he  laid  plans  for  a  third 
expedition,    he   was    persuaded    by    the    senate   and 
people  to  give  it  up.     Vows 3  were  assumed  in  his 
behalf  on  the  Nones  of  "Pius/'  when  Fuscianus  was  5  April, 
consul  for  the  second  time.     Besides  these  facts,  it  is 
related  in  records  that    he  fought    365    gladiatorial 
combats  in  his  father's  reign.     Afterwards,  by  van- 
quishing o:  slaying  retiarii,4  he  won   enough   gladia- 
torial crowns  to  bring  the  number  up  to  a  thousand.5 
He  also  killed  with  his  own  hand  thousands  of  wild 
beasts  of  all  kinds,    even  elephants.      And  he  fre- 
quently did  these  things  before  the  eyes  of  the  Roman 

XIII.   But,  though  vigorous  enough   for  such  ex- 
ploits, he  was  otherwise  weak  and  diseased  ;  indeed, 



eius  tumorem   per  sericas  vestes   populus    Romanus 

2  agnosceret.     versus  in  eo  multi  script!  sunt,  de  quibus 

3  etiam  in  opere  suo  Marius  Maximus  gloriatur.     virium 
ad  conficiendas  feras  tantarum  fuit,   ut   elephantum 
conto  transfigeret l  et  orygis  cornu  basto  transmiserit 
et  singulis  ictibus  multa  milia  ferarum  ingentium  con- 

4ficeret.  impudentiae  tantae  fuit,  ut  cum  muliebri 
veste  in  arnphi theatre  vel  theatre  sedens  publice 
saepissime  biberit. 

5  Victi  sunt  sub  eo  tamen,  cum  ille  sic  viveret,  per 
legates  Mauri,    victi  Daci,   Pannoniae   quoque    com- 
positae,  in  -   Britannia,  in  Germania  et  in  Dacia  im- 

6  perium  eius  recusantibus  provincialibus.     quae  omnia 

7  ista  per  duces  sedata  sunt.     ipse  Commodus  in  sub- 
scribendo    tardus    et    neglegens,    ita  ut    libellis  una 
forma  multis  subscriberet,  in  epistulis  autem  plurimis 

8  '  Vale  '  tantum  scriberet.      agebanturque  omnia    per 
alios,    qui  etiam    condemnationes    in    sinum  vertisse 

XIV.  dicuntur.      per   hanc   autem    negiegentiam,    cum    et 
annonam  vastarent  ii  qui  tune  rein  publicam  gerebant, 

1  transigeret  P.  2  in  om.  in  P. 

1  An  inscription  from  Mauretania,  set  up  between  184  and 
the  death  of  Commodus,  records  the  construction  and  repair 
of  redoubts  along  the  border,  and  is  probably  to  be  connected 
with  this  outbreak;  see  Dessau,   Ins.    Sel.,  396.     This  may 
also  be  the  revolt  alluded  to  in  Pert.,  iv.  2. 

2  Probably  in  182,  when  Commodus  was  acclaimed  Im- 
perator  for  the  fiifth  time  (see  Cohen,  iii2,  p.  337,  nos.  840- 
847).     A  large  number  of  Dacians  who  had  been  driven  from 
their  homes  were  granted  land  in  Roman  territory ;  see  Dio, 
Ixxii.  3,  3. 



he  had  such  a  conspicuous  growth  on  his  groin  that 
the  people  of  Rome  could  see  the  swelling  through  his 
silken  robes.  Many  verses  were  written  alluding  to 
this  deformity  ;  and  Marius  Maximus  prides  himself 
on  preserving  these  in  his  biography  of  Commodus. 
Such  was  his  prowess  in  the  slaying  of  wild  beasts, 
that  he  once  transfixed  an  elephant  with  a  pole, 
pierced  a  gazelle's  horn  with  a  spear,  and  on  a 
thousand  occasions  dispatched  a  mighty  beast  with  a 
single  blow.  Such  was  his  complete  indifference  to 
propriety,  that  time  and  again  he  sat  in  the  theatre 
or  amphitheatre  dressed  in  a  woman's  garments 
and  drank  quite  publicly. 

The  Moors l  and  the  Dacians 2  were  conquered 
during  his  reign,  and  peace  was  established  in  the 
Pannonias,3  but  all  by  his  legates,  since  such  was  the 
manner  of  his  life.  The  provincials  in  Britain,4  Dacia, 
and  Germany  5  attempted  to  cast  off  his  yoke,  but  all 
these  attempts  were  put  down  by  his  generals. 
Commodus  himself  was  so  lazy  and  careless  in  signing 
documents  that  he  answered  many  petitions  with  the 
same  formula,  while  in  very  many  letters  he  merely 
wrote  the  word  "  Farewell ".  All  official  business  was 
carried  on  by  others,  who,  it  is  said,  even  used  con- 
demnations to  swell  their  purses.  XIV.  And  because 
he  was  so  careless,  moreover,  a  great  famine  arose  in 

3  An  inscription  of  185  records  the  construction  of  redoubts 
along  the  Danube;  see  C.I. If.,  Hi.  3385  =  Dessau,  Ins.  Sel., 

4  See  c.  vi.  2  and  note. 

5  Probably  in  187-188.    It  is  referred  to  in  an  inscription  as 
expeditio  felicissima  tertia  Germanica ;   see  C.I.L.,  v.  2155 
=  Dessau,  Ins.  Sel.,  1574.    According  to  c.  xii.  8,  Commodus 
wished  to  lead  the  expedition  but  the  "  senate  and  people  " 
would  not  allow  it. 



etiam    inopia  ingens  Romae  exorta  est,  cum  fruges 

2  non l  deessent.     et  eos  quidem  qui  omnia  vastabaiit 

3  postea  Commodus  occidit  atque  proscripsit.     ipse  vero 
saeculum  aureum  Commodianum  nomine  adsimulans 
vilitatem  proposuit,  ex  qua  rnaiorem  penuriam  fecit. 

4  Multi  sub  eo  et  alienam  poenam  et  salutem  suam 

5  pecunia  redemerunt.       vendidit  etiam  suppliciorum 
diversitates  et  sepulturas  et  imninutiones  malorum  et 

6  alios  pro  aliis  occidit.     vendidit  etiam  provincias  et 
administrationes,  cum  ii  per  quos    veiideret  partem 

7  acciperent,  partem  vero  Commodus.      vendidit  non- 
nullis    et   inimicorum  suorum    caedes.      vendiderunt 

8  sub    eo    etiam    eventus    litium    liberti.       praefectos 
Paternum  et  Perennem  non  diu  tulit,  ita  tameii  ut 
etiam  de  iis    praefectis  quos   ipse  fecerat  triennium 
iiullus  impleret,  quorum  plurimos  interfecit  vel  veiieno 
vel  gladio.    et  praefectos  urbi  eadem  facilitate  mutavit. 

XV.  cubicularios  suos  libenter  occidit,  cum  omnia  ex  nutu 

2  eorum  semper  fecisset.     Eclectus2  cubicularius  cum 
videret  eum  tarn  facile  cubicularios  occidere,  praevenit 
eum  et  faction!  mortis  eius  interiuit. 

3  Spectator  gladiatoria  sumpsit  arma,  panno  purpureo 
4nudos  umeros  advelans.   habuit  praeterea  inorem,   ut 

1  So  P  (Ballou  in  "  Class.  Philol.,"  iii.  p.  273) ;  et  non  in  P 
ace.  to  Peter.  2  Eclectus  Mommsen,  Peter;  electus  P. 

1  See  note  to  c.  vii.  1. 

3  It  was  enacted  by  special  decree,  according  to  Dio,  Ixxii. 

3  See  c.  iv.  7-8  and  vi.  2. 

4  Of.  c.  vi.  6-8;  vii.  4;  ix.  2.     Even  Oleander  was  prefect 
only  from  186  to  189. 

5  He  had  been  a  freedman  and  favourite  of  Lucius  Verus  ; 
see  Ver.,  ix.  6. 

fi  See  c.  xvii.  1. 



Rome,  not  because  there  was  any  real  shortage  of 
crops,  but  merely  because  those  whothen  ruled  the  state 
were  plundering  the  food  supply.1  As  for  those  who 
plundered  on  every  hand,  Commodus  afterwards  put 
them  to  death  and  confiscated  their  property  ;  but 
for  the  time  he  pretended  that  a  golden  age  had 
come,2  "  Commodian  "  by  name,  and  ordered  a  general 
reduction  of  prices,  the  result  of  which  was  an  even 
greater  scarcity. 

In  his  reign  many  a  man  secured  punishment  for 
another  or  immunity  for  himself  by  bribery.  Indeed, 
in  return  for  money  Commodus  would  grant  a  change 
of  punishment,  the  right  of  burial,  the  alleviation  of 
wrongs,  and  the  substitution  of  another  for  one  con- 

O     " 

demned  to  be  put  to  death.  He  sold  provinces  and 
administrative  posts,  part  of  the  proceeds  accruing  to 
those  through  whom  he  made  the  sale  and  part  to 
Commodus  himself.  To  some  he  sold  even  the 
lives  of  their  enemies.  Under  him  the  imperial 
freedmen  sold  even  the  results  of  law-suits.  He  did 
not  long  put  up  with  Paternus  and  Perennis  as  pre- 
fects ;  3  indeed,  not  one  of  the  prefects  whom  he  him- 
self had  appointed  remained  in  office  as  long  as  three 
years.4  Most  of  them  he  killed,  some  with  poison, 
some  with  the  sword.  ,  XV.  Prefects  of  the  city 
he  changed  with  equal  readiness.  He  executed  his 
chamberlains  with  no  compunctions  whatever,  even 
though  all  that  he  had  done  had  been  at  their  bidding. 
One  of  these  chamberlains,  however,  Eclectus  by 
name,5  forestalled  him  when  he  saw  how  ready 
Commodus  was  to  put  the  chamberlains  to  death,  and 
took  part  in  a  conspiracy  to  kill  him.6 

At  gladiatorial  shows  he  would  come  to  watch  and 
stay  to  fight,  covering  his  bare  shoulders  with  a  purple 



omnia  quae  turpiter,  quae  impure,  quae  crudeliter, 
quae  gladiatorie,  quae  lenonie  faceret,  actis  urbis  indi 

5  iuberet,  ut  Marii  Maximi  scripta  testantur.  Commo- 
dianum  etiam  populum  Romanum  dixit,  quo  saepis- 

6sirne  praesente  gladiator  pugnavit.  sane  cum  illi 
saepe  pugnanti  ut  deo  populus  favisset,  inrisum  se 
credens  populum  Romanum  a  militibus  classiariis, 
qui  vela  ducebant,  in  amphitheatre  interimi  prae- 

7ceperat.  urbem  incendi  iusserat,  utpote  coloniam 
suam.  quod  factum  esset,  nisi  Laetus  praefectus 

Spraetorii  Commodum  deterruisset.  appellatus  est 
sane  inter  cetera  triumphalia  nomina  etiam  sescenties 
vicies  Palus  Primus  Secutorum. 

XVI.   Prodigia  eius  imperio  et  publice  et  privatim 

2  haec  facta  sunt :  crinita  stella  apparuit.  vestigia 
deorum  in  foro  visa  sunt  exeuntia.  et  ante  bellum 
desertorum  caelum  arsit.  et  repentina  caligo  ac 
tenebra  in  Circo  kalendis  lanuariis  oborta  ;  et  ante 

1  The  Ada  Urbis  or  Acta  Diurna  was  a  publication  begun 
by  Julius  Caesar  and  continued  by  his  successors,  which  con- 
tained  official  announcements,    and  general  news  that  the 
government  desired  to  convey  to  the  public. 

2  Of.  c.  xi.  11.  3See  c.  viii.  6  and  note. 
4  See  c.  xi.  10  and  note. 

6  In  192  a  fire  devastated  the  district  east  of  the  Forum  and 
a  portion  of  the  Palatine  ;  see  Dio,  Ixxii.  24,  and  Herodian,  i. 
14,  2-6.  This  seems  to  be  the  fire  here  alluded  to,  but  accord- 
ing to  Dio,  Commodus  was  in  no  way  responsible  for  it. 
After  rebuilding  what  the  fire  had  destroyed,  Commodus  as- 
sumed the  title  Conditar ;  see  Cohen,  iii2,  p.  251  f.,  nos.  181- 

6  See  c.  xvii.  1. 

7  According  to  Dio,  Ixxii.  22,  3,  this  was  engraved  along  with 
his  other  titles  on  the  Colossus  (see  c.  xvii.  10).      The  term 



cloth.  And  it  was  his  custom,  moreover,  to  order 
the  insertion  in  the  city-gazette  l  of  everything  he 
did  that  was  base  or  foul  or  cruel,  or  typical  of  a 
gladiator 2  or  a  procurer — at  least,  the  writings  of 
Marius  Maximus  so  testify.  He  entitled  the 
Roman  people  the  "  People  of  Commodus,"  3  since  he 
had  very  often  fought  as  a  gladiator  in  their  presence.4 
And  although  the  people  regularly  applauded  him  in 
his  frequent  combats  as  though  he  were  a  god,  he  be- 
came convinced  that  he  was  being  laughed  at,  and 
gave  orders  that  the  Roman  people  should  be  slain  in 
the  Amphitheatre  by  the  marines  who  spread  the 
awnings.  He  gave  an  order,  also,  for  the  burning  of 
the  city,5  as  though  it  were  his  private  colony,  and 
this  order  would  have  been  executed  had  not  Laetus,6 
the  prefect  of  the  guard,  deterred  him.  Among 
other  triumphal  titles,  he  was  also  given  the  name 
"  Captain  of  the  Secutores  "  7  six  hundred  and  twenty 

XVI.  The  prodigies  that  occurred  in  his  reign,  both 
those  which  concerned  the  state  and  those  which 
affected  Commodus  personally,  were  as  follows.  A 
comet  appeared.  Footprints  of  the  gods  were  seen  in 
the  Forum  departing  from  it.  Before  the  war  of  the 

deserters  8  the  heavens  were  ablaze.     On  the  Kalends  i  Jan., 

primus  palus  is  formed  on  the  analogy  of  primus  pilus,  the 

first  centurion  of  a  legion.  The  palus  was  the  wooden  pike 
used  by  gladiators  in  practice.  A  secutor  wore  a  helmet  and 
greaves  and  was  armed  with  a  long  shield  and  a  sword. 

8  An  outbreak  in  Gaul  in  186,  headed  by  a  soldier  named 
Maternus,  who  gathered  a  band  of  fellow-soldiers  and  desper- 
adoes and  plundered  the  country.  The  Roman  troops  under 
Pescennius  Niger  defeated  and  scattered  them ;  whereupon, 
Maternus  himself  fled  to  Italy  and  attempted  to  assassinate 
Commodus,  but  was  caught  and  beheaded ;  see  Herodian,  i. 
10,  and  Pesc.  Nig.,  iii.  4. 



3  lucem  fuerant  etiam  incendiariae  aves  ac  dirae.     de 
Palatio  ipse  ad  Caelium  montem  in  Vectilianas  aedes 

4  migravit,  negans  se  in  Palatio  posse  clormire.     Ian  us 
geminus  sua  sponte  apertus  est,  et  Anubis  simulacrum 

Smarmoreum  moveri  visum  est.  Herculis  signum 
aeiieum  sudavit  in  Minucia  per  plures  dies,  bubo 
etiam  supra  cubiculum  eius  deprehensa  est  tarn  Romae 

6quam  Lanuvii.  ipse  autem  prod igium  non  leve  sibi 
fecit ;  nam  cum  in  gladiatoris  occisi  vulnus  mauum 
misisset,  ad  caput  s;bi  detersit,  et  contra  consuetudi- 
nem  paenulatos  iussit  spectatores  noil  togatos  ad  mu- 
nus  convenire,  quod  funeribus  solebat,  ipse  in  pullis 

7  vestimentis    praesidens.     galea  eius    bis  per    portam 
Libitinensem  elata  est. 

8  Congiarium  dedit  populo  singulis  denarios  septin- 
genos  vicenos  quinos.     circa  alios  omnes  parcissimus 
fuit,    quod    luxuriae  sumptibus    aerarium    minuerat.1 

1  miniieret  P. 

1  Regarded  in  early  times  as  birds  of  ill-omen  ;  in  the  first 
century  after  Christ,  however,  there  was  considerable  difference 
of  opinion  as  to  their  identification  ;  see  Plin.,  Nat.  Hist.,  x.  36. 

2  The  school  for  gladiatoi  s ;  it  was  in  the  general  neighbour- 
hood  of   the  Colosseum.     Commodus  planned   to  spend  the 
night  of  31  Dec.,  192  here,  before  appearing  in  public  on  the 
next  day  as  a  secutor  ;  see  Dio,  Ixxii.  22,  2. 

3  It  was  an  ancient  custom  that  these  gates  should  be  open 
when  Rome  was  at  war. 

4  See  note  to  c.  ix.  4. 

5  The  two  portions  Minutiae  were  situated  in  the  low-lying 
district  between  the  Capitoline  Hill  and  the  Tiber,  close  to 
the  Theatre   of   Marcellus.     They   were   called   respectively 
Vetus  and  Frumentaria ;  in  the  latter  were  distributed  the 
tickets  which  entitled  the  holders  to  receive  grain  from  the 
public  granaries. 

6  According  to  Dio,  Ixxii.  21,  3,  these  cloaks  were  never 
worn  at  the  theatre  except  when  an  emperor  died. 



of  January  a  swift  coming  mist  and  darkness  arose  in 
the  Circus  ;  and  before  dawn  there  had  already  been 
fire-birds  l  and  ill-boding  portents.  Commodus  him- 
self moved  his  residence  from  the  Palace  to  the 
Vectilian  Villa 2  on  the  Caelian  hill,  saying  that  he 
could  not  sleep  in  the  Palace.  The  twin  gates  of  the 
temple  of  Janus  3  opened  of  their  own  accord,  and  a 
marble  image  of  Anubis 4  was  seen  to  move.  In 
the  Minucian  Portico  5  a  bronze  statue  of  Hercules 
sweated  for  several  days.  An  owl,  moreover,  was 
caught  above  his  bed-chamber  both  at  Lanuvium  and 
at  Rome.  He  was  himself  responsible  for  no  incon- 
siderable an  omen  relating  to  himself ;  for  afte-r  he  had 
plunged  his  hand  into  the  wound  of  a  slain  gladiator  he 
wiped  it  on  his  own  head,  and  again,  contrary  to  cus- 
tom, he  ordered  the  spectators  to  attend  his  gladia- 
torial shows  clad  not  in  togas  but  in  cloaks,  a  practice 
usual  at  funerals,6  while  he  himself  presided  in  the 
vestments  of  a  mourner.  Twice,  moreover,  his  helmet 
was  borne  through  the  Gate  of  Libitina.7 

He  gave  largess  to  the  people,  725  denarii  to  each 
man.8  Toward  all  others  he  was  close-fisted  to  a 
degree,  since  the  exp&nse  of  his  luxurious  living  had 
drained  the  treasury.  He  held  many  races  in  the 
Circus,9  but  rather  as  the  result  of  a  whim  than  as 

7  The  gate  of  an  amphitheatre  through  which  were  dragged 
the  bodies  of  slain  gladiators.     Libitina  was  the  goddess  who 
presided  over  funerals. 

8  This  sum  must  be  greatly  exaggerated,  unless  it  is  a  com- 
putation of  what  each  citizen  received  during  the  whole  of 
Commodus'  reign.     According  to  Dio,  Ixxii.  16,  1,  he  often 
gave  individual  largesses  of  140  denarii,  and  his  coins  show 
nine  occasions  when  largess  was  given  by  him,  seven  of  which 
date  from  the  time  of  his  reign  as  sole  emperor. 

9 On  one  occasion  he  exhibited  thirty  races  in  two  hours; 
see  Dio,  Ixxii.  16,  1. 



9  circenses    multos    addidit    ex    libidine    potius    quam 
religione  et  ut  doniinos  factionum  ditaret. 

XVII.     His    incitati,    licet    nimis    sero,     Quintus 
Aemilius  Laetus  praefectus  et  Marcia  concubina  eius 

2  inierunt  coniurationem  ad  occidendum  eum.    primum- 
que  ei  venenum  dederunt  ;  quod  cum  minus  operare- 
tur,  per   athletarn,  cum    quo   exerceri    solebat,   eum 

3  Fuit  forma  quidem  corporis  iusta,  vultu  insubido, 
ut  ebriosi  solent,  et  sermone  incondite,  capillo  semper 
fucato  et  auri  ramentis  inluminato,  adurens  comam 
et  barbam  timore  tonsoris. 

4  Corpus  eius  ut  unco  traheretur  atque  in  Tiberim 
mitteretur,  senatus  et  populus  postulavit,  sed  postea 
iussu  Pertinacis  in  monumentum  Hadriani  translatum 

5  Opera  eius  praeter  lavacrum,  quod  Oleander  nomine 

6  ipsius  fecerat,  nulla  exstant.     sed  nomen  eius  alienis 

7  operibus  incisum  senatus  erasit.     nee  patris  autem  sui 
opera   perfecit.      classem    Africanam    instituit,    quae 
subsidio  esset,  si  forte  Alexandrina  frumenta  cessassent. 

8  ridicule  etiam  Carthaginem  Alexandriam  Commodian- 


am  togatam  appellavit,  cum  classem  quoque  Africanam 
sCommodianam   Herculeam    appellasset.      ornamenta 

1  See  note  to  Ver.,  iv.  8. 

2  The  story  of  the  murder  is  given  in  greater  detail  by  Dio, 
Ixxii.  22,  4,  and  especially  by  Herodian,  i.  16-17.     Eclectus 
was  also  one  of  the  conspirators  ;  see  c.  xv.  2. 

3  It  was  customary  to  fasten  a  hook  to  the  bodies  of  con- 
demned criminals  and  thus  drag  them  to  the    Tiber.     The 
populace  had  demanded  that  this  should  be  done  to  the  body 
of  Tiberius  (Suetonius,  Tiberius,  Ixv.  1). 

4  Of.  c.  xx.  1,  and  Dio,  Ixxiii.  2,  1.     For  his  sepulchral  in- 
scription see  C.I.L.,  vi.  992  =  Dessau,  Ins.  Sel.,  401. 

6  The  Thermae  Commodianae  ;  their  exact  site  is  unknown. 



an  act  of  religion,  and  also  in  order  to  enrich  the 
leaders  of  the  factions.1 

XVII.  Because  of  these  things — but  all  too  late — 
Quintus  Aemilius  Laetus,  prefect  of  the  guard,  and 
Marcia,  his  concubine,  were  roused  to  action  and 
entered  into  a  conspiracy  against  his  life.  First  they 
gave  him  poison  ;  and  when  this  proved  ineffective 
they  had  him  strangled  by  the  athlete  with  whom  31  Dec., 
he  was  accustomed  to  exercise.2 

Physically  he  was  very  well  proportioned.  His  ex- 
pression was  dull,  as  is  usual  in  drunkards,  and  his 
speech  uncultivated.  His  hair  was  always  dyed  and 
made  lustrous  by  the  use  of  gold  dust,  and  he  used  to 
singe  his  hair  and  beard  because  he  was  afraid  of 

The  people  and  senate  demanded  that  his  body  be 
dragged  with  the  hook  and  cast  into  the  Tiber ;  3 
later,  however,  at  the  bidding  of  Pertinax,  it  was 
borne  to  the  Mausoleum  of  Hadrian.4 

No  public  works  of  his  are  in  existence,  except  the 
bath  which  Cleander  built  in  his  name.5  But 
he  inscribed  his  name  on  the  works  of  others ;  this 
the  senate  erased.6  Indeed,  he  did  not  even  finish 
the  public  works  of  bis  father.  He  did  organize  an 
African  fleet,  which  would  have  been  useful,  in  case 
the  grain-supply  from  Alexandria  were  delayed.7 
He  jestingly  named  Carthage  Alexandria  Com- 
modiana  Togata,  after  entitling  the  African  fleet 
Commodiana  Herculea.8  He  made  certain  additions 

6  Of.  c.  xx.  5.     Many  inscriptions  found  throughout  the 
empire  show  Commodus'  name  carefully  erased.     The  same 
procedure  followed  the  death  of  Domitian. 

7  The  fleet  was  to  convey  grain  to  Borne  from  the  province 
of  Africa. 

8  See  note  to  c.  viii.  6. 



sane  quaedam  Colosso    addidit,    quae  postea  cuncta 

lOsublata    sunt.      Colossi    autem    caput  dempsit,    quod 

Neronis  esset,  ac  suum  imposuit  et  titulum  more  solito 

subscripsit,  ita  ut  ilium  Gladiatorium  et  Effeminatum 

11  non  praetermitteret.     hunc  tamen  Se^erus,  imperator 
gravis  et  vir  norninis  sui,  odio,  quantum  l  videtur,  senat- 
us  inter  deos  rettulit,  flamine  addito,  quern  ipse  vivus 
sibi  paraverat,  Herculaneo  Commodiano. 

12  Sorores   tres   superstites  reliquit.      ut    natalis    eius 
celebraretur,  Severus  instituit. 

XVIII.   Adclamationes  senatus  post  mortem  Com- 

2  modi  graves  fuerunt.     ut  autem  sciretur  quod  iudi- 
cium  senatus  de  Commodo  fuerit,  ipsas  adclamationes 
de   Mario  Maximo  indidi  et  sententiam  senatus  con- 
sulti : 

3  "  Hosti   patriae    honores    detrahantur.      parricidae 
honores     detrahantur.     parricida    trahatur.        hostis 
patriae,    parricida,     gladiator    in     spoliario    lanietur. 

4  hostis  deorum,  carnifex  senatus,  hostis  deorum,  par- 

5  ricida  senatus  ;  hostis  deorum,  hostis  senatus.     gladi- 
atorem  in  spoliario.  qui  senatum  occidit,  in  spoliario 
ponatur ;    qui    senatum    occidit,    unco    trahatur ;   qui 
innocentes  occidit,  unco  trahatur.     hostis,   parricida, 

1  quantum  Peter  ;  quam  P. 

X0n  the  Colossus  see  Hadr.,  xix.  12-13  and  note.  This 
passage  is  incorrect,  since  Hadrian  had  replaced  the  head  of 
Nero  by  that  of  the  Sun.  According  to  Dio,  Ixxii.  22,  3, 
Commodus  also  added  the  club  and  lion's  skin  characteristic 
of  Hercules  (see  c.  viii.  5).  Dio  also  gives  the  inscription 
(cf.  c.  xv.  8). 

2 Commemorated   by  coins  with  the  legend   Consecratio  ; 



to  the  Colossus  by  way  of  ornamentation,  all  of  which 
were  later  taken  off',  and  he  also  removed  its  head, 
which  was  a  likeness  of  Nero,  and  replaced  it  by  a 
likeness  of  himself,  writing  on  the  pedestal  an  inscrip- 
tion in  his  usual  style,  not  omitting  the  titles  Gladia- 
torius  and  Effeminatus.1  And  yet  Severus,  a  stern 
emperor  and  a  man  whose  character  was  well  in  keep- 
ing with  his  name,  moved  by  hatred  for  the  senate — 
or  so  it  seems — exalted  this  creature  to  a  place  among 
the  gods 2  and  granted  him  also  a  flamen,  the 
"  Herculaneus  Commodianus,"  whom  Commodus 
while  still  alive  had  planned  to  have  for  himself. 

Three  sisters  3  survived  him.  Severus  instituted 
the  observance  of  his  birthday. 

XVIII."  Loud  were  the  acclamations  of  the  senate 
after  the  death  of  Commodus.  And  that  the  senate's 
opinion  of  him  may  be  known,  I  have  quoted  from 
Marius  Maximus  the  acclamations  themselves,4  and 
the  content  of  the  senate's  decree  : 

"  From  him  who  was  a  foe  of  his  fatherland  let  his 
honours  be  taken  away ;  let  the  honours  of  the 
murderer  be  taken  away  ;  let  the  murderer  be  dragged 
in  the  dust.  The  foe  of  his  fatherland,  the  murderer, 
the  gladiator,  in  the  charnel-house  let  him  be 
mangled.  He  is  foe  to  the  gods,  slayer  of  the  senate, 
foe  to  the  gods,  murderer  of  the  senate,  foe  of  the 
gods,  foe  of  the  senate.  Cast  the  gladiator  into  the 
charnel-house.  He  who  slew  the  senate,  let  him  be 
dragged  with  the  hook  ;  he  who  slew  the  guiltless,  let 

see  Cohen,  iii2,  p.  234,  no.  61 ;  see  also  p.  359,  nos.  1009-1010. 
He  also  appears  as  Divus  Commodus  in  inscriptions. 

3Arria  Fadilla,  Cornificia,  and  Vibia  Aurelia  Sabina. 

4  Cf.  Av.  Cass.,  xiii.  1  and  note.  The  outcries  are  mentioned 
by  Dio,  Ixxiii.  2,  2-4. 



6  vere    vere.1     qui    sanguini    suo    non    pepercit,    unco 

7  trahatur.     qui  te  occisurus  fuit,  unco  trahatur.     110- 
biscum    timuisti,  nobiscum  periclitatus  es.     ut  salvi 
simus,    luppiter   optime    maxime,    serva   nobis    Per- 

Stinacem.  fidei  praetorianorum  feliciter.  praetoriis 
cohortibus  feliciter.  exercitibus  Romanis  feliciter. 
pietati  senatus  feliciter. 

9      Parricida  trahatur.      rogamus,    Auguste,    parricida 

10  trahatur.      hoc  rogamus,   parricida  trahatur.      exaudi 
Caesar  :  delatores  ad  leonem.     exaudi  Caesar  :  Spera- 

11  turn  ad  leonem.      victoriae   populi  Roman!   feliciter. 
fidei  militum  feliciter.     fidei  praetorianorum  feliciter. 
cohortibus  praetoriis  feliciter. 

Hostis  statuas  undique,  parricidae  statuas  undique, 
gladiatoris  statuas  undique.     gladiatoris  et  parricidae 

13  statuae  detrahantur.     necator  civium  trahatur.     parri- 
cida civium  trahatur.     gladiatoris  statuae  detrahantur. 

14  te  salvo  salvi  et  securi  sumus,  vere  vere,  modo  vere, 
modo  digne,  modo  vere,  modo  libere. 

15  Nunc  securi  sumus  ;  delatoribus  metum.    ut  securi 
simus,2  delatoribus  metum.    ut  3  salvi  simus,  delatores 
de  senatu,  delatoj-ibus  fustem.     te  salvo  delatores  ad 

16  leonem.     te  imperante  delatoribus  fustem. 

1  uere  Peter;  seuere  P.  2 sumus  P.  zut  ins.  by 

Salmasius ;  orn.  in  P. 

1  Evidently  addressed  to  Pertinax 

2  Cf.  Pert.,  v.  1.  3  Apparently  an  informer. 



him  be  dragged  with  the  hook — a  foe,  a  murderer, 
verily,  verily.  He  who  spared  not  his  own  blood,  let 
him  be  dragged  with  the  hook  ;  he  who  would  have 
slain  you,1  let  him  be  dragged  with  the  hook.  You 
were  in  terror  along  with  us,  you  were  endangered 
along  with  us.  That  we  may  be  safe,  O  Jupiter  Best 
and  Greatest,  save  for  us  Pertinax.2  Long  life  to  the 
guardian  care  of  the  praetorians  !  Long  life  to  the 
praetorian  cohorts  1  Long  life  to  the  armies  of  Rome  ! 
Long  life  to  the  loyalty  of  the  senate  ! 

Let  the  murderer  he  dragged  in  the  dust.  We 
beseech  you,  O  Sire,  let  the  murderer  be  dragged  in 
the  dust.  This  we  beseech  you,  let  the  murderer  be 
dragged  in  the  dust.  Hearken,  Caesar:  to  the  lions 
with  the  informers  !  Hearken  Caesar :  to  the  lions 
with  Speratus  !  3  Long  life  to  the  victory  of  the 
Roman  people !  Long  life  to  the  soldiers'  guardian 
care  !  Long  life  to  the  guardian  care  of  the  prae- 
torians !  Long  life  to  the  praetorian  cohorts  ! 

On  all  sides  are  statues  of  the  foe,  on  all  sides  are 
statues  of  the  murderer,  on  all  sides  are  statues  of 
the  gladiator.  The  statues  of  the  murderer  and 
gladiator,  let  them  be  cast  down.  The  slayer  of 
citizens,  let  him  be  dragged  in  the  dust.  The 
murderer  of  citizens,  let  him  be  dragged  in  the  dust. 
Let  the  statues  of  the  gladiator  be  overthrown. 
While  you  are  safe,  we  too  are  safe  and  untroubled, 
verily,  verily,  if  in  very  truth,  then  with  honour,  if 
in  very  truth,  then  with  freedom. 

Now  at  last  we  are  secure ;  let  informers  tremble. 
That  we  may  be  secure,  let  informers  tremble.  That 
we  may  be  safe,  cast  informers  out  of  the  senate,  the  club 
for  informers  !  While  you  are  safe,  to  the  lions  with 
informers !  While  you  are  ruler,  the  club  for  informers  ! 



XIX.  Parricidae  gladiatoris  memoria  aboleatur, 
parricidae  gladiatoris  statuae  detrahantur.  impuri 
gladiatoris  memoria  aboleatur.  gladiatorem  in  spoli- 

2  ario.    exaudi  Caesar  :  carnifex  unco  trahatur.    carnifex 
senatus  more  maiorum  unco  trahatur.     saevior  Do- 
mitiano,    impurior    Nerone.     sic    fecit,    sic  patiatur. 
memoriae  innocentium  serventur.     honores  innocent- 
ium    restituas,  rogamus.       parricidae    cadaver    unco 

3  trahatur.     gladiatoris   cadaver  unco  trahatur.     gladi- 
atoris cadaver  in  spoliario  ponatur.     perroga,  perroga : 

4omnes  censemus  unco  trahendum.  qui  omnes  occi- 
dit,  unco  trahatur.  qui  omnem  aetatem  occidit,  unco 
trahatur.  qui  utrumque  sexum  occidit,  unco  trahatur. 

5  qui  sanguini  suo  non  pepercit,  unco  trahatur.  qui 
templa  spoliavit,  unco  trahatur.  qui  testamenta  de- 
levit,  unco  trahatur.  qui  vivos  spoliavit,  unco  trahatur. 

eservis  serviimus.  qui  pretia  vitae  exegit,  unco  tra- 
hatur. qui  pretia  vitae  exegit  et  fidem  non  servavit, 
unco  trahatur.  qui  senatum  vendidit,  unco  trahatur. 
qui  filiis  abstulit  hereditatem,  unco  trahatur. 

7      Indices  de  senatu,  delatores  de  senatu,   servorum 



Let  the  memory  of  the  murderer  and  the  gladiator 
be  utterly  wiped  away.  Let  the  statues  of  the  mur- 
derer and  the  gladiator  be  overthrown.  Let  the 
memory  of  the  foul  gladiator  be  utterly  wiped  away. 
Cast  the  gladiator  into  the  charnel-house.  Hearken, 
Caesar :  let  the  slayer  be  dragged  with  the  hook.  In 
the  manner  of  our  fathers  let  the  slayer  of  the  senate 
be  dragged  with  the  hook.  More  savage  than 
Domitian,  more  foul  than  Nero.  As  he  did  unto 
others,  let  it  be  done  unto  him.  Let  the  remembrance 
of  the  guiltless  be  preserved.  Restore  the  honours 
of  the  guiltless,  we  beseech  you.  Let  the  body  of 
the  murderer  be  dragged  with  the  hook,  let  the  body 
of  the  gladiator  be  dragged  with  the  hook,  let  the  body 
of  the  gladiator  be  ca^t  into  the  charnel-house.  Call 
for  our  vote,  call  for  our  vote  :  with  one  accord  we 
reply,  let  him  be  dragged  with  the  hook.  He  who 
slew  all  men,  let  him  be  dragged  with  the  hook. 
He  who  slew  young  and  old,  let  him  be  dragged 
with  the  hook.  He  who  slew  man  and  woman,  let 
him  be  dragged  with  the  hook.  He  who  spared  not 
his  own  blood,  let  him  be  dragged  with  the  hook. 
He  who  plundered  temples,  let  him  be  dragged  with 
the  hook.  He  who  set  aside  the  testaments  of  the 
dead,  let  him  be  dragged  with  the  hook.  He  who 
plundered  the  living,  let  him  be  dragged  with  the 
hook.  We  have  been  slaves  to  slaves.  He  who  de- 
manded a  price  for  the  life  of  a  man,  let  him  be 
dragged  with  the  hook.  He  who  demanded  a  price 
for  a  life  and  kept  not  his  promise,  let  him  be  dragged 
with  the  hook.  He  who  sold  the  senate,  let  him  be 
dragged  with  the  hook.  He  who  took  from  sons 
their  patrimony,  let  him  be  dragged  with  the  hook. 

Spies  and  informers,  cast  them  out  of  the  senate. 



subomatores  de  senatu.     et   tu  nobiscum   timuisti ; 

8  omnia    scis  et    bonos    et    malos    nosti.     omnia    scis, 
omnia  emenda ;  pro  te  timuimus.     o  nos  felices,  te 
vere  l  imperante  !     de  parricida  refer,  refer,  perroga. 

9  praesentium   tuam  rogamus.     innocentes  sepulti  non 
sunt.     parricidae  cadaver  trahatur.     parricida  sepultos 
emit ;  parricidae  cadaver  trahatur." 

XX.  Et  cum  iussu  Pertinacis  Livius  Laurensis,  pro- 
curator patrimonii,  Fabio  Ciloni  consuli  designate 
dedisset,  per  iioctem  Commodi  cadaver  sepultum  est. 
2,  3  senatus  adclamavit :  "  Quo  auctore  sepelierunt  ?  par- 
ricida sepultus  eruatur,2  trahatur."  Cincius  Severus 
dixit :  "  Iniuste  sepultus  est.  qua  pontifex  dico,  hoc 

4  collegium  pontifiVum  dicit.    quoniam  laeta  3  percensui, 
nunc  convertar  ad  necessaria :  censeo  quas  4  is,  qui 
nonnisi  ad  perniciem  civium  et  ad  dedecus  suum  vixit, 
ob  honorem  suum  decerni  coegit,  abolendas  statuas, 

5  quae  undique  sunt  abolendae,  nomenque  ex  omnibus 
privatis  publicisque  monumentis  eradendum  menses- 
que  iis  nominibus  nuncupandos  quibus  nuncupabantur, 
cum  primum  illud  malum  in  re  publica  incubuit." 

1  uere  Editor  (cf.  Claud.,  iv.  3) ;  uiro  P  ;  uero  Exc.  Cusana, 
Mommsen ;    uiso  Hirschfeld,    Peter2.  2  seruatur    P. 

3  laeta    Peter1;    laetam    P;    laeta    iam   Baehrens,    Peter2. 

4  quae  P. 

1Corarnemor<3ted  in  an  inscription  from  Rome,  C.I  L.,  vi. 
2126.  He  is  one  of  the  characters  in  the  Deipnosophistai  of 

2  An  office  probably  created  by  Claudius.  The  patrimonium 
comprised  the  estates  regarded  as  the  property  of  the  emperor 
and  transmitted  from  one  emperor  to  another,  even  when 
there  was  no  direct  succession.  It  was  distinguished,  both 
from  the  fiscus,  or  imperial  treasury,  and  from  the  respri,vatat 
the  private  property  of  any  individual  emperor;  the  latter 



Suborners  of  slaves,  cast  them  out  of  the  senate. 
You,  too,  were  in  terror  along  with  us  ;  you  know  all, 
you  know  both  the  good  and  the  evil.  You  know  all 
that  we  were  forced  to  purchase ;  all  we  have  feared 
for  your  sake.  Happy  are  we,  now  that  you  are 
emperor  in  truth.  Put  it  to  the  vote  concerning  the 
murderer,  put  it  to  the  vote,  put  the  question.  We 
ask  your  presence.  The  guiltless  are  yet  unburied ; 
let  the  body  of  the  murderer  be  dragged  in  the 
dust.  The  murderer  dug  up  the  buried ;  let  the 
body  of  the  murderer  be  dragged  in  the  dust." 

XX.  The  body  of  Commodus  was  buried  during 
the  night,  after  Livius  Laurensis,1  the  steward  of  the 
imperial  estate,2  had  surrendered  it  at  the  bidding  of 
Pertinax 3  to  Fabius  Cilo,4  the  consul  elect.  At  this 
the  senate  cried  out :  "  With  whose  authority  have 
they  buried  him  ?  The  buried  murderer,  let  him  be 
dug  up,  let  him  be  dragged  in  the  dust."  Cincius 
Severus 5  said  :  "  Wrongfully  has  he  been  buried. 
And  as  I  speak  as  pontifex,  so  speaks  the  college  of 
the  pontifices.  And  now,  having  recounted  what  is 
joyful,  I  shall  proceed  to  what  is  needful :  I  give  it 
as  my  opinion  that  the  statues  should  be  overthrown 
which  this  man,  who  lived  but  for  the  destruction  of 
his  fellow-citizens  and  for  his  own  shame,  forced  us  to 
decree  in  his  honour ;  wherever  they  are,  they  should 
be  cast  down.  His  name,  moreover,  should  be  erased 
from  all  public  and  private  records,6  and  the  months  7 
should  be  once  more  called  by  the  names  whereby  they 
were  called  when  this  scourge  first  fell  upon  the  state." 

was  placed  in  charge  of  a  special  procurator  by  Severus  ;  see 
Sev.,  xii.  4. 

JSee  c.  xvii.  4.  4  See  Carac.,  iii.  2  and  note. 

6  See  Sev.,  xiii.  9.         6See  c.  xvii.  6.         7  See  c.  xi.  8. 




I.  Publio  Helvio  Pertinaci  pater  libertinus  Helvius 
Successus  fuit,  qui  filio  nomen  ex  continuatione  lig- 
nariae  negotiationis,  quod  pertinaciter  earn  rem 
2gereret,  imposuisse  fatetur.  natus  est  Pertinax  in 
Appennino  in  villa  matris.  equus  pullus  ea  hora  qua 
natus  est  in  tegulas  ascendit  atque  ibi  breviter  com- 

3  moratus  decidit  et !   exspiravit.     hac  re  motus  pater 
ad  Chaldaeum    venit.      qui    cum  illi  futura  ingentia 
praedixisset,  stirpem  2  se  perdidisse  dixit. 

4  Puer  litteris  elementariis  et  calculo  imbutus,  datus 
etiam  Graeco  grammatico  atque  inde  Sulpicio  Apol- 
linari,  post  quern  idem  Pertinax  grammaticen  professus 

5  Sed    cum    in    ea    minus    quaestus    proficeret,    per 
Lollianum    Avitum,    consularem    virum,    patris    pat- 

6  ronum,  ducendi  ordinis  dignitatem  petiit.     dein  prae- 

1  et  om.  in  P.  2  stirpem  P ;  stipem  Peter. 

1  At  Alba  Pompeia  in  Liguria,  according  to  Dio,  Ixxiii.  1. 
For  the  date  see  c.  xv.  6. 

aThe  text  is  almost  certainly  corrupt. 

3  Frequently  cited  in  the  Nodes  Atticae  of  Aulus  Gelliua, 
one  of  his  pupils.    He  is  well  known  as  the  composer  of  metri- 
cal summaries  of   the   Aeneid   and  of  Terence's   comedies. 

4  Consul  in  144. 





I.  Publius  Helvius  Pertinax  was  the  son  of  a  freed- 
man,  Helvius  Successus  by  name,  who  confessed  that 
he  gave  this  name  to  his  son  because  of  his  own  long- 
standing connection  with  the  timber-trade,  for  he  had 
conducted  that  business  with  pertinacity.  Pertinax 
himself  was  born  in  the  Apennines1  on  an  estate  i  Aug., 
which  belonged  to  his  mother.  The  hour  he  was  born 
a  black  horse  climbed  to  the  roof,  and  after  remaining 
there  for  a  short  time,  fell  to  the  ground  and  died. 
Disturbed  by  this  occurrence,  his  father  went  to  a 
Chaldean,  and  he  prophesied  future  greatness  for  the 
boy,  saying  that  he  himself  had  lost  his  child.2  As  a 
boy,  Pertinax  was  educated  in  the  rudiments  of 
literature  and  in  arithmetic  and  was  also  put  under 
the  care  of  a  Greek  teacher  of  grammar  and,  later,  of 
Sulpicius  Apollinaris ; 3  after  receiving  instruction 
from  this  man,  Pertinax  himself  took  up  the  teaching 
of  grammar. 

But  when  he  found  little  profit  in  this  profession, 
with  the  aid  of  Lollianus  Avitus,  a  former  consul  4 
and  his  father's  patron,  he  sought  an  appointment  to 
a  command  in  the  ranks.5  Soon  afterwards,  in  the 

5  As  chief  centurion ;  see  note  to  Av.  Cass.,  i.  1. 



feet  us    cohortis    in    Syriarn    profectus     Tito     Aurelio 

imperatore,  a  praeside  Syriae,  quod  sine  diplomatibus 

cursum  usurpaverat,   pedibus  ab    Antiochia  ad   lega- 

II.  tionem  suam  iter  facere  coactus  est.      bello  Parthico 

industria  sua  promeritus  in   Britanniam  translatus  est 

2ac    retentus.      post    in    Moesia    rexit    alam.      deinde 

3  alimentis  dividendis  in  Via  Aemilia  procuravit.     inde 
classem    Germanicam    rexit.      mater    eum    usque    in 
Germaniam  prosecuta  l  est  ib'que  obiit.      cuius  etiain 

4  sepulchrum  stare  nunc  dicitur.     inde    ad    ducenum 
sestertiorum    stipend  ium    translatus  in    Daciam  sus- 
pectusque  a  Marco  quorundam  artibus  2  remotus  est,  et 
postea  per  Claudium  Pompeianum,  generum   Marci, 
quasi  adiutor  eius  futurus  vexillis  regendis  adseitus 

5  est.     in  quo  munere  adprobatus  lectus  est  in  senatu. 

6  postea  iterum  re   bene  gesta  prodita  est  factio,  quae 
illi  concinnata   fuerat,  Marcusque  imperator,  ut  com- 

*per.ecutaP.  2  attibus  Peter  ;  apartibus'P. 

}  i.e.  Antoninus  Pius. 

2  An  independent  company  of  infantry,  normally  number- 
ing five  hundred  and  usually  commanded  by  a  young  man  of 
the  equestrian  order  as  the  first  stage  in  his  official  career. 

a  The  war  waged  under  the  nominal  command  of  Verus  in 
162-1 06  ;  see  Marc.,  ix.  1  and  Ver.,  vii. 

4  Probably  as  tribune  of  a  legion  ;  see  Dio,  Ixxiii.  3, 1.  Dio 
adds  that  he  secured  this  post  through  the  favour  of  Claudius 
Pompeianus  (cf.  §  4),  his  former  school-mate. 

6  As  yraefcctus  alae,  or  commander  of  an  independent 
squadron  of  cavalry.  This  was  the  third  of  the  military  posts 
required  of  members  of  the  equestrian  order  who  were  as- 
pirants for  a  political  career. 

"On  the  alirnenla  see  note  to  Hadr.,  vii.  8.  The  Via 
Aemilia  ran  from  Aiiminum  (Rimini)  on  the  Adriatic  through 
Bononia  (Bologna)  to  Placentia  (Piacenza)  on  the  Po. 


PERTINAX  I.  6— II.  6 

reign  of  Titus  Aurelius,1  he  set  out  for  Syria  as  pre- 
fect of  a  cohort,2  and  there,  because  he  had  used  the 
imperial  post  without  official  letters  of  recommen- 
dation, he  was  forced  by  the  governor  of  Syria  to 
make  his  way  from  Antioch  to  his  station  on  foot. 
II.  Winning  promotion  because  of  the  energy  he 
showed  in  the  Parthian  war,3  he  was  transferred  to 
Britain4  and  there  retained.  Later  he  led  a  squadron  5 
in  Moesia,  and  after  that  he  supervised  the  distribution 
of  grants  to  the  poor  on  the  Aemilian  Way.6  Next, 
he  commanded  the  German  fleet.7  His  mother 
followed  him  all  the  way  to  Germany,  and  there  she 

*J  mf     ' 

died,  and  her  tomb  is  said  to  be  still  standing  there. 
From  this  command  he  was  transferred  to  Dacia  8  at 
a  salary  of  two  hundred  thousand  sesterces,  but 
through  the  machinations  of  certain  persons  he  came 
to  be  distrusted  by  Marcus  and  was  removed  from 
this  post;  afterwards,  however,  through  the  influence 
of  Claudius  Pompeianus,  the  son-in-law  of  Marcus,9 
he  was  detailed  to  the  command  of  detachments  on 
the  plea  that  he  would  become  Pompeianus'  aide.10 
Meeting  with  approval  in  this  position,  he  was  en- 
rolled in  the  senate.  Later,  when  he  had  won  suc- 
cess in  war  for  the  second  time,  the  plot  which  had 
been  made  against  him  was  revealed,  and  Marcus,  in 
order  to  remedy  the  wrong  he  had  done  him,  raised 

7  The  fleet  on  the  Rhine. 

*  As  procurator,  with  the  rank  of  du&.narius.     He  had  the 
supervision  of  the  nuances  of  the  province. 

9  See  Marc.,  xx.  6.     Pompeianus  had  befriended  him  previ- 
ously (see  §  1  and  note). 

10  Pompeianus  was  governor  of  Pannonia  Inferior  in  167 
(see  note  to  Marc.,  xx.  7),  and  it  was  probably  at  this  time 
that  he  appointed  Pertinax  to  this  command. 



pensaret  iniuriam,  praetorium  eum  fecit  et  primae 
legioni  regendae  imposuit,  statimque  Raetias  et 

7  Noricum  ab  hostibus  vindicavit.  ex  quo  eminente 
industria  studio  Marci  imperatoris  consul  est  desig- 

8natus.  exstat  oratio  apud  Marium  Maximum  laudes 
eius  continens  et  omnia  vel  quae  fecit  vel  quae  per- 

9  pessus  est.  et  praeter  illam  orationem,  quam  longum 
fuit  conectere,  saepissime  Pertinax  a  Marco  et  in  con- 
tione  militari  et  in  senatu  laudatus  est,  doluitque 
palam  Marcus,  quod  senator  esset  et l  praefectus 

10  praetorii  fieri  a  se  non  posset.     Cassiano  motu  com- 
posito  e  Syria  ad  Danuvii  tutelam  profectus  estatque 

11  inde  Moesiae  utriusque,  mox  Daciae  regimen  accepit. 
bene  gestis  his  provinciis  Syriam  meruit. 

III.   Integre  se  usque  ad  Syriae  regimen  Pertinax 
tenuit,  post  excessum  vero   Marci  pecuniae  studuit  \ 

2  quare  etiam    dictis    popularibus    lacessitus.       curiam 
Romanam  post    quattuor  provincias  consulares,  quia 
consulatum  absens  gesserat,  iam  dives   ingressus  est, 

3  cum  earn  senator  antea  non  vidisset.     iussus  est  prae- 
terea  statim  a  Perenni  in  Liguriam  secedere  in  villam 
paternam  ;  nam  pater  eius  tabernam  coactiliariam  2  in 

1  et  om.  in  P.  2  coactiliariam  Scaliger,  Mommsen  ; 

coactiliriam  P  ;  coctiliciam  Salmasius,  Peter. 

1  i.e.  the  rank  in  the  senate  of  those  who  had  held  the 

2  The  First   Adiutrix,  which  in   the   second   century  was 
quartered  in  Upper  Pannonia. 

3  In  connection  with  Marcus'  campaign  in  Pannonia ;  see 
note  to  Marc.,  xiv.  6. 

4  He  evidently  accompanied  Marcus  thither  at  the  time  of 
Cassius'  revolt;  see  Marc.,  xxv.  1. 

8  Cf.  o.  ix.  4-6 ;  xiii.  4. 


PERTINAX  II.  7— III.  3 

him  to  the  rank  of  praetor  l  and  put  him  in  command 
of  the  First  Legion.2  Whereupon  Pertinax  straight- 
way rescued  Raetia  and  Noricum  from  the  enemy.3 
Because  of  his  conspicuous  prowess  in  this  campaign 
he  was  appointed,  on  the  recommendation  of  Marcus, 
to  the  consulship.  Marcus'  speech  has  been  preserved  ca.  175 
in  the  works  of  Marius  Maximus  ;  it  contains  a  eulogy 
of  him  and  relates,  moreover,  everything  that  he  did 
and  suffered.  And  besides  this  speech,  which  it  would 
take  too  much  space  to  incorporate  in  this  work, 
Marcus  praised  Pertinax  frequently,  both  in  the  as- 
semblies of  soldiers  and  in  the  senate,  and  publicly 
expressed  regret  that  he  was  a  senator  and  therefore 
could  not  be  made  prefect  of  the  guard.  After  Cassius' 
revolthad  been  suppressed,  Pertinax  set  out  from  Syria4 175 
to  protect  the  bank  of  the  Danube,  and  presently  he 
was  appointed  to  govern  both  the  Moesias  and,  soon 
thereafter,  Dacia.  And  by  reason  of  his  success  in 
these  provinces,  he  won  the  appointment  to  Syria. 

III.  Up  to  the  time  of  his  administration  of  Syria, 
Pertinax  preserved  his  honesty,  but  after  the  death 
of  Marcus  he  became  'desirous  of  wealth,  and  was  in 
consequence  assailed  by  popular  gibes.5  It  was 
not  until  after  he  had  governed  four  consular  pro- 
vinces and  had  become  a  rich  man  that  he  entered 
the  Roman  senate- chamber,  which,  during  all  his 
career  as  senator,  he  had  never  before  seen,  for 
during  his  term  as  consul  he  had  been  absent  from 
Rome.6  Immediately  after  this,  he  received  orders 
from  Perennis  to  retire  to  his  father's  farm  in  182 
Liguria,7  where  his  father  had  kept  a  cloth-maker's 

6  He  seems  to  have  been  in  Syria  during  the  short  term  for 
which  he  was  appointed  consul ;  see  c.  ii.  7  and  10. 

7  See  note  to  c.  i.  2. 



4Liguria  exercuerat.  sed  posteaquam  in  Liguriam 
venit,  multis  agris  coemptis  tabernam  paternara 
manente  forma  priore  infmitis  aedificiis  circumdedit. 
fuitque  illic  per  triennium  et  mercatus  est  per  suos 

5  Occiso  sane  Perenni  Commodus  Pertinaci  satisfecit 
eumque  petiit  litteris,1  ut  ad  Britanniam  proficiscere- 

6  tur.     profectusque  milites  ab  omni  seditione  deter- 
ruit,  cum  illi  querncumque  imperatorem  vellent  habere 

7et  ipsum  specialiter  Pertinacem.  time  Pertinax 
malevolentiae  notam  subiit,  quod  dictus  est  insimu- 
lasse  apud  Commodum  adfectati  imperil  Antistium 

8  Burrum  et  Arrium  Antoninum.     et  seditiones  quidem 
contra  se  ipse  2  compescuit  in  Britannia,3  verum  in- 
gens  periculum  adiit  seditione  legionis  paene  occisus, 

9  certe  inter  occisos  relictus.     quam  quidem  rem  idem 
10  Pertinax  acerrime  vindicavit.     denique  postea  veniam 

legationis  petiit,  dicens  sibi  ob  defensam  disciplinam 
IV.  infestas  esse  legiones.  accepto  successore  alimen- 

torum  ei  cura  mandata  est.  dein  pro  consule  Africae 
2factus  est.  in  quo  proconsulatu  multas  seditiones 

perpessus  dicitur  vaticinationibus  carminum  4  quae  de 

templo  Caelestis  emergunt.  post  hoc  praefectus  urbi 
3  factus.  in  qua  praefectura  post  Fuscianum,  hominem 

severum,  Pertinax  mitissimus  et  humanissimus  fuit  et 

1  litteris  Peter ;  litteras  P.  2  contra  <se>  ipse  Lenze  ; 

contra  ipse  P;  contra  imperatorem  Obrecht,  Peter.  3 Bri- 

tanniam P,  Peter.         4  carminum  Peter2 ;  earum  P. 

1  See  Com.,  vi.  2  and  notes.        2  See  Com.,  vi.  11  and  vii.  1. 

3  See  Hadr.,  vii.  8,  and  c.  ii.  2.  He  was  now  praefectus 
alimentorum,  charged  with  the  supervision  of  the  alimcnta 
for  the  whole  of  Italy,  whereas  previously  he  had  been  respon- 
sible for  one  district. 


PERTINAX  III.  4— IV.  3 

shop.  On  coming  to  Liguria,  however,  he  bought 
up  a  great  number  of  farms,  and  added  countless 
buildings  to  his  father's  shop,  which  he  still  kept  in 
its  original  form  ;  and  there  he  stayed  for  three  years 
carrying  on  the  business  through  his  slaves. 

After  Perennis  had  been  put  to  death,  Commodus  185 
made  amends  to  Pertinax,  and  in  a  letter  asked  him 
to  set  out  for  Britain.1  After  his  arrival  there  he  kept 
the  soldiers  from  any  revolt,  for  they  wished  to  set 
up  some  other  man  as  emperor,  preferably  Pertinax 
himself.  And  now  Pertinax  acquired  an  evil  character 
for  enviousness,  for  he  was  said  to  have  laid  before 
Commodus  the  charge  that  Antistius  Burrus  and 
Arrius  Antoninus  were  aspiring  to  the  throne.2  And 
certainly  he  did  suppress  a  mutiny  against  himself  in 
Britain,  but  in  so  doing  he  came  into  great  danger  ; 
for  in  a  mutiny  of  a  legion  he  was  almost  killed,  and 
indeed  was  left  among  the  slain.  This  mutiny 
Pertinax  punished  very  severely.  Later  on,  however, 
he  petitioned  to  be  excused  from  his  governorship, 
saying  that  the  legions  were  hostile  to  him  because 
he  had  been  strict  in -h is  discipline.  IV.  After  he  had 
been  relieved  of  this  post,  he  was  put  in  charge  of  the 
grants  to  the  poor.3  Next  he  was  made  proconsul 
of  Africa.  During  this  proconsulship,  it  is  said,  he 
suppressed  many  rebellions  by  the  aid  of  prophetic 
verses  which  issued  from  the  temple  of  Caelestis.4 
Next  he  was  made  prefect  of  the  city,  and  in  this  office, 
as  successor  to  Fuscianus,5  a  very  stern  man,  Pertinax 

4  The  tutelary  goddess  of  Carthage,  Tanith,  worshipped  in 
the  imperial  period  under  the  name  of  Caelestis  Afrorum  Dea. 
Her  cult  extended  through  northern  Africa  to  Spain  and  was 
spread  by  soldiers  over  the  empire.     See  also  Macr.,  iii.  1. 

5  See  Marc.,  iii.  8. 



ipsi  Commodoplurimum  placuit,  quia  .   .   .  .   illi  esset 
4iterum  cum  Pertinax  factus  est.     time  Pertinax  inter- 
ficiendi  Commodi  conscientiam  delatam  sibi  ab  aliis 
non  fugit. 

5  Commodo    autem    interempto    Laetus    praefectus 
praetorii  et  Eclectus  l  cubicularius  ad  eum  venerunt 
et2     eum    confirmarunt    atque    in    castra    duxerunt. 

6  illic   Pertinax  milites  adlocutus  est,  donativum  pro- 
misit,  ingeri  sibi  imperium  a  Laeto  et  Eclecto  3  dixit. 

7  fictum  est  autem  quod  morbo  esset  Commodus  ex- 
stinctus.  quia  et  milites,  ne  temptarentur,  pertimes- 
cebant.       denique    a    paucis    primum    est     Pertinax 

8  imperator  appellatus.      factus  est  autem   sexagenario 

9  maior  imperator    pridie    kal.    Ian.      de    castris  nocte 
cum  ad  senatum  venisset  et  cellam  curiae  iussisset 
aperiri,  neque  inveniretur  aedituus,  in  Templo  Con- 

10  cordiae  resedit.    et  cum  ad  eum  Claudius  Pompeianus, 
gener  Marci,4  venisset    casumque    Commodi 5    lacri- 
masset,     hortatus     Pertinax     ut    imperium     sumeret. 
sed  ille  recusavit,  quia  iam  imperatorem   Pertinacem 

11  videbat.     statim  ergo  omnes  magistratus  cum  consule 
ad  curiam  venerunt  ingressumque  Pertinacem  nocte 

Delectus  P.        2ct  Salmasius;  ut  P.         3electo  P.        4 ger- 
manici  P.         5  commcdo  P. 

JNo  successful  attempt  has  been  made  to  fill  this  lacuna. 
2 See  Com.,  xvii.  1. 

3  Twelve  thousand  sesterces,  or  three   thousand   denarii ; 
see  c.  xv.  7,  and  Dio,  Ixxiii.  1,  2.     According  to  c.  xv.  7,  he 
paid  only  half  of  it,  but  according  to  Dio,  Ixxiii.  5,  4,  he  paid 
all  that  he  had  promised. 

4  According  to  Dio,  Ixxiii.  1,  3,  the  soldiers  were  not  en- 


PERTINAX  IV.  4-11 

was  exceedingly  gentle  and  considerate,  and  he 
proved  very  pleasing  to  Commodus  himself,  for  he 
was  .  .  ,l  when  Pertinax  was  made  consul  for  the 
second  time.  And  while  in  this  position,  Pertinax 
did  not  avoid  complicity  in  the  murder  of  Commodus, 
when  a  share  in  this  plot  was  offered  him  by  the  other 

After  Commodus  was  slain,2  Laetus,  the  prefect 
of  the  guard,  and  Eclectus,  the  chamberlain,  came  to 
Pertinax  and  reassured  him,  and  then  led  him  to  the 
camp.  There  he  harangued  the  soldiers,  promised 
a  donative,3  and  said  that  the  imperial  power  had  been 
thrust  upon  him  by  Laetus  and  Eclectus.  It  was 
pretended,  moreover,  that  Commodus  had  died  a 
natural  death,  chiefly  because  the  soldiers  feared  that 
their  loyalty  was  merely  being  tested.  Finally,  and 
at  first  by  only  a  few,  Pertinax  was  hailed  as  emperor.4 
He  was  made  emperor  on  the  day  before  the  Kalends  31  Dec., 
of  January,  being  then  more  than  sixty  years  old.5 
During  the  night  he  came  from  the  camp  to  the 
senate,  but,  when  he  ordered  the  opening  of  the  hall 
of  the  senate-house  and  the  attendant  could  not  be 
found,  he  seated  himself  in  the  Temple  of  Concord.6 
And  when  Claudius  Pompeianus,  Marcus'  son-in-law, 
came  to  him  and  bemoaned  the  death  of  Commodus, 
Pertinax  urged  him  to  take  the  throne ;  Claudius, 
however,  seeing  that  Pertinax  was  already  invested 
with  the  imperial  power,  refused.  Without  further 
delay,  therefore,  all  the  magistrates,  in  company  with 
the  consul,  came  to  the  senate-house,  and  Pertinax, 
who  had  come  in  by  night,  was  saluted  as  emperor. 

5  Sixty-six. 

6  At  the  western  end  of  the  Forum  at  the  foot  of  the  Capi- 
toline  Hill.     The  senate  often  met  there. 



V-  imperatorem  appellaverunt.  ipse  autem  Pertinax 
post  laudes  suas  a  consul ibus  dictas  et  post  vitupe- 
rationem  Commodi  adclamationibus  senatus  ostensam 
egit  gratias  senatui  et  praecipue  Laeto,  praefecto 
praetorii,  quo  auctore  et  Commodus  interemptus  et 
ipse  imperator  est  factus. 

Sed  cum  Laeto  gratias  egisset  Pertinax,  Falco  con- 
sul dixit :  "Qualis  imperator  es  futurus,  hinc  intel- 
legimus,  quod  Laetum  et  Marciam,1  ministros 

^scelerum  Commodi,  post  te  videmus  ".  cui  Pertinax 
respondit :  "  luvenis  es  consul  nee  parendi  scis 
necessitates,  paruerunt2  inviti  Commodo,  sed  ubi 
habuerunt  facultatem,  quid  semper  voluerint  osten- 

4derunt".  eadem  die  qua  Augustus  est  appellatus, 
et  Flavia  Titiana  uxor  eius  Augusta  est  appellata, 
iis  horis  quibus  ille  in  Capitolium  vota  solvebat. 

5  primus  sane  omnium  ea  die  qua  Augustus  est  appel- 

6  latus,  etiam  patris  patriae  nomen  recepit  nee  non3 
simul    etiam    imperium    proconsulare    nee  non 3    ius 
quartae  relationis.     quod  ominis  4  loco  fuit  Pertinaci. 

7  Ad    Palatium   ergo   Pertinax  profectus,  quod  tune 
vacuum   erat,  quia  Commodus  in  Vectilianis  occisus 
est,  petenti  signum  prima  die  tribuno  dedit  "milite- 
mus/'  exprobrans  utique  segnitiem  temporum  superi- 
orum.     quod  quidem  etiam  ante  in  omnibus  ducatibus 

lmarcianum  P.  2 parauerunt  P.  3non  ins.  in  P 

corr. ;  om.  in  P1.         4  omnis  P1. 

1  See  Com.,  xviii.-xix. 

2  Pertinax  refused  this  name  for  his  wife  and  that  of  Caesar 
for  his  son;  see  c.  vi.  9  and  Dio,  Ixxiii.  7,  1-2.     Dio  suggests 
that  it  was  on  account  of  her  bad  character  ;  see  also  c.  xiii. 
8.     However,  Titiana  is  called  Augusta  in  inscriptions  and  on 

3  See  Hadr.,  vi.  4  and  note.  4  See  note  to  Marc.,  vi.  6. 

PERTINAX  V.  2-7 


V.  Pertinax,  on  his  part,  after  his  own  praises  had 
been  recited  by  the  consuls  and  Commodus  had  been 
execrated  in  the  outcries  of  the  senate,1  returned 
thanks  to  the  senate  in  general,  and  in  particular  to 
Laetus,  the  prefect  of  the  guard,  through  whose  in- 
strumentality Commodus  had  been  slain  and  he  him- 
self declared  emperor. 

When  Pertinax  had  returned  thanks  to  Laetus, 
however,  Falco,  the  consul,  said:  "We  may  know 
what  sort  of  an  emperor  you  will  be  from  this,  that  we 
see  behind  you  Laetus  and  Marcia,  the  instruments 
of  Commodus'  crimes ".  To  him  Pertinax  replied : 
"  You  are  young,  Consul,  and  do  not  know  the  neces- 
sity of  obedience.  They  obeyed  Commodus,  but 
against  their  will,  and  as  soon  as  they  had  an  oppor- 
tunity, they  showed  what  had  always  been  their 
desire."  On  the  samd*  day  that  he  was  entitled 
Augustus,  at  the  very  hour  at  which  he  was  paying 
his  vows  on  the  Capitolium,  Flavia  Titiana,  his  wife, 
was  also  given  the  name  of  Augusta.2  Of  all  the 
emperors  he  was  the  first  to  receive  the  title  of 
Father  of  his  Country  on  the  day  when  he  was  named 
Augustus.3  And  at  the  same  time  he  received  the 
proconsular  power  and  the  right  of  making  four  pro- 
posals to  the  senate  4 — a  combination  which  Pertinax 
regarded  as  an  omen. 

And  so  Pertinax  repaired  to  the  Palace;  which  was 
vacant  at  that  time,  for  Commodus  had  been  slain  in 
the  Vectilian  Villa.5  And  on  the  first  day  of  his 
reign,  when  the  tribune  asked  for  the  watchword,  he 
gave  "  let  us  be  soldiers,"  as  if  reproving  the  former 
reign  for  its  inactivity.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  he  had 
really  used  this  same  watchword  before  in  all  his 

5  See  Com.,  xvi.  3. 



VI.  dederat.  exprobrationem  autem  istam  milites  non 
tulerunt  statimque  de  imperatore  mutando  cogitarunt. 

2ea  die  etiam  ad  convivium  magistratus  et  proceres 
senatus  rogavit,  quam  consuetudinem  Commodus 

3  praetermiserat.  sane  iam l  postero  kalendarum  die 
cum  statuae  Commodi  deicerentur,  gemuerunt  mili- 
tes, simulquia  iterum  signum  idem  dederat  imperator. 

4timebatur  autem  militia  sub  sene  imperatore.  de- 
nique  ter-tium  nonarum  diem  votis  ipsis  milites  Tria- 
rium  MaternuiTi  Lascivium,  senatorem  nobilem,  ducere 
in  castra  voluerunt,  ut  eum  rebus  Romanis  imponerent. 

5sed  ille  nudus  fugit  atque  ad  Pertinacem  in  Palatium 
venit  et  post  ex  urbe  decessit. 

6  Timore  sane  Pertinax  coactus  omnia  quae  Commo- 

7  dus  militibus  et  veteranis  dederat  confirmavit.     susci- 
pere  se  etiam  imperium  a  senatu  dixit,  quod  iam  sponte 

8  inierat.     quaestionem    maiestatis    penitus    tulit    cum 
iureiurando,  revocavit  etiam  eos  qui  deportati  fuerant 
crimine  maiestatis,  eorum  memoria  restituta  qui  occisi 

9  fuerant.      filium    eius    senatus    Caesarem    appellavit. 
sed  Pertinax  nee  uxoris  Augustae  appellationem  re- 

10  cepit  et  de  filio  dixit :  "cum  meruerit  ".  et  cum 
Commodus  adlectionibus  innumeris  praetorias  mis- 
cuisset,  senatus  consultum  Pertinax  fecit  iussitque 

1  iam  Peter  ;  cum  P. 

1  Cf.  Com.,  xx.  4-5. 

2  Yet  according  to  c.  iv.  11  and  Dio,  Ixxiii.  1,   4,  he  was 
regularly  elected  by  the  senate. 

3  According  to  Dio,  Ixxiii.  5,  3,  their  bodies  were  disinterred 
and  then  laid  in  their  ancestral  tombs. 

4  See  note  to  c.  v.  4.  B  See  note  to  c.  ii.  6. 


PERTINAX  VI.  2-10 

commands.  VI.  But  the  soldiers  would  not  tolerate  a 
reproof  and  straightway  began  to  make  plans  for  chang- 
ing the  emperor.  On  this  same  day  also  he  invited 
the  magistrates  and  the  chief  men  of  the  senate  to  a 
banquet,  a  practice  which  Com  mod  us  had  discon- 
tinued. But,  indeed,  on  the  day  after  the  Kalends  2  Jan., 
of  January,  when  the  statues  of  Commodus  were 
overthrown/  the  soldiers  groaned  aloud,  for  he  gave 
this  same  watchword  for  the  second  time,  and  besides 
they  dreaded  service  under  an  emperor  advanced  in 
years.  Finally  on  the  third  of  the  month,  just  as  the 
vows  were  being  assumed,  the  soldiers  tried  to  lead 
Triarius  Maternus  Lascivius,  a  senator  of  distinction, 
to  the  camp,  in  order  to  invest  him  with  the  sove- 
reignty of  the  Roman  Empire.  He,  however,  fled 
from  them  quite  naked  and  came  to  Pertinax  in  the 
Palace  and  presently  departed  from  the  city. 

Induced  by  fear,  Pertinax  ratified  all  the  concessions 
which  Commodus  had  made  to  the  soldiers  and 
veterans.  He  declared,  also,  that  he  had  received 
from  the  senate  the  sovereignty  which,  in  fact,  he  had 
already  assumed  on  his  own  responsibility.2  He 
abolished  trials  for  treason  absolutely  and  bound 
himself  thereto  by  an  oath,  he  recalled  those  who 
had  been  exiled  on  the  charge  of  treason,  and  he  re- 
established the  good,  name  of  those  who  had  been 
slain.3  The  senate  granted  his  son  the  name  of 
Caesar,  but  Pertinax  not  only  refused  to  allow  the 
name  Augusta  to  be  conferred  on  his  wife  but  also, 
in  the  case  of  his  son,  said  :  "  Only  when  he  earns  it  ".4 
And  since  Commodus  had  obscured  the  significance 
of  the  praetorian  rank  5  by  countless  appointments 
thereto,  Pertinax,  after  securing  the  passage  of  a 
decree  of  the  senate,  issued  an  order  that  those  who 



eos,  qui  praeturas  non  gessissent  sed  adlectione  ac- 

cepissent,  post  eos  esse  qui  vere  praetores  fuissent. 

11  sed  hinc  quoque  grande  odium  sibi  raultorum  com- 

VII.  movit.     census  retractari  iussit.     delatores  convictos 1 

graviter  puniri  iussit  et  tamen  m  )llius  quam  priores 

imperatores,  unicuique  dignitati,  si  delationis  crimen 

2incurreret,  poenam  statuens.  legem  sane  tulit,  ut 
testamenta  priora  non  prius  essent  inrita  quam  alia 
perfecta  essent,  neve  ob  hoc  fiscus  aliquando  succe- 

Sderet.  ipseque  professus  est  nullius  se  aditurum 2 
hereditatem,  quae  aut  adulatione  alicuius  delata  esset 
aut  lite  perplexa,  ut  legitimi  heredes  et  necessarii 
privarentur.  additque  senatus  consulto  haec  verba  : 

4  "  Satius  3  est,  patres  conscripti,  inopem  rem  publicam 
obtinere,  quam  ad  divitiarum  cumulum  per  discrimi- 

5  num  atque  dedecorum  vestigia  pervenire  ".     donativa 
6et  congiaria,  quae  Commodus  promiserat,  solvit.     an- 

nonae  consultissime  providit.  et  cum  tantam  penu- 
riam 4  aerarii  haberet,  ut  praeter  decies  sestertium 
non  se  invenisse  fateretur,  coactus  est  ea  exigere 
quae  Commodus  indixerat,  contra  quam  professus 
7  fuerat.  denique  aggressus  eum  Lollianus  Gentianus 
consularis,  quod  contra  promissum  faceret,  necessitatis 
rationem  accepit. 

1conuictos  Faber,  Peter;  uinctos  P.  zadituram  P. 

3  satius  Gruter ;  statins  P1 ;  sanctius  P  corr.         *pecuniam  P. 

1  In  cases  where  there  was  no  will  or  no  natural  heir  the 
property  reverted  to  the  imperial  treasury. 

2  Of.  c.  vi.  6. 

3  This  figure  is  also  given  by  Dio,  Ixxiii.  5,  4   (250,000 

4Q.  Hedius  Rufus  Lollianus  Gentianus  was  the  son  of  the 
patron  of  Pertinax'  father  ;  see  c.  i.  5. 


PERTINAX  VI.  11— VII.  7 

had  secured  the  rank  of  praetor  not  by  actual  service, 
but  by  appointment,  should  be  ranked  below  those 
who  had  been  praetors  in  reality.  But  by  this  act 
also  he  brought  on  himself  the  bitter  enmity  of  many 
men.  VII.  He  gave  orders  for  the  taking  of  a  new 
census.  He  gave  orders,  too,  that  men  convicted  of 
lodging  false  accusations  should  be  punished  with 
severity,  exercising,  nevertheless,  greater  modera- 
tion than  former  emperors,  and  at  the  same  time 
ordaining  a  separate  punishment  for  each  rank  in 
case  any  of  its  members  should  be  convicted  of 
this  offence.  He  enacted  a  law,  moreover,  that 
an  old  will  should  not  become  invalid  before  the  new 
one  was  formally  completed,  fearing  that  some  time 
the  privy-purse  might  in  this  way  succeed  to  an 
inheritance.1  He  declared  that  for  his  own  part  he 
would  accept  no  legacy  which  came  to  him  either 
through  flattery  or  by  reason  of  legal  entanglements  if 
thereby  the  rightful  heirs  and  the  near  of  kin  should 
be  robbed  of  their  rights,  and  when  the  decree  of  the 
senate  was  passed,  he  added  these  words :  "  It  is 
better,  O  Conscript  Fathers,  to  rule  a  state  that  is  im- 
poverished, than  to  attain  to  a  great  mass  of  wealth  by 
paths  of  peril  and  dishonour  ".  He  paid  the  donatives 
and  largesseswhich  Commodus  had  promised,2  and  pro- 
vided with  the  greatest  care  for  the  grain-supply.  And 
when  the  treasury  was  drained  to  such  a  degree  that  he 
was  unable  to  put  his  hands  on  more  than  a  million 
sesterces,3as  he  himself  admitted,  he  was  forced,  in  vio- 
lation of  a  previous  promise,  to  exact  certain  revenues 
which  Commodus  had  remitted.  And  finally,  when 
Lollianus  Gentianus,4  a  man  of  consular  rank,  brought 
him  to  task  for  breaking  his  promise,  he  excused  him- 
self on  the  ground  that  it  was  a  case  of  necessity. 



8  Auctionem  rerum  Commodi  habuit,  ita  ut  et  pueros 
et  concub'.nas  vendi  iuberet,  exceptis  iis  qui  per  vim 

9  Palatio  videbantur  inserti.     et  de  iis  quos  yendi  iussit 
multi'  postea    reducti    ad    ministerium     oblectarunt 
senem,    qui l    quidem    per   alios    principes    usque   ad 

lOsenatorium  dignitatem  pervenerunt.     scurras  turpis- 

simorum  nominum  dedecora  praeferentes  2  proscripsit 

11  ac    vendidit.       cuius    nundinationis    pecuniary    quae 

/III.  ingens  fuit,  militibus  donative  dedit.     a  libertis  etiam 

ea  exegit  quibus  Commodo  vendente  ditati  fuerant. 

2auctio  sane  rerum  Commodi  in  his  insignior  fuit : 
vestis  subtegmine  serico  aureis  filis  insigni  opere,3 
tunicas  paenulasque,lacernaset  chiridotas  Dalmatarum 
et  cirratas  militares  purpureasque  chlamydes  Grae- 

Scanicas  atque  castrenses.      et  cuculli  Bardaici  et  toga 

4armaque  gladiatoria  gemmis  auroque  composita.  et 
machaeras  Herculaneas  et  torques  gladiatorias  vasaque 
de  luto 4  auro  ebore  argento  citroque  composita. 

5  atque  etiam  phallovitrobuli 5  ex  materie  eadem  et 
vasa  Samnitica  calfactandae  resinae  ac  pici  devel- 

6lendis  hominibus  ac  leviginandis.  nee  non  vehicula 
arte  fabricae  nova  perplexis  divisisque  rotarum  orbi- 

lqui  om.  in  P.  ^perferentes  P.  3  insigni  opere 

Casaubon  ;  insignior  per  P.  *de  luto  Editor;  eludo  P; 

eluto  Peter1 ;  de  ludo  Krauss,  Peter2.  5phallouitrobuli 

Egnatius,  Peter1 ;  phandouitrobuli  P,  Peter2. 

1  See  Com.,  v.  4. 

2  Com.,  x.  8.     According  to  Dio,  Ixxiii.  6,  2,  it  was  Laetus 
who  offered  these  for  sale. 

3  See  c.  iv.  6.     He  also  gave  a  largess  of  100  denarii   to 
each;  see  c.  xv.  7  ;  Dio,  Ixxiii.  5,  4  ;  and  the  coins  with  the 
legend  Liberalitas  Aug(usti),  Cohen,  iii2,  p.  392  f.,  nos.  23-28. 

4  See  Com.,  xiv.,  4-7.  5Com.,  viii.  8. 

6  The  bardoc2icullus,  a  heavy  coarse  cloak  with  a  hood.     It 
seems  to  have   been  named   from   the  Bardaei,  a  tribe  in 



He  held  a  sale  of  Commodus'  belongings,  even 
ordering  the  sale  of  all  his  youths  and  concubines, 
except  those  who  had  apparently  been  brought  to 
the  Palace  by  force.1  Of  those  whom  he  ordered 
sold,  however,  many  were  soon  brought  back  to  his 
service  and  ministered  to  the  pleasures  of  the  old 
man,  and  under  other  emperors  they  even  attained 
to  the  rank  of  senator.  Certain  buffoons,  also,  who  bore 
the  shame  of  unmentionable  names,2  he  put  up  at 
auction  and  sold.  The  moneys  gained  in  this  traffick- 
ing, which  were  immense,  he  used  for  a  donative  to  the 
soldiers.3  VIII.  He  also  demanded  from  Commodus' 
freedmen  the  sums  wherewith  they  had  been  en- 
riched when  Commodus  held  his  sales.4  In  the 
sale  of  Commodus'  goods  the  following  articles  were 
especially  noteworthy  :  robes  of  silk  foundation  with 
gold  embroidery  of  remarkable  workmanship  ;  tunics, 
mantles  and  coats ;  tunics  made  with  long  sleeves  in 
the  manner  of  the  Dalmatians  5  and  fringed  military 
cloaks  ;  purple  cloaks  made  in  the  Greek  fashion, 
and  purple  cloaks  made  for  service  in  the  camp. 
Also  Bardaean  hooded  cloaks,6  and  a  gladiator's  toga 
and  harness  finished  in  gold  and  jewels  ;  also  swords, 
such  as  those  with  which  Hercules  is  represented, 
and  the  necklaces  worn  by  gladiators,  and  vessels, 
some  of  pottery,  some  of  gold,  some  of  ivory,  some  of 
silver,  and  some  of  citrus  wood.  Also  cups  in  the 
shape  of  the  phallus,  made  of  these  same  materials ; 
and  Samnite  pots  for  heating  the  resin  and  pitch  used 
for  depilating  men  and  making  their  skins  smooth. 
And  furthermore,  carriages,  the  very  latest  master- 
pieces of  the  art,  made  with  entwined  and  carven 

Illyricum,  but  it  was  also  manufactured  in  Gaul  (see  Martial, 
i.  53,  5). 



bus  l  et  exquisitis  sedilibus  nunc  ad  solem  declinandum 
7  nunc  ad  spiritus  opportunitatem  per  vertiginem  ;  et 
alia   iter   metientia  horasque  moiistrantia   et    cetera 
vitiis  eius  convenientia. 

Reddidit  praeterea  dominis  eos  qui  se  ex  privatis 

9  domibus  in  aulam    contulerant.     convivium  impera- 

torium    ex  immense    ad    certum    revocavit    modum. 

lOsumptus  etiam  omnes  Commodi    recidit.2      exemplo 

autem    imperatoris,  cum    ille  parcius    se    ageret,    ex 

11  omnium  conlimntia    vilitas  nata  est.     nam  inipera- 

torium  sumptum  pulsis  non  necessariis  ad  soliti  dimi- 

IX.  dium    detraxit.      praemia    militantibus    posuit.       aes 

alienum,  quod    primo    imperil    tempore    contraxerat, 

2solvit.     aerarium  in  suum  statum  restituit.     ad  opera 

publica   certum    sumptum    constituit.      rftformandis 

viis 3    pecuniam    contulit.       stipendia    plurimis    retro 

debita  exsolvit.     obeundis  postremo  cunctis  muneri- 

3  bus  fiscum  parern  fecit,     alimentaria  etiam  compendia, 
quae  novem  annorum  ex  institute  Traiani  debebantur, 
obdurata  verecundia  sustulit. 

4  Avaritiae  suspicione  privatus  non  caruit,  cum  apud  4 
Vada   Sabatia   oppressis   faenore   possessoribus   latius 

5suos  tenderet 5  fines,     denique    ex   versu    Luciliano 
6agrarius  mergus  est   appellatus.     multi   autem   eum 

lurbibusP.  2  recidit  Egnatius  ;  reddit  P.  3uiis 

Casaubon ;  suis  P.  4  aptit  P.  6  tenderet  Casaubon ; 

teneret  P. 

1  Cf.  c.  xii.  5. 

2  See  note  to  Hadr.,  vii.  8.     Pertinax  had   himself  held 
offices  in  this  branch  of  the  government ;  see  c.  ii.  2  and  c. 
iv.  1. 

3  Of.  c.  iii.  1.  4Cf.  c.  xiii.  4. 

8  The  famous  satirist  of  the  second  century  B.C. 



wheels  and  carefully  planned  seats  that  could  be 
turned  so  as  to  avoid  the  sun  at  one  moment,  at 
another,  face  the  breeze.  There  were  other  carriages 
that  measured  the  road,  and  showed  the  time ;  and 
still  others  designed  for  the  indulgence  of  his  vices. 

Pertinax  restored  to  their  masters,  moreover,  all 
slaves  who  had  come  from  private  homes  to  the 
Palace.  He  reduced  the  imperial  banquets  from 
something  absolutely  unlimited  to  a  fixed  standard,1 
and,  indeed,  cut  down  all  expenses  from  what  they 
had  been  under  Commodus.  And  from  the  example 
set  by  the  emperor,  who  lived  rather  simply,  there 
resulted  a  general  economy  and  a  consequent  reduc- 
tion in  the  cost  of  living  ;  for  by  eliminating  the 
un^essentials  he  reduced  the  upkeep  of  the  court  to 
half  the  usual  amount.  IX.  He  established  rewards 
for  the  soldiers,  paid  the  debt  which  he  had  con- 
tracted at  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  and  restored 
the  treasury  to  its  normal  condition.  He  set  aside 
a  fixed  sum  for  public  buildings,  furnished  funds  for 
repairing  the  highways,  and  paid  the  arrears  in  the 
salaries  of  very  many  men.  Finally,  he  made  the 
privy-purse  capable  of  sustaining  all  the  demands 
made  upon  it,  and  with  rigorous  honesty  he  even 
assumed  the  responsibility  for  nine  years'  arrears  of 
money  for  the  poor 2  which  was  owed  through  a 
statute  of  Trajan's. 

Before  he  was  made  emperor  he  was  not  free  from 
the  suspicion  of  greed,3  for  he  had  extended  his  own 
holdings  at  Vada  Sabatia  4  by  foreclosing  mortgages  ; 
indeed,  in  a  line  quoted  from  Lucilius  5  he  was  called 
a  land-shark.6  Many  men,  moreover,  have  set  down 

6  Properly  a  kind  of  sea-gull ,  proverbial  as  a  type  of  voracious- 
ness ;  see  Pliny,  Nat.  Hist.,  xi.  202. 



etiam  in  provinciis,  quas  consularis  gessit,  sordide  se 
egisse  in  litteras  rettulere.  nam  vacationes  et  lega- 
7tiones  militares  dicitur  vendidisse.  denique  cum 
parentum  minimum  esset  patrimonium,  et  nulla 
hereditas  obvenisset,  subito  dives  est  factus. 

8  Omnibus    sane    possessiones    suas    reddidit  quibus 

9  Commodus   ademerat,  sed  non  sine  pretio.     senatui 
legitimo  semper  intermit  ac  semper  aliquid  rettulit. 
civilem  se  salutantibus  et  interpellantibus  semper  ex- 

lOhibuit.  eos  qui  calumniis  adpetiti  per  servos  fuerant 
damnatis  severius J  delatoribus  liberavit,  in  crucem 
sublatis  talibus  servis  ;  aliquos  etiam  mortuos  vindi- 

X.  Insidias  paravit  ei  Falco  consul,  qui  2  questus  est 

2  in  senatu  volens  imp  jrare.    cui  3  quidem  credidit  sena- 
tus  4  cum  5  sibi  quidam  servus,  quasi  Fabiae  t  setique  6 
filius  ex  Ceionii  Commodi  familia,  Palatinam  domum 
ridicule  7  vindicasset,  cognitusque  iussus  esset  8  flagellis 

3  caesus    domino    restitui.      in    cuius    vindicta    ii    qui9 
oderant  Pertinacem  occasionem   seditionis    invenisse 

4  dicuntur.      Falconi   tamen   pepercit  et  a  senatu   im- 

lseucriu*  Walter;  scruis  P.  Peter.  2 Falco  consul,  qui 

questus  Editor;  Falco  conque^tus  P;  lacuna  ind.  by  Peter. 
3 cui  Editor;  quo  P;  quoa  Egnatius,  Peter1;  -^quo  Peter2. 
4senatus  ins.  by  Editor;  credidit,  P,  Peter.  5 cum  sugg. 

by  Peter  ;  dum  P,  Peter.  6  so  P  ;  fauiae  esset  filius  Edit, 

princeps.  Peter1.  7ridiculaP.  s  esset  Baehrens, 

Unger,  Peter2;  est  P,  Peter1.  *quodP. 

1  According  to  Do,  Ixxiii.  8,  2,  the  conspiracy  was  organized 
by  Laetns  and  the  guard,  which  objected  to  the  stern  discipline 
enforced  by  Pertinax;  Falco  was  chosen  merely  as  a  promis- 
ing candidate  for  the  throne. 

2  The  text  is  hopelessly  corrupt  and  the  name  of  the  pre- 
tender's father  has  been  lost ;  on  Fabia  see  Marc.,  xsix.  10; 
Ver.,  x.  3-4. 


PERTINAX  IX.  7— X.  4 

in  writing  that  in  those  provinces  which  he  ruled  as 
proconsul  he  conducted  himself  in  a  grasping  manner  ; 
for  he  sold,  they  said,  both  exemptions  from  service 
and  military  appointments.  And  lastly,  although  his 
father's  estate  was  very  small,  and  no  legacy  was  left 
him,  he  suddenly  became  rich. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  he  restored  to  every- 
one the  property  of  which  Commodus  had  despoiled 
him,  but  not  without  compensation.  He  always  at- 
tended the  stated  meetings  of  the  senate  and  always 
made  some  proposal.  To  those  who  came  to  greet 
him  or  who  accosted  him  he  was  always  courteous. 
He  absolved  a  number  of  men  whose  slaves  had 
assailed  them  with  false  charges,  and  punished 
severely  those  who  brought  the  accusation,  crucifying 
all  such  slaves  ;  and  he  also  rehabilitated  the  memory 
of  some  who  had  died. 

X.  A  plot  was  attempted  against  him1  by  Falco 
the  consul,  who,  being  eager  to  rule,  made  complaint 
in  the  senate.  He,  in  fact,  was  believed  by  the 
senate,  when  a  certain  slave,  on  the  ground  that  he 
was  the  son  of  Fabia  and  .  .  .'^  of  the  household  of 
Ceionius  Commodus,  laid  a  baseless  claim  to  the  resi- 
dence on  the  Palatine  and,  on  being  recognised,  was 
sentenced  to  be  soundly  flogged  and  returned  to  his 
master.  In  the  punishment  of  this  man  those  who 
hated  Pertinax  are  said  to  have  found  an  opportunity 
for  an  outbreak.  Nevertheless,  Pertinax  spared 
Falco,  and  furthermore  asked  the  senate  to  pardon 
him.3  In  the  end  Falco  lived  out  his  life  in  security 

3 He  had  been  declared  a  public  enemy  by  the  senate,  but 
Pertinax  asked  that  his  life  should  be  spared,  declaring  that 
he  wished  no  senator  to  be  put  to  death  during  his  reign ; 
see  Dio,  Ixxiii.  8,  5. 



5punitatem  eius  petiit.     denique  Falco  in  rebus  suis 
6securus  vixit  et  herede  filio  periit.      quamvis  multi 

7  Falconem  nescisse  dixerint  imperium  sibi  parari.    alii 
etiam  servis,  qui  rationes  interverterant,  falsis  testi- 
moniis  adpetitum  eum  esse  dixerunt. 

8  Sed   Pertinaci    factio   praeparata  est  per    Laetum 
praefectum    praetorii  et  eos  quos    Pertinacis    sancti- 

9  raonia    offenderat.     Laetum    enira   paenituerat  quod 
imperatorem  fecerat    Pertinacem,,  idcirco    quia    eum 
velut      stultum     intimatorem     nonnullarum     rerum 

10  reprehendebat.      grave    praeterea   militibus    visum, 

quod  in  causa  Falconis  multos  milites  ad  unius  servi 

XI.  testimonium  occidi  praeceperat.       trecenti  igitur  de 

castris    armati   ad    imperatorias   aedes l    cuneo   facto 

2  milites  venere.  eadem  tamen  die  immolante  Perti- 
nace  negatur  in  hostia  cor  repertum  ;  et  cum  id  vellet 
procurare,  caput  extorum  non  deprehendit.  et  tune 

Squidem  omnes  milites  in  castris  manebant.  qui  cum 
e 2  castris  ad  obsequium  principis  convenissent,  et 
Pertinax  eo  die  processionem,  quam  3  ad  Athenaeum 
paraverat,  ut  audiret  poetam,  ob  sacrificii  praesagium 
distulisset,  ii  qui  acl  obsequium  venerant  redire  in 

4  Castra  coeperuiit.  sed  subito  globus  ille  in  Palatium 
pervenit  neque  aut  arceri  potuit  aut  imperatori  nun- 

J  aedes  Egnatius  ;  caedes  P.         *e  castris  Petschenig ;  cas- 
tris P  ;  de  castris  Peter.         3  quam  om.  in  P. 

:The  account  of  the  murder  of  Pertinax,  as  given  in  Dio, 
Ixxiii.  9-10,  agrees  in  the  main  with  this  version. 

'^According  to  Dio,  Laetus  had  them  put  to  death,  alleging 
that  it  was  by  order  of  Pertinax. 

3  Two  hundred,  according  to  Dio. 

4  An  auditorium  built  by  Hadrian,  where  rhetoricians  and 


PERTINAX  X.  5— XI.  4 

and  in  possession  of  his  property,  and  at  his  death  his 
son  succeeded  to  the  inheritance.  Many  men,  how- 
ever, claimed  that  Falco  was  unaware  that  men  were 
planning  to  make  him  emperor,  and  others  said  that 
slaves  who  had  falsified  his  accounts  assailed  him 
with  trumped-up  charges. 

However,  a  conspiracy l  was  organized  against 
Pertinax  by  Laetus,  the  prefect  of  the  guard,  and 
sundry  others  who  were  displeased  by  his  integrity. 
Laetus  regretted  that  he  had  made  Pertinax  emperor, 
because  Pertinax  used  to  rebuke  him  as  a  stupid 
babbler  of  various  secrets.  It  seemed  to  the  soldiers, 
moreover,  a  very  cruel  measure,  that  in  the  matter  of 
Falco  he  had  had  many  of  their  comrades  put  to 
death  on  the  testimony  of  a  single  slave.2  XI.  And 
so  three  hundred  soldiers,3  formed  into  a  wedge, 
marched  under  arms  from  the  camp  to  the  imperial 
residence.  On  that  day,  it  was  said,  no  heart  had 
been  found  in  the  victim  when  Pertinax  performed  a 
sacrifice,  and  when  he  tried  to  avert  this  evil  omen, 
he  was  unable  to  discover  the  upper  portion  of  the 
liver.  And  so  on  that  day  the  great  body  of  the 
soldiers  remained  in  the  camp.  Some,  indeed,  had 
come  forth  from  the  camp  in  order  to  act  as  escort 
to  the  emperor,  but  Pertinax,  because  of  the  un- 
favourable sacrifice,  postponed  for  that  day  a  pro- 
jected visit  to  the  Athenaeum,4  where  he  had  planned 
to  hear  a  poet,  and  thereupon  the  escort  began  to  re- 
turn to  the  camp.  But  just  at  that  moment  the  band 
of  troops  mentioned  above  arrived  at  the  i  alace,  and 
neither  could  they  be  prevented  from  entering  nor 
could  their  entrance  be  announced  to  the  Emperor. 

poets  recited  their  works;  see  Alex.,  xxxv.  2;  Qord.t  iii.  4; 
Victor,  de  Caesaribus,  14. 



5  tiari.     enimvero  tantum  odium  in  Pertinacem  omnium 
aulicorum    fuit,    ut    ad    facinus    milites    hortarentur 

6  supervenerunt  Pertinaci,  cum  ille  aulicum  famulicium 
ordinaret,  ingressique  porticus  Palatii  usque  ad  locum 

7qui  appellatur  Sicilia  et  lovis  cenatio.  hoc  cognito 
Pertinax  Laetum  praefectum  praetorii  ad  eos  misit. 
sed  ille  declinatis  militibus  per  porticus  egressus 

8  adoperto  capite  domum  se  contulit.     verum  cum  ad 
interiora  prorumperent,   Pertinax   ad    eos    processit l 

9  eosque  longa    et  gravi  oratione    placavit.     sed    cum 
Tausius  quidam,  uiius  e  Tungris,  in  iram  et  in  timo- 
rem    milites  loquendo  adduxisset,   hastam  in  pectus 

10  Pertinacis  obiecit.     tune  ille  precatus  lovem  UJtorem 

11  toga  caput  operuit  atque  a  ceteris  confossus  est.     et 
Eclectus  2  quidem  confossis  duobus  cum  eodem  periit ; 

12  reliqui  autem  cubicularii  palatini  (nam  suos  statim,  ut 
imperator  factus  est,  filiis  emancipatis  dederat)  diffu- 

ISgerunt.  multi  sane  dicunt,  etiam  cubiculum  milites 
inrupisse  atque  illic  circa  lectum  fugientem  Pertinacem 

XII.   Fuit  autem  senex  venerabilis,  inmissa  barba, 

reflexo  capillo,  habitudine  corporis  pinguiore,  ventre 

prominulo,   statura  imperatoria,  eloquentia  mediocri, 

et  magis  blandus  quam  bentgnus  nee  umquam  credi- 

2tus  jsimplex.     et  cum  verbis  esset   affabilis,  re  erat 

lpraecessit  P.  2  Eclectus  Peter ;  eiectus  P. 

]  Consisting  mostly  of  the  libcrti  Augusti,  or  imperial  freed- 
men.  They  hated  Pertinax  because  he  had  compelled  them 
to  disgorge  their  ill-gotten  wealth;  see  c.  viii.  1;  xiii.  9; 
Dio,  Ixxiii.  8,  1. 

zi.e.  a  son  and  a  daughter;  see  c.  xiii.  7  and  Dio,  Ixxiii.  7, 
3.  Dio  relates  that  Pertinax,  after  becoming  emperor,  trans- 
ferred his  property  to  them  and  bade  them  take  up  their 


PERTINAX  XI.  5— XII.  2 

In  fact,  the  palace-attendants  l  hated  Pertinax  with  so 
bitter  a  hatred  that  they  even  urged  on  the  soldiers 
to  do  the  deed.  The  troops  arrived  just  as  Pertinax 
was  inspecting  the  court-slaves,  and,  passing  through 
the  portico  of  the  Palace,  they  advanced  as  far  as  the 
spot  called  Sicilia  and  the  Banqueting-Hall  ot  Jupiter. 
As  soon  as  he  learned  of  their  approach,  Pertinax  sent 
Laetus,  the  prefect  of  the  guard,  to  meet  them ;  but 
he,  avoiding  the  soldiers,  passed  out  through  the  por- 
tico and  betook  himselt  home  with  his  face  hidden 
from  sight.  After  they  had  burst  into  the  inner 
portion  of  the  Palace,  however,  Pertinax  advanced  to 
meet  them  and  sought  to  appease  them  with  a  long 
and  serious  speech.  In  spite  of  this,  one  Tausius,  a 
Tungrian,  after  haranguing  the  soldiers  into  a  state 
of  fury  and  fear,  hurled  his  spear  at  Pertinax'  breast. 
And  he,  after  a  prayer  to  Jupiter  the  Avenger,  veiled 
his  head  with  his  toga  and  was  stabbed  by  the  rest. 
Eclectus  also,  after  stabbing  two  of  his  assailants,  died 
with  him,  and  the  other  court-chamberlains  (his  own 
chamberlains,  as  soon  as  he  had  been  made  emperor, 
Pertinax  had  given  to  his  emancipated  children  2)  fled 
away  in  all  directions.  Many,  it  is  true,  say  that 
the  soldiers  even  burst  into  his  bedroom,  and  there, 
standing,about  his  bed,  slew  him  as  he  tried  to  flee. 
XII.  He  was  a  stately  old  man,  with  a  long  beard 
and  hair  brushed  back.  His  figure  was  somewhat 
corpulent,  with  somewhat  prominent  abdomen,  but 
his  bearing  was  regal.  He  was  a  man  of  mediocre 
ability  in  speaking,  and  suave  rather  than  kindly,  nor 
was  he  ever  considered  ingenuous.  Though  friendly 

residence  with  their  grandfather  (see  also  c.  xiii.  4).  They 
were  accordingly  regarded  as  freed  from  the  patria  potestas, 
and  so  are  described  as  emancipati. 



inliberalis  1  ac  prope  sordidus,  ut  dimidiatas  lactucas 

3  et  cardus  in  privata  vita  conviviis  adponerat.     et  nisi 
quid    missum   esset  edulium,   quotquot  essent  amici, 

4  novem  libras  carnis  per  tres  missus  ponebat.     si  autem 
plus  aliquid  missum  esset,  etiam  in  alium  diem  differ- 

5  ebat,  cum  semper  ad  convivium  multos  vocaret.     im- 
perator  etiam,  si  sine  convivis  esset,  eadem  consuetu- 

6  dine    cenitabat.      amicis    si    quando    de    prandio    suo 
mittere  voluit,  misit  ofFulas  binas  aut  omasi2  partem, 
aliquando  lumbos  gallinaceos.      phasianurn  numquam 

7  privato  convivio  comedit  aut  3  alicui  misit.      cum  sine 
amicis  ceny.ret,  adhibebat  uxorem  suam  et  Valerianum, 
qui  cumeodem  docuerat,  ut4fabulas  Htteratas 5  haberet. 

8  Sane  nullum  ex  iis  quos  Commodus  rebus  gerendis 
imposuerat  mutavit,    exspectans  urbis  natalem,  quod 
eum  diem  rerum  principium  volebat  esse,  atque  ideo 
etiam  in  balneis  eiCommodiani  ministri  necem  parasse 

XIII,  dicuntur.     imperium  et  omnia  imperialia  sic  horruit, 

ut    sibi  semper  ostenderet    displicere.     denique  non 

2  alium  se,  quam  fuerat,  videri  volebat.      fuit  in  curia 

honorificentissimus,  ita  ut  senatum  faventem  adoraret 

et    quasi    praefectus    urbi    cum    omnibus    sermonem 

1  inliberalis  Jordan;  inliberabilis  P.  <2pomasi   P. 

3  cumeditauit  P.          4  ut  om.  in  P.          5litteratus  P. 

aCf.  c.  viii.  9-11.     So  also  Dio,  Ixxiii.  3,  4. 

2  Regarded  as  great  dainties,  and  used  by  wise  and  frugal 
emperors  only  on  occasions  of  especial  importance  ;  see  Alex., 
xxxvii.  6  and  Tac.t  xi.  5.     For  the  converse  see  HeL,  xxxii.  4. 

3  Of.  c.  i.  4. 

4  The  Parilia,  celebrated  on  the  21st  Apnl ;  for  the  rites 
that  were  performed  see  Ovid,  Fasti,  iv.  721  f. 

5  Of.  c.  xv.  8. 

6  The  favourable  impression  made  by  Pertinax  on  the  senate 



enough  in  speech,  when  it  came  to  deeds,  he  was 
ungenerous  and  almost  mean — so  mean,  in  fact,  that 
before  he  was  made  emperor  he  used  to  serve  at  his 
banquets  lettuce  and  the  edible  thistle  in  half  portions. 
And  unless  someone  made  him  a  present  of  food,  he 
would  serve  nine  pounds  of  meat  in  three  courses,  no 
matter  how  many  friends  were  present ;  if  anyone 
presented  him  with  an  additional  amount,  moreover, 
he  would  put  off  using  it  until  the  next  day,  and 
would  then  invite  a  great  number  of  guests.  Even 
after  he  had  become  emperor,  if  he  had  no  guests  he 
would  dine  in  the  same  style.1  And  whenever  he  in 
turn  wished  to  send  his  friends  something  from  his 
table,  he  would  send  a  few  scraps  or  a  piece  of  tripe, 
or  occasionally  the  legs  of  a  fowl.  But  he  never  ate 
pheasants  2  at  his  own  banquets  or  sent  them  to  others. 
And  when  he  dined  without  guests,  he  would  invite 
his  wife  and  Valerianus,  who  had  been  a  teacher  to- 
gether with  him,3  in  order  that  he  might  have  literary 

He  removed  none  of  those  whom  Commodus  had 
put  in  charge  of  affairs,  preferring  to  wait  until  the 
anniversary  of  the  founding  of  the  city,4  which  he 
wished  to  make  the  official  beginning  of  his  reign  ; 
and  thus  it  came  about,  it  is  said,  that  the  servants  of 
Commodus  plotted  to  slay  him  in  his  bath.  XIII.  The 
imperial  power  and  all  the  appurtenances  thereof 
he  abhorred,5  and  he  always  made  it  quite  evident 
that  they  were  distasteful  to  him.  In  short,  he  did 
not  wish  to  seem  other  than  he  really  was.  In  the 
senate-house  he  was  most  punctilious,6  doing  reverence 
to  the  senate  when  it  expressed  its  good  will  and  con- 
is  reflected  all  through  the  narrative  of  Dio  (himself  a  senator 
at  the  time),  but  particularly  in  Ixxiii.  3,  4. 



3  participaret.     voluit  etiam  imperium  deponere  atque 

4  ad  privatam  vitam  redire.     filios  suos  in  Palatio  nutriri 

Tam  parcus  autem  et  tarn  lucri  cupidus  fuit,  ut 
apud  Vada  Sabatia  mercaturas  exercuerit  imperator 
per  homines  suos,  non  aliter  quam  privatus  solebat. 
5necmultum  tamen  amatus  est ;  si  quidem  omnes  qui 
libere  fabulas  conferebant  male  Pertinacem  loque- 
bantur,  christologum  eum  appellantes,  qui  bene 

6  loqueretur  et  male  faceret.     nam  et  cives  sui,  qui  ad 
eum  confluxerant    iam  imperatorem    et   nihil    de  eo 
meruerant,    sic    eum    appellabant.     munera    quoque 
lucri  libidine  libenter  accepit. 

7  Reliquit    filium  et  filiam  superstites  et 2    uxorem, 
Flavii  Sulpiciani  filiam,   quern   praelectum   urbi  loco 

8suo  fecerat.  circa  uxoris  pudicitiam  minus  curiosus 
fuit,  cum  palam  citharoedum  ilia  diligeret.  ipse  prae- 

9  terea  Cornificiam  infamissime  dicitur  dilexisse.  libertos 
aulicos  vehementissime  compressit,  unde  grande  quo- 
que odium  contraxit. 

XIV.   Signa  interitus  haec  fuerunt  :   ipse  ante  tri- 
duum  quam  occideretur  in  piscina  sibi  visus  est  videre 

2  hominem  cum  gladio  infestantem.  et  ea  die  qua  occisus 


1  See  note  to  c.  xi.  12.  2Cf.  c.  ix.  4. 

3  A  rendering  of  the  Greek  xPr)(Tro^7os^  which,  according 
to  Victor,  Epitome,  18,  4,  wis  applied  to  Pertinax  because  he 
was  blandus  magis  quam  beneficus. 

4  See  note  to  c.  xi.  12.  B  Flavia  Titiana  ;  see  c.  v.  4. 
6  See  Did.  JuL,  ii.  4  f. 



versing  with  all  the  senators  as  though  still  prefect  of 
the  city.  He  even  wished  to  resign  the  throne  and 
retire  to  private  life,  and  was  unwilling  to  have 
his  children  reared  in  the  Palace.1 

On  the  other  hand,  he  was  so  stingy  and  eager  for 
money  that  even  after  he  became  emperor  he  carried 
on  a  business  at  Vada  Sabatia  2  through  agents,  just 
as  he  had  done  as  a  private  citizen.  And  despite  his 
efforts,  he  was  not  greatly  beloved ;  certainly,  all 
who  talked  freely  together  spoke  ill  of  Pertinax, 
calling  him  the  smooth-tongued,3  that  is,  a  man  who 
speaks  affably  and  acts  meanly.  In  truth,  his 
fellow-townsmen,  who  had  flocked  to  him  after  his 
accession,  and  had  obtained  nothing  from  him,  gave 
him  this  name.  In  his  lust  for  gain,  he  accepted 
presents  with  eagerness. 

He  was  survived  by  a  son  and  a  daughter,4  and  by 
his  wife,5  the  daughter  of  the  Flavius  Sulpiciaiius 6 
whom  he  made  prefect  of  the  city  in  his  own  place. 
He  was  not  in  the  least  concerned  about  his  wife's 
fidelity,  even  though  she  carried  on  an  amour  quite 
openly  with  a  man  who  sang  to  the  lyre.  He  him- 
self, it  is  said,  caused  great  scandal  by  an  amour  with 
Cornificia.7  The  freedmen  attached  to  the  court  he 
kept  within  bounds  with  a  strong  hand,  and  in  this 
way  also  he  brought  upon  himself  a  bitter  hatred.8 

XIV.  The  warnings  of  his  death  were  these  :  three 
days  before  he  was  killed  he  himself,  on  looking  into 
a  pool,  seemed  to  behold  a  man  attacking  him  with 
a  sword.  And  on  the  day  he  was  killed,  they  say, 
the  pupils  of  his  eyes,  as  well  as  the  little  pictures 

7  Probably  the  daughter  of  Marcus  ;  see  note  to  Com.,  xvii. 

8  See  c.  xi.  5  and  note. 



est  negabant  in  oculis  eius  pupulas  cum  imaginibus, 

3  quas  reddunt,  spectantibus  visas,     et  cum  apud  Lares 
sacrificaret,  carbones  vivacissimi  exstincti  sunt,  cum 
inflammari  soleant.     et,   ut  supra  dictum  est,  cor  et 
caput    in  hostiis    non    est    repertum.     stellae    etiam 
iuxta  solem  per  diem  clarissimae  visae  l  ante  diem  a 

4  quam  obiret.      et   ipse   omen   de  luliano  successore 
dedisse  dicitur.     nam  cum  ei  Didius  lulianus  fratris 
filium  obtulisset,  cui  despondebat  filiam  suam,  adhor- 
tatus  est  iuvenem  ad  patrui  observationem  et  3  adie- 
cit :     "  Observa    collegam    et    successorem    meum ". 

5  nam  ante  lulianus  ei  et  in  consulatu  collega  fuerat  et 
in  proconsulatu  successerat. 

6  Milites  eum  et  aulici  odio  habuerunt,  populus  mor- 
tem eius  indignissime  tulit,  quia  videbat   omnia  per 

7  eum  antiqua  posse  restitui.     caput  eius  conto  fixum 
milites  qui  eum  occiderant  per  urbem  in  castra  per- 

8tulerunt.     reliquiae  eius  recuperate  capite  in  sepul- 

9  chro  avi  uxoris  locatae  sunt.     et  lulianus,  successor 

illius,  corpus  eius  quanto  potuit  honore  funeratus  est, 

10  cum  id    in   Palatio  repperisset.     qui  numquam    eius 

ullam  mentionem  vel  apud  populum  vel  apud  sena- 

tum  publice  fecit,  sed  cum  ipse  quoque  a  militibus 

desertus  iam  esset,  per  senatum  et  populum  Pertinax 

XV.  in    deos    relates  est.     sub  Severo  autem  imperatore 

cum  senatus  ingens  testimonium  habuisset  Pertinax, 

1  uisae  P  ;  uisae  sunt  Peter.  3  diem  Casaubon  ;  dies  P. 

set  ins.  by  Peter ;  om.  in  P. 

1  c.  xi.  2.  2  Cf.  Did.  Jul.,  ii.  3. 

8  In  Africa ;  see  c.  iv.  1  and  Did.  Jul.,  ii.  3. 
4  Cf.  c.  x.  10  and  xi.  5. 

6  See  Sev.,  vii.  8,  and  the  coins  with  Divus  Pertinax  and 
Consecratio,  Cohen,  iii2,  p.  390  f.,  nos.  6-12.     The  elaborate 



which  they  reflect,  were  invisible  to  those  who  looked 
into  them.  And  when  he  was  performing  sacrifices 
to  the  Lares  the  living  coals  died  out,  though  they 
are  wont  to  flame  up.  Furthermore,  as  we  related 
above,1  the  heart  and  upper  portion  of  the  liver  could 
not  be  found  in  the  victims.  And  on  the  day  before 
he  died,  stars  of  great  brilliancy  were  seen  near  the 
sun  in  the  day-time.  He  was  responsible  himself,  it 
is  said,  for  an  omen  about  his  successor,  Julianus. 
For  when  Didius  Julianus  presented  a  nephew  of  his, 
to  whom  he  was  betrothing  his  daughter,  the  Emperor 
exhorted  the  young  man  to  show  deference  to  his 
uncle,  and  added :  "  Honour  my  colleague  and 
successor."  2  For  Julianus  had  previously  been  his 
colleague  in  the  consulship  and  had  succeeded  hinica.  175 
in  his  proconsular  command.3 

The  soldiers  and  court-retainers  regarded  him  with 
hatred,4  but  the  people  felt  great  indignation  at  his 
death,  since  it  had  seemed  that  all  the  ancient  customs 
might  be  restored  through  his  efforts.  His  head,  fixed 
on  a  pole,  was  carried  through  the  city  to  the  camp 
by  the  soldiers  who  killed  him.  His  remains,  in- 
cluding his  head,  which  was  recovered,  were  laid  in 
the  tomb  of  his  wife's  grandfather.  And  Julianus, 
his  successor,  buried  his  body  with  all  honour,  after 
he  had  found  it  in  the  Palace.  At  no  time,  however, 
did  he  make  any  public  mention  of  Pertinax  either 
before  the  people  or,  in  the  presence  of  the  senate, 
but  when  he,  too,  was  deserted  by  the  soldiers  Pertinax 
was  raised  to  the  rank  of  the  gods  by  the  senate  and 
the  people.5  XV.  In  the  reign  of  Severus,  moreover, 
after  Pertinax  had  received  the  full  official  approval 

funeral-ceremonies  are  described  in  detail  by  Dio,  an  eye- 
witness ;  see  Ixxiv.  4-5. 



funus  imaginarium  ei  et  censorium  ductum  est,  et  ab 

2  ipso    Severe    funebri    laudatione    ornatus    est.     ipse 
autem  Severus  amore  boni  principis  a  senatu  Perti- 

3  nacis  nomen  accepit.     filius  Pertinacis  patri  flamen  est 
4factus.      Marciani  sodales,  qui  divi  Marci  sacra  cura- 

bant,  Helviani  sunt  dicti  propter  Helvium  Pertinacera. 

5  circenses  et  imperil  natalis  additi,  qui  a  Severe  postea 
sublati  sunt,  et  genitalicii,  qui l  manent. 

6  Natus  autem  kal.  Augustis  Vero  et  Ambibulo 2  con- 
sulibus.     interiectus  est  V  kal.  Apr.  Falcone  et  Claro 
consulibus.      vixit   annis    LX   meusibus   VII    diebus 

7  XXVI.     imperavit  mensibus  II  diebus  XXV.     congiar- 
ium  dedit  populo  denarios  centenos.     praetorianis  pro- 
misit  duodena  milia  nummum  sed  dedit  sena.     quod 
exercitibus  promissum  est  datum  non  est,  quia  mors 
eum  praevenit.     horruisse  autem  ilium  imperium  epis- 

8  tula  docet,  quae  vitae  illius  a  Mario  Maximo  apposita 
est.     quam  ego  inserere  3   ob  nimiam   longitudinem 

1  genitalicii  qui  Casaubon  ;  geniti  aliqui  P.          2  Bibulo  P. 
3  inserere  Puteanus  ;  inseri  P. 

note  to  Sev.t  vii.  8.  2See  Sev.,  vii.  9  and  note. 

3 See  note  to  Marc.,  xv.  4. 

4 They  are  listed  in  the  Calendar  of  Philocalus  of  354  A.D.  ; 
see  C.I.L.,  i2,  p.  270.  On  the  custom  of  celebrating  an 
emperor's  birthday  by  races  in  the  circus  see  note  to  Hadr.t 
viii.  2. 



of  the  senate,  an  honorary  funeral,  of  the  kind  that 
would  be  accorded  to  a  censor,  was  held  for  him,1 
and  Severus  himself  honoured  him  with  a  funeral 
eulogy.  Severus,  furthermore,  out  of  respect  for  so 
good  a  ruler,  accepted  from  the  senate  the  name 
Pertinax.2  Pertinax'  son  was  made  his  father's  priest, 
and  the  Marcian  brotherhood,3  who  performed  the 
sacrifices  to  the  Deified  Marcus,  were  called  Helviani 
in  honour  of  Helvius  Pertinax.  There  were  added, 
also,  circus-games  and  a  celebration  to  commemorate 
the  anniversary  of  his  accession,  but  these  were  after- 
wards abolished  by  Severus.  The  birthday-games 
decreed  for  him,  however,  are  still  observed.4 

He  was  born  on  the  Kalends  of  August  in  the  1  Aug., 
consulship  of  Verus  and  Ambibulus,  and  was  killed 
on  the  fifth  day  before  the  Kalends  of  April  in  the  26  Mar., 
consulship  of  Falco  and  Clarus.  He  lived  sixty 
years,5  seven  months  and  twenty-six  days,  and  reigned 
for  two  months  and  twenty-five  days.  He  gave  the 
people  a  largess  of  one  hundred  denarii  apiece,6  and 
promised  twelve  thousand  sesterces  to  each  soldier  of 
the  guard,  though  he  gave  only  six  thousand.7  The 
sum  promised  to  the  armies  he  did  not  give  for  the 
reason  that  death  forestalled  h  m.  A  letter  which 
Marius  Maximus  included  in  his  life  of  Pertinax  shows 
that  he  shrank  from  taking  the  imperial  power,8  but 
this  letter,  on  account  of  its  great  length,  I  have  not 
thought  best  to  insert. 

5  More  correctly,  sixty-six.  6  See  note  to  c.  vii.  11. 

7  See  note  to  c.  iv.  6.  80(.  c.  xiii.  1. 




I.  Didio  luliano,  qui  post  Pertinacem  imperium 
adeptus  est,  proavus  fuit  Salvius  l  lulianus,  bis  consul, 
praefectus  urbi  et  iuris  consultus,  quod  magis  eum 
2nobilem  fecit,  mater  Clara  Aemilia,  pater  Petronius 
Didius  Severus,  fratres  Didius  Proculus  et  Nummius 
Albinus,  avunculus  Salvius  lulianus.  avus  paternus 
Insubris  Mediolanensis,  maternus  ex  Hadrumetina 

3  Educatus    est  apud   Domitiam    Lucillam,    matrem 

4  Marci   imperatoris.       inter   viginti    viros    lectus    est 
suffragio  matris  Marci.     quaestor  ante  annum  quam 

5legitima  aetas  sinebat    designatus    est.      aedilitatem 

suffragio    Marci    consecutus    est.       praetor    eiusdem 

6  suffragio    fuit.     post    praeturam    legioni    praefuit    in 

1  albius  P. 

1  See  Hadr.,  xviii.  1  and  note.     It  is  improbable  that  Didius 
was  related  to  Salvius  Julianus,  for  his  family   came  from 
Milan,  and  since  an  inscription  which  connected  Salvius  with 
this  city  has  been  shown  to  be  a  forgery,  there  is  no  reason  for 
supposing   that   he  was   a   native   of  Milan.     At   any  rate, 
Salvius,  who  was  born  toward  the  end  of  the  first  century, 
was  not  the  great-grandfather  of  Didius,  who  was  born  not 
later  than  137  (see  c.  ix.  3  and  note). 

2  See  Marc.,  i.  3. 





I.  Didius  Julianus,  who  gained  possession  of  the 
empire  after  Pertinax,  was  the  great-grandson  of 
Salvius  Julianus,1  a  man  who  was  twice  consul,  pre- 
fect of  the  city,  and  an  authority  in  jurisprudence — 
which,  more  than  anything  else,  had  made  him 
famous.  His  mother  was  Aemilia  Clara,  his  father 
Petronius  Didius  Severus,  his  brothers  Didius  Pro- 
culus  and  Nummius  Albinus  ;  another  Salvius  Julianus 
was  his  uncle.  His  father's  father  was  an  Insubrian 
from  Milan,  his  mother's  came  from  the  colony  of 

He  himself  was  reared  at  the  home  of  Domitia 
Lucilla,2  the  mother  of  the  Emperor  Marcus,  and 
through  the  support  of  this  lady  he  was  elected  to 
the  Board  of  Twenty.3  He  was  appointed  quaestor 
a  year  before  he  reached  the  legal  age,4  and  through 
the  support  of  Marcus  he  attained  to  the  office  of 
aedile.  Again  with  the  support  of  Marcus  he  became 
praetor.5  After  his  praetorship  he  commanded  the 

3  According  to  an  inscription  found  at  Rome  (C.I.L.,  vi. 
1401  =  Dessau,  Ins.  Sel.,  412)  he  was  decemvir  litibus  iudi- 
candis,  on  which  see  note  to  Hadr.,  ii.  2. 

4  See  note  to  Pius,  vi.  10. 

6  A  rescript  addressed  to  him  by  Marcus  is  mentioned  in 
Digesta,  xxviii.  1,  20,  9. 



7Germania  vicensimae  secundae  Primigeniae.  inde 
Belgicam  sancte  ac  diu  rexit.  ibi  Chaucis,  Germaniae 
populis  qui  Albiin  fluvium  adcolebant,  erumpentibus 

Srestitit  tumultuariis  auxiliis  provincialium.  ob  quae 
consulatum  meruit  testimonio  imperatoris.  Chattos 

9  etiam  debellavit.  hide  Dalmatian!  regendam  accepit 
eamque  a  confinibus  hostibus  vindicavit.  post  Ger- 
II.  maniam  inferiorem  rexit.  post  hoc  curam  alimen- 
torum  in  Italiam  meruit.  tune  factus  est  reus  per 
quendam  Severum  Clarissimum  militem  coniurationis 
cum  Salvio  contra  Commodum,  sed  a  Commodo,  quia 
multos  iam  senatores  occiderat  et  quidem  nobiles  ac 
potentes  in  causis  maiestatis,  ne  tristius  gravaretur, 

2  Didius  liberatus  est  accusatore  damnato.     absolutus 
iterum  ad  regendam  provinciam  missus  est.      Bithy- 
niam  deinde  rexit,  sed  non  ea  fama  qua  ceteras. 

3  Fuit    consul    cum    Pertinace     et     in    proconsulatu 
Africae  eidem  l  successit  et  semper  ab  eo  collega  est 
et  successor  appellatus.     maxime  eo  die  cum  filiam 
suam  lulianus  despondens  adfini  suo  ad  Pertinacem 
venisset  idque  intimasset,  dixit :"....  que  debita 
reverentia,    quia    collega    et    successor    meus    est." 

4  statim  enim  mors   Pertinacis  secuta  est.     quo  inter- 

1  idem  P. 

1The  inscription  does  not  mention  this  command,  but  re- 
cords that  he  was  assistant  (le-gatus)  to  the  proconsuls  both  of 
Achaia  and  Africa. 

2  This  and  the  four  other  provincial  governorships  are  all 
enumerated  in  the  inscription. 

3  See  note  to  Pert.,  iv.  1.     The  mention  of  this  office  seems 
to  be  out  of  the  chronological  order,  for  he  was  consul  about 
175  (see    below),  and  the  alleged  conspiracy  of   P.    Salvius 
Julianus  against  Gommodus  was  not  until  182  (see  Com.,  iv. 



Twenty-second  Legion,1  the  Primigenia,  in  Germany, 
and  following  that  he  ruled  Belgium  2  long  and  well. 
Here,  with  auxiliaries  hastily  levied  from  the  provinces, 
he  held  out  against  the  Chauci  (a  people  of  Germany 
who  dwelt  on  the  river  Elbe)  as  they  attempted  to 
burst  through  the  border  ;  and  for  these  services,  on 
the  recommendation  of  the  emperor,  he  was  deemed 
worthy  of  the  consulship.  He  also  gained  a  crushing 
victory  over  the  Chatti.  Next  he  took  charge  of 
Dalmatia  and  cleared  it  of  the  hostile  tribes  on  its 
borders.  II.  Then  he  governed  Lower  Germany  ;  and 
after  that  he  was  deemed  worthy  of  superintend- 
ing the  distribution  of  grants  of  money  to  the  poor 
in  Italy.3  In  this  position  he  was  accused  by  one 
Severus  Clarissimus,  a  soldier,  of  being  an  associate  of 
Salvius 4  in  his  conspiracy  against  Commodus.  But 
Commodus  had  already  put  many  senators  and  many 
distinguished  and  powerful  men  to  death  on  the 
charge  of  treason,  and  so  he  was  afraid  of  acting  too 
harshly  and  therefore  pardoned  Didius  and  executed 
his  accuser.  Thus  acquitted,  Didius  was  sent  again 
to  govern  a  province.  Then  he  governed  Bithynia, 
but  not  as  creditably  as  the  other  provinces. 

His  consulship  he  served  with  Pertinax ;  in  the  Ca.  175 
proconsulship  of  Africa,5  moreover,  he  succeeded  him. 
Pertinax  always  spoke  of  him  as  his  colleague  and 
successor ;  on  that  day,  in  particular,  when  Julianus, 
after  betrothing  his  daughter  to  a  kinsman  of  his  own, 
came  to  Pertinax  and  informed  him  of  the  fact, 
Pertinax  said :  "  .  .  .  and  due  respect,  for  he  is  my 
colleague  and  successor  ".6  The  death  of  Pertinax 
ensued  immediately  afterwards.  After  his  death, 

4  i.e.  P.  Salvius  Julianus. 

5  Of.  Pert.,  iv.  1.  6  Of.  Pert.,  adv.  4. 



fecto  cum  Sulpicianus  imperator  in  castris  appellari 
vellet,  et  lulianus  cum  genero  ad  senatum  venisset, 
quern  indictum  acceperat,  cumque  clausas  valvas  in- 

5  venisset  atque  illic  duos  tribunes  repperisset,  Publium l 
Florianum  et  Vectium 2  Aprum,  coeperunt  cohortari 
tribuni,  ut  locum  arriperet.     quibus  cum  3  diceret  iam 
alium  imperatorem  appellatum,    retinentes    eum   ad 

6  praetoria  castra  duxerunt.     sed  posteaquam  in  castra 
veiitum  est,  cum  4  Sulpiciano  praefecto  urbi,  socero 
Pertinacis,  contionante  sibique  imperium  vindicante 
lulianum    e    muro    ingentia    pollicentem    null  us    ad- 
mitteret,  primum   lulianus    monuit    praetorianos,    ne 
eum    facerent    imperatorem,  qui    Pertinacem    vindi- 
caret ;  deinde  scripsit  in  tabulis  se  Commodi  memo- 

7riam  restituturum.  atque  ita  est  admissus  et 5  im- 
perator appellatus,  rogantibus  praetorianis  ne 
Sulpiciano  aliquid  noceret,  quod  imperator  esse 

III.  Tune  lulianus  Flavium  Genialem  et  Tullium 
Crispinum  suffragio  praetorianorum  praefectos  praetorii 
fecit  stipatusque  est  caterva  imperatoria  per  Mauren- 

2tium,  qui  et  ante  Sulpiciano  coniunxerat.  sane  cum 
vicena  quina  milia  militibus  promisisset,  tricena  dedit. 

1publicumP.  ^uectium  P.;  Vettium  Jordan,  Peter. 

scum  om.  in  P1.  4  cum  om.  in  P1.  6est  admissus  et 

Peter  ;  et  admissus  est  P. 

1GL  Pert.,  xiii.  7. 

2  The  scene  at  the  camp  is  described  in  greater  detail  by 
Dio  (Ixxiii.  11),  especially  the  famous  auction  of  the  empire 
by  the  soldiers,  in  which  Sulpicianus  and  Didius  bid  against 



when  Sulpicianus  1  was  making  plans  to  be  hailed 
emperor  in  the  camp,  Julianus,  together  with  his 
son-in-law,  came  to  the  senate,  which,  he  heard, 
had  been  summoned,  but  found  the  doors  closed. 
At  the  same  time  he  discovered  there  two  tri- 
bunes, Publius  Florianus  and  Vectius  Aper,  who 
immediately  began  urging  him  to  seize  the  throne  ; 
and  though  he  pointed  out  to  them  that  another 
man  was  already  proclaimed  emperor,  they  held 
him  fast  and  conducted  him  to  the  praetorian 
camp.2  When  they  arrived  at  the  camp,  however, 
Sulpicianus,  the  prefect  of  the  city  and  the  father-in- 
law  of  Pertinax,  was  holding  an  assembly  and  claiming 
the  empire  himself,  and  no  one  would  let  Julianus 
inside,  despite  the  huge  promises  he  made  from  out- 
side the  wall.  Julianus  then  first  warned  the  soldiers 
not  to  proclaim  anyone  emperor  who  would  avenge 
Pertinax,  and  next  wrote  on  placards  that  he  would 
restore  the  good  name  3  of  Commodus  ;  so  he  was  ad- 
mitted and  proclaimed  emperor,  the  soldiers  at  the 
same  time  requesting  that  he  would  not  in  any  way 
injure  Sulpicianus  for  aiming  at  the  throne. 

III.  Immediately  thereafter,  on  the  recommenda- 
tion of  the  praetorians  themselves,  Julianus  appointed 
Flavius  G^nialis  and  Tullius  Crispinus  prefects  of 
the  guard,  and  through  the  efforts  of  Maurentius, 
who  had  previously  declared  for  Sulpicianus,  he  was 
attended  by  the  imperial  body-guard.  Although  he 
had  promised  five  and  twenty  thousand  sesterces  to 

each  other.  Dio's  account,  however,  must  be  used  with 
caution,  for  his  whole  narrative  shows  a  decided  animus 
against  Didius. 

3  i.e.  restore  it  to  the  public  records  and  monuments ;  see 
Com.,  xvii.  6;  xx.  5. 



3  dein l  habita  contione  militari  vespera  in  senatum 
venit  totumque  se  senatui  permisit  factoque  senatus 
consulto  imperator  est  appellatus,  et  tribuniciam 
potestatem  ius  proconsulare  in  patricias  familias  re- 

41atus   emeruit.     uxor  etiam  Manila  Scantilla  et  filia 

5  eius  Didia  Clara  Augustae  sunt  appellatae.  inde  se 
ad  Palatiurn  recepit,  uxore  ac  filia  illuc  vocatis 
trepidis  invitisque  2  transeuntibus,  quasi  iam  imminens 

eexitium  praesagirent.  praefectum  urbi  Cornelium 
Repentinum,  generum  suum,  fecit  in  locum  Sulpici- 

7  Erat  interea  in  odio  populi  Didius  lulianus  ob  hoc, 
quod  creditum  fuerat  emendationem  temporum  Cora- 
modi  Pertinacis  auctoritate  reparandam,  habebaturque 

8ita,  quasi  luliani  consilio  esset  interemptus.  et  iam 
hi  primum  qui  lulianum  odisse  coeperant  dissemina- 
runt  prima  statim  die  Pertinacis  cena  despecta 
luxuriosum  parasse  convivium  ostreis  et  altilibus  et 
piscibus  adornatum.  quod  falsum  fuisse  constat. 

gnam    lulianus  tantae  parsimoniae  fuisse   perhibetur, 

1  dein  Peter ;  in  P1.  2  inuitisque  Peter1 ;  inuitis  eo  P ; 

t  inuitis  eo  Peter2. 

1  Marcus  and  Verus  had  given  twenty  thousand  (Marc. ,  vii. 
9),  Pertinax  twelve  thousand  (Pert.,  xv.    7).     According   to 
Herodian  (ii.  7,  1)  Didius  did  not  pay  what  he  had  promised, 
because  the  money  was  not  available. 

2  His  appearance  before  the  senate  is  more  fully  described 
by  Dio,  who  was  present ;  see  Ixxiii.  12.     Dio's  account  is 
much  less  favourable  to  Didius  than  the  account  given  here, 
which  seems  to  aim  at  representing  him  as  the  choice  of  the 

3 The  emperors  of  the  Julio-Claudian  house  had  been  patri- 
cians, and  hence  it  was  considered  necessary  for  the  emperor 
to  have  this  rank.  Accordingly,  when  a  plebeian  was  elected 



each  soldier,  he  gave  thirty.1  Then,  after  holding  an 
assembly  of  the  soldiers,  he  came  in  the  evening  to 
the  senate,2  and  entrusted  himself  to  it  without  con- 
ditions ;  thereupon,  by  decree  of  the  senate  he  was 
acclaimed  emperor  and,  after  being  raised  to  a  place 
among  the  patrician  families,3  he  received  the  tribu- 
nician  power  and  the  rights  of  a  proconsul.4  His 
wife  Manlia  Scantilla,  moreover,  and  his  daughter, 
Didia  Clara,  were  given  the  name  Augusta  ;  5  and 
thereupon  he  betook  himself  to  the  Palace  and 
thither  summoned  his  wife  and  daughter,  who  came, 
though  with  considerable  trepidation  and  reluctance 
as  if  they  already  foresaw  impending  doom.6  Corne- 
lius Repentinus,  his  son-in-law,  he  made  prefect  of 
the  city  in  place  of  Sulpicianus. 

The  people,  meanwhile,  detested  Julianus  because 
it  had  been  their  belief  that  the  abuses  of  Corn- 
modus'  regime  were  to  be  reformed  by  the  influence 
of  Pertinax,  and  he  was  considered  to  have  been 
killed  with  Julianus'  connivance.  And  now,  those 
who  had  begun  to  hate  Julianus  were  the  first, 
to  spread  it  abroad  that  on  the  very  first  day  of 
his  reign,  to  show  his  contempt  for  Pertinax'  board, 
he  had  served  an  extravagant  banquet  embellished 
with  such  dainties  as  oysters  and  fatted  birds  and  fish. 
This  story,  it  is  generally  agreed,  was  false.7  For 
according  to  report,  Julianus  was  so  frugal  as  to  make 

(as  was  the  case  from  Vespasian  onward,  with  the  sole  ex- 
ception of  Nerva),  the  senate  raised  him  to  the  patriciate. 

4  See  note  to  Pius,  iv.  7. 

5  Augusta  appears  on  the  coins  of  both  ;  see  Cohen,  iii2,  p. 
401  f.  ' 

6  According  to  Herodian  (ii.  6,  7)  it  was  the  two  women 
who  persuaded  Didius  to  bid  for  the  throne. 

7  Dio,  however,  asserts  it  as  a  fact ;  see  Ixxiii.  13.  1. 



ut  per  triduum  porcellum,  per  triduum  leporem 
divideret,  si  quis  ei l  forte  misisset,  saepe  autem 
nulla  exsistente  religione  holeribus  leguminibusque 
10  contentus  sine  carne  cenaverit.  deinde  neque  cenavit 
priusquam  sepultus  esset  Pertinax,  et  tristissimus 
cibum  ob  ems  necem  sumpsit  et  primam  noctem 
vigiliis  continuavit,  de  tanta  necessitate  sollicitus. 

IV.  Ubi  vero  primum  inluxit,  senatum  et  equestrem 
ordinem  in  Palatium  venientem  admisit  atque  unum- 
quemque,  ut  erat  aetas,  vel  fratrem  2  vel  filium  vel 

2  parentem    adfatus  blandissime   est.     sed  populus   in 
Rostris  atque  ante  curiam  ingentibus  eum  conviciis 
lacessebat,  sperans  deponi  ab  eo  posse  imperium  quod 

3  milites  3  dederant.     lapidationem  quoque  fecere.     de- 
scendenti    cum    militibus  et    senatu  in  curiam   diras 
imprecati    sunt,    rem    divinam    facienti    ne    litaret4 

4  optarunt.     lapides  etiam  in  eum  iecerunt,  cum  luli- 

5  anus    manu  eos  semper  placare    cuperet.     ingressus 
autem  curiam,  placide  et  prudenter  verba  fecit,      egit 
gratias,  quod  esset  adscitus,  quod  et  ipse  et  uxor  et 
filia    eius    Augustorum    nomen    acceperunt.       patris 
patriae  quoque  nomen    recepit,    argenteam    statuam 

Grespuit.     e    senatu  in    Capitolium    pergenti   populus 
obstitit,    sed  ferro  et  vulneribus    et   pollicitationibus 

let  P.  2 fratrem  Peter2;  patrem  P.  3 mites  P1. 

4  ne  litaret  Edit,  princeps  ;  elitaret  P. 

}0n  the  other  hand,  Herodian  (ii.   7,  1)  emphasizes  his 
luxury  and  extravagance. 

2  A  similar  description  of  what  happened  in  front  of  the 



a  suckling  pig  or  a  hare  last  for  three  days,  if  anyone 
by  chance  presented  him  with  one  ;  and  often,  more- 
over, even  when  there  was  no  religious  reason  there- 
for, he  was  content  to  dine  on  cabbages  and  beans 
without  meat.1  Furthermore,  he  gave  no  banquet 
until  after  Pertinax  was  buried,  and,  because  of  his 
death,  took  what  food  he  did  in  a  very  depressed 
state  of  mind,  and  passed  the  first  night  in  continual 
wakefulness,  disquieted  by  such  a  fate. 

IV.  But  when  the  day  dawned,  he  admitted  the 
senators  and  knights  who  came  to  the  Palace,  and 
greeted  each  very  cordially,  either  as  brother,  or  son, 
or  father,  according  to  his  age.  The  populace,  how- 
ever, at  the  Rostra  and  in  front  of  the  senate-house,2 
assailed  him  with  violent  revilings,  hoping  that  he 
might  resign  the  sovereignty  which  the  soldiers  had 
given  him  ;  and  they  even  launched  a  shower  of 
stones.  As  he  came  down  to  the  senate-house  with 
the  soldiers  and  senate,  they  heaped  curses  upon  him, 
and  when  he  performed  the  sacrifices,  wished  that  he 
might  not  obtain  favourable  omens  ;  they  even  hurled 
stones  at  him,  though  Julianus,  with  uplifted  hand, 
continually  sought  to  calm  them.  When  he  entered 
the  senate-house,  he  spoke  calmly  and  discreetly,  and 
returned  thanks  because  he  had  been  chosen,  and  be- 
cause he,  his  wife,  and  his  daughter,  had  been  given 
the  titles  of  Augustus  and  Augusta.  He  accepted 
also  the  name  of  Father  of  his  Country,  but  refused 
a  silver  statue.  Then,  as  he  proceeded  from  the 
senate-house  to  the  Capitol,  the  populace  placed 
themselves  in  his  way,  but  by  the  sword,  by  wounds, 
and  by  promises  of  gold-pieces,  the  number  of  which 

senate-house  and  in  the  Circus  is  given  in  Dio,  Ixxiii.  13, 



aureorum,  quos  l  digitis  ostendebat  ipse  lulianus  ut 

7  fidem  faceret,  summotus  atque    depulsus    est.     inde 
ad    circeiise    spectaculum    itum    est.     sed   occupatis 
indifferenter    omnium    subselliis    populus    geminavit 
convicia  in  lulianum ;  Pescennium  Nigrum,  qui  iam 
imperare    dicebatur,    ad    urbis    praesidium    vocavit. 

8  haec  omnia  lulianus  placide  tulit  totoque  imperil  sui 
tempore    mitissimus  fuit.    populus    autem   in  milites 
vehementissime  invehebatur,  qui  ob  pecuniam  Perti- 
nacem    occidissent.     multa    igitur    quae    Commodus 
statuerat,  Pertinax  tulerat,  ad  conciliandum  favorem 

9  populi  restituit.     de  ipso  Pertinace  neque  male  neque 
bene  quicquam  egit,  quod  gravissimum  plurimis  visum 

10  est.     constitit   autem    propter    metum    militum    de 
honore  Pertinacis  taciturn  esse.2 

V.  Et  lulianus  quidem  neque  Britannicos  exercitus 
neque  Illyricos  timebat,  Nigrum  vero  misso  primi- 
pilario  occidi  praeceperat,  timens  praecipue  Syriacos 

2  exercitus.     ergo  Pescennius  Niger  in  Syria,  Septimius 
Severus  in  Illyrico  3  cum  exercitibus  quibus  praeside- 

3  bant  a  luliano  descivere.     sed  cum  ei  nuntiatum  esset 
Severum  descivisse,  quern  suspectum  non  habuerat, 
perturbatus  est  et  4  ad  senatum  venit  impetravitque  5 

4  ut  hostis  Severus  renuntiaretur ;  militibus  etiam  qui 

1  quod  P.  2  est  P.  3  niger  in  illyrico  s.  seuerus  in 

syria  P.  4  et  om.  in  P.  6  impetrauitgue  P  (Dessau) ; 

imperauitque  Peter. 

1  The  populace  took  the  seats  that  were  reserved  for  senators 
aud  knights. 

2  Of.  Peso.  Nig.,  iii.  1. 

8  Except  to  give  his  body  honourable  burial ;  see  o.  iii.  10 
and  Pert.,  xiv.  9. 

4  Under  the  command  of  Clodius  Albiuus. 

5  Of.  Pesc.  Nig.,  ii.  4. 



he  himself,  in  order  to  inspire  trust,  kept  show- 
ing to  them  on  his  fingers,  they  were  dispersed 
and  beaten  back.  Thereupon,  all  went  to  the  games 
at  the  Circus  ;  but  here,  after  everyone  had  seized 
seats  indiscriminately,1  the  populace  redoubled  their 
insults  against  Julianus  and  called  for  Pescennius 
Niger  (who  was  said  to  have  already  declared  himself 
emperor)  to  protect  the  city.2  All  this  Julianus  took 
with  perfect  equanimity  ;  indeed  all  through  the  time 
he  was  on  the  throne  he  was  exceedingly  tolerant. 
The  populace,  however,  kept  inveighing  with  the  ut- 
most violence  against  the  soldiers,  who  had  slain 
Pertinax,  so  they  said,  for  money.  And  so,  in  order 
to  win  favour  with  the  people,  Julianus  restored  many 
measures  which  Commodus  had  enacted  and  Pertinax 
had  repealed.  Concerning  Pertinax  himself  he  took 
no  steps  either  good  or  evil,3  a  fact  which  to  very 
many  seemed  a  serious  matter.  It  is  generally  agreed, 
however,  that  it  was  his  fear  of  the  soldiers  that 
caused  him  to  keep  silent  about  the  honours  due 

V.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  Julianus  had  no  fear 
of  either  the  British  4  or  the  Illyriaii  army  ;  but  being 
chiefly  afraid  of  the  Syrian  army,  he  despatched  a 
centurion  of  the  first  rank  with  ordjrs  to  murder 
Niger.5  Consequently  Pescennius  Niger  in  Syria6 
and  Septimius  Severus  in  Illyricum,7  together  with 
the  armies  which  they  commanded,  revolted  from 
Julianus.  But  when  he  received  the  news  of  the 
revolt  of  Severus,  whom  he  had  not  suspected,  then 
he  was  greatly  troubled  and  came  to  the  senate  and 
prevailed  upon  them  to  declare  Severus  a  public 
enemy.  As  for  the  soldiers  who  had  followed  Severus, 

6 See  Pesc.  Nig.,  ii.  1.  7  See  Sev.,  v.  1. 



Severum  secuti  fuerant  dies  praestitutus,  ultra  quam, 
si  cum  Severe  fuissent,  hostium  numero  haberentur. 

5  missi    sunt    praeterea  legati  a  senatu   consulares  ad 
milites,  qui  suaderent  ut  Severus  repudiaretur,  et  is 

6  esset  imperator  quem  senatus  elegerat.     inter  ceteros 
legatus    est    Vespronius  Candidus,  vetus   consularis, 
olim  militibus  invisus    ob    durum    et    sordidum    im- 

7  perium.     missus  est  successor  Severe  Valerius  Catul- 
linus,   quasi  posset  ei  succedi,   qui  militem  iam  sibi 

8  tenebat.     missus  praeterea  Aquilius    centurio,  notus 

9  caedibus     senatoriis,    qui    Severum    occideret.      ipse 
autem  lulianus  praetorianos  in  campum  deduci  iubet, 
muniri  turres,  sed  milites  desides  et  urbana  luxuria 
dissolutos  invitissimos  ad  exercitium  militare  produxit, 
ita  ut  vicarios  operis,  quod  unicuique  praescribebatur, 
mercede  conducerent. 

VI.  Et  Severus  quidem  ad  urbem  infesto  agmine 
veniebat,  sed  Didius  lulianus  nihil  cum  exercitu 
praetoriano  proficiebat,  quem  cotidie  populus  et  magis 
2oderat  et  ridebat.  et  lulianus  sperans  Laetum  fau- 
torem  Severi,  cum  per  eum  Commodi  manus  evasisset 
ingratus  tanto  beneficio  iussit  eum  occidi.  iussit 
etiam  Marciam  una  l  interfici. 

1  Marciam  una  Mommsen ;  marci  mannum  P. 

1  He  had  been  governor  of   Dacia  under   Corumodus ;  see 
C.J.I/.,  iii.  1092. 

2  Of.  Pesc.  Nig.,  ii.  5.  *  Of.  Sev.,  v.  8 ;  Peso.  Nig.,  ii.  6. 
4  A  picture  of  the  confusion  in  Rome  is  given  in  Dio,  Ixxiii.  16. 
'According    to    Dio   (Ixxiii.    16,   5)    he    executed    Laetus, 

Marcia  and  the  athlete  Narcissus  in  order  in  punish  those 
guilty  of  the  murder  of  Commodus. 



a  day  was  appointed  for  them  after  which  they 
would  be  considered  as  public  enemies  if  they  were 
still  with  Severus.  Besides  this,  legates  of  consular 
rank  were  sent  by  the  senate  to  the  soldiers  to  per- 
suade them  that  they  should  reject  Severus  and  let 
him  be  emperor  whom  the  senate  had  chosen.  Among 
others  of  the  legates  was  Vespronius  Candidas,1  an 
old  man  of  consular  rank,  now  for  a  long  time  re- 
pugnant to  the  soldiers  because  of  his  harsh  and 
penurious  rule.  Valerius  Catullinus  was  sent  as 
Severus'  successor,2  as  if,  in  sooth,  it  were  possible  to 
appoint  a  successor  to  a  man  who  already  had  an 
army  devoted  to  himself.  And  in  addition  to  these 
others,  the  centurion  Aquilius,  notorious  as  the 
assassin  of  senators,  was  sent  for  the  purpose  of 
murdering  Severus.3  But  as  for  Julianus  himself,  he 
gave  orders  that  the  praetorians  should  be  led  out- 
side the  city,  and  that  the  fortifications  should  be 
manned  ; 4  but  it  was  a  slothful  force  that  he  led  out, 
and  one  demoralized  by  the  fleshpots  of  the  city  and 
intensely  averse  to  active  service,  so  much  so,  indeed, 
that  they  actually  hired  substitutes  for  the  duties 
severally  enjoined  upon  them. 

VI.  All  the  while,  Severus  was  approaching  the  city 
with  a  hostile  army ;  but  in  spite  of  that,  Didius 
Julianus  accomplished  nothing  with  his  praetorian 
troops,  and  the  populace  hated  and  laughed  at  him 
more  and  more  every  day.  And  although  he  had 
escaped  from  Commodus'  clutches  by  the  aid  of 
Laetus,  nevertheless,  unmindful  of  this  great  favour, 
Julianus  ordered  Laetus  to  be  put  to  death  in  the 
expectation  that  he  would  side  with  Severus.5  He 
gave  orders  likewise  that  Marcia  should  be  put  to 
death  at  the  same  time. 


3  Sed    dum    haec     egit    lulianus,     Severus    classera 
Ravennatem    occupat,    legati    senatus,    qui     luliano 
promiserant    operam    suam,  ad  Severum  transierunt. 

4  Tullius  Crispinus,  praefectus  praetorio,  contra  Severum 
missus  ut  classem  produceret,  repulsus  Romam  rediit. 

5  haec    cum     lulianus    videret,     senatum    rogavit    ut 
virgines  Vestales    et    ceteri    sacerdotes    cum    senatu 
obviam  exercitui  Severi  prodirent  et  praetentis  infulis 
rogarent,  inanem  rem  l  contra  barbaros  milites  parans. 

6  haec  tamen  agenti  luliano  Plautius  2  Quintillus  con- 
sularis  augur  contradixit,  adserens  non  debere  imperare 

7  eum  qui  armis  adversario  non  posset  resistere.     cui 
multi    senatores  consenserunt.     quare  iratus  Didius 
milites  e  castris   petiit,   qui  senatum    ad    obsequium 

Scogerent  aut  obtruncarent.  sed  id  consilium  dis- 
plicuit.  neque  enim  decebat,  ut,  cum  senatus  hostem 
Severura  luliani  causa  iudicasset,  eundem  lulianum 

9  pateretur  infestum.      quare  meliore  consilio  ad  sena- 
tum venit  petiitque,  ut  fieret  senatus  consultum  de 
participatione  imperil,     quod  statim  factum  est. 
VII.  Tune  omen  quod  sibi  lulianus,  cum  imperium 

2acciperet,  fecerat  omnibus  venit  in  mentem.  nam 
cum  consul  designatus  de  eo  sententiam  dicens  ita  pro- 

1  rem  ins.  by  Peter ;  om.  in  P.        2  Plautius  Peter ;  phaus- 
tius  P. 

JThe  station  of  the  Adriatic  fleet;  the  headquarters  of  the 
fleet  that  guarded  the  western  coast  were  at  Misenum,  on  the 
Bay  of  Naples. 

2  Of.  Sev.,  v.  6. 

3  His  troops  deserted  to  Severus ;  see  c.  viii.  4.  and  Dio, 
Ixxiii.  17,  1. 



While  Julianus  was  engaged  in  these  activities,  how- 
ever, Severus  seized  the  fleet  stationed  at  Ravenna  ; l 
whereupon  the  envoys  of  the  senate  who  had  promised 
their  services  to  Julianus  passed  over  to  Severus.2 
Tullius  Crispinus,  the  prefect  of  the  guard,  who  had 
been  sent  to  oppose  Severus  and  lead  out  the  fleet, 
failed  in  his  attempt 3  and  therefore  returned  to 
Rome.  When  Julianus  learned  of  these  events,  he 
came  to  the  senate  with  a  proposal  that  the  Vestal 
Virgins  and  the  priests,  along  with  the  senate  itself 
should  go  out  to  meet  Severus'  troops  and  entreat 
them  with  fillets  held  in  outstretched  hands 4 — a 
futile  step,  surely,  to  take  against  soldiers  of  barbarian 
blood.  In  this  proposal,  however,  Plautius  Quintillus, 
an  augur  and  man  of  consular  rank,5  opposed  him,  de- 
claring that  he  who  could  not  withstand  an  opponent 
by  force  of  arms  had  no  right  to  rule  ;  in  this  objection 
many  senators  agreed  with  him.  Infuriated  at  this, 
Didius  Julianus  called  for  soldiers  from  the  camp  in 
order  either  to  force  the  senators  to  obedience  or  to 
slaughter  them.  But  this  plan  found  no  favour.  For 
it  was  scarcely  fitting  that  the  senate,  after  declar- 
ing Severus  a  public  enemy  for  Julianus'  sake,  should 
find  an  enemy  in  this  same  Julianus.  And  so  Julianus 
came  to  the  senate  with  a  better  plan,  and  asked  it 
to  pass  a  decree  effecting  a  division  of  empire.6  And 
this  was  forthwith  done. 

VII.  At  that  time  an  omen,  for  which  Julianus 
himself  had  been  responsible  when  he  accepted  the 
imperial  power,  came  to  everyone's  mind.  For  when 
the  consul-elect,  in  voting  on  Julianus,  delivered 

4  The  conventional  attitude  of  suppliants. 

5  He  was  consul  in  177.  6Cf.  Sev.,  v.  7. 



nuntiasset :  "  Didium  lulianum  imperatorem  appel- 
landurn  esse  censeo/'  lulianus  suggessit  "  Adde  et 
Severum,"  quod  cognon.entum  avi x  et  proavi  sibi 

3  lulianus  adsciverat.     sunt  tamen  qui  dicant  nullum 
fuisse  luliani  consilium  de  obtruncando  senatu,  cum 
tanta  in  eum  senatus  consuluisset.2 

4  Post    senatus    consultum    statim    Didius    lulianus 

5  unum  ex  praefectis,  Tullium  Crispinum,  misit.     ipse 
autem  tertium  fecit  praefectum  Veturium  Macrinum, 
ad  quern  Severus  litteras  miserat,  ut  esset  praefectus. 

6  sed    pacem    simulatam  esse  mandatamque y    caedem 
Severi  Tullio  Crispino,  praefecto  praetorii,  et  populus 

7locutus  est  et  Severus  suspicatus.     denique  hostem 
se  luliano  Severus  esse  maluit  quam  participera  con- 

8  sensu  militum.     Severus  autem  statim  et  ad  plurimos 
Romam  scripsit  et  occulto  misit  edicta,  quae  proposita 

9  sunt.      fuit  praeterea  in  luliano  haec  amentia,  ut  per 
magos  pleraque  faceret,   quibus  putaret4  vel  odium 

10  populi  deleniri  vel  militum  arma  compesci.     nam  et 
quasdam  non  convenientes  Romanis  sacris  hostias  im- 
molaverunt  et  carmina  profana  incantaverunt,  et  ea 
quae  ad  speculum  dicunt  5  fieri,  in  quo  pueri  prae- 
ligatis    oculis   incantato    vertice   respicere    dicuntur, 

11  lulianus  fecit,     tuncque  puer  vidisse  dicitur  et  adven- 
tum  Severi  et  luliani  decessionem. 

1  habui  P.  2  consuluisset  P  ;  contulisset  Peter.  3  man- 
datamque Ursinus  ;  tantamque  P.  4 putaret  Egnatius ; 
uitaret  P.  sducunt  P. 

1  This  name  appears  in  the  inscription  cited  ahove  (see  note 
to  c.  i.  4)  and  on  some  of  his  coins  ;  see  Cohen  iii'-5,  p.  398  f., 
nos.,  1,  3,  7,  etc. 

zi.e.  to  Severus,  ofiering  him  a  share  of  the  empire. 

3  See  note  to  Hadr.,  ix.  5. 



himself  of  the  following:  "I  vote  that  Didius 
Julianus  be  declared  emperor,"  Julianus  prompted 
"Say  also  Severus,"  the  name  of  his  grandfather  and 
great-grandfather,  which  he  had  added  to  his  own.1 
However,  there  are  some  who  say  that  Julianus  never 
planned  to  slaughter  the  senate,  because  it  had  passed 
so  many  decrees  in  his  favour. 

After  the  senate  had  passed  this  decree,  Didius 
Julianus  forthwith  despatched2  one  of  the  prefects, 
Tullius  Crispinus,  and  he  also  created  a  third  prefect 3 
in  the  person  of  Veturius  Macrinus,  whom  Severus 
had  already  notified  by  letter  that  he  was  to  be 
prefect.  Nevertheless,  the  people  avowed  and 
Severus  suspected  that  this  peace  was  merely  a 
strategem  and  that  Tullius  Crispinus,  the  prefect  of 
the  guard,  was  commissioned  to  murder  Severus. 
Finally,  in  accordance  with  the  general  wish  of  his 
soldiers,  Severus  declared  that  he  would  rather  be 
Julianus'  enemy  than  colleague  ;  he  at  once,  moreover, 
wrote  to  a  great  number  of  men  at  Rome,  and  secretly 
sent  proclamations,  which  were  posted  up.  Julianus, 
furthermore,  was  mad  enough  to  perform  a  number  of 
rites  with  the  aid  of  magicians,  such  as  were  calculated 
either  to  lessen  the  hate  of  the  people  or  to  restrain  the 
arms  of  the  soldiers.  For  the  magicians  sacrificed  cer- 
tain victims  that  are  foreign  to  the  Roman  ritual 4  and 
chanted  unholy  songs,  while  Julianus  performed  rites, 
which  took  place,  so  we  are  told,  before  a  mirror,  into 
which  boys  are  said  to  gaze,  after  bandages  have  been 
bound  over  their  eyes  and  charms  muttered  over  their 
heads.  And  in  this  performance  one  lad,  it  is  said,  saw 
the  arrival  of  Severus  and  the  retirement  of  Julianus. 

4  According  to  Dio,  Ixxiii.  16,  5,  he  sacrificed  a  number  of 



VIII.  Et  Crispinus  quidem,  cum  occurrissetpraecur- 
soribus  Severi,  lulio  Laeto  auctore  a  Severe  iiiteremp- 

2  tus  est.   deiecta  sunt  etiam  consulta  senatus.    lulianus 
convocato  senatu  quaesitisque  sententiis,  quid   facto 

3  opus  esset,  certi  nihil  comperit  a  senatu.     sed  postea 
sponte  sua  gladiatores  Capuae  iussit  armari  per  Lollia- 
num  Titianum,  et  Claudium  Fompeianum  e  Tarraci- 
nensi  ad  participatum  evocavit,  quod  et  gener  impera- 
toris  fuisset  et  diu  militibus  praefuisset.-    sed  hoc  ille 
recusavit,  senem  se  et  debilem  luminibus  respondens. 

5  transierant    et  ex    Umbria    milites  ad  Severum.     et 
praemiserat  quidem  litteras  Severus,  quibus  iubebat 
interfectores  Pertinacis  servari. 

6  Brevi  autem  desertus  est  ab  omnibus  lulianus  et 
remansit  in  Palatio  cum  uno  de  praef'ectis  suis  Geniali 

yet  genero  Repentino.  actum  est  denique  ut  luliano 
senatus  auctoritate  abrogaretur  imperium.  et  abroga- 
tum  est,  appellatusque  statim  Severus  imperator,  cum 
fingeretur  quod  veiieno  se 1  absumpsisset  lulianus. 

8  missi    tameii    a    senatu,    quorum    cura    per    militem 
gregarium  in  Palatio  idem  lulianus  occisus  est  fidem 

9  Caesaris    implorans,    hoc    est    Severi.       filiam    suam 
potitus     imperio     dato     patrimonio     emancipaverat. 

1  se  P ;  om.  by  Peter. 

1  See  c.  vii.  4. 

2  He  was  very  old  and  in  poor  health.     During  the  reign  of 
Pertinax  he  remained  at  Rome  and  attended  meetings  of  the 
senate,  but  when  Pertinax  was  killed,  he  withdrew  to  his 
country  estate ;  see  Dio,  Ixxiii.  3. 

3  See  c.  vi.  4  and  note. 

4  Acting  on  this  order  the  soldiers  of  the  guard  seized  the 
murderers  and  informed  the  consul  of  the  fact ;  see  Dio,  Ixxiii. 
17,  3. 

5  Of.  c.  hi.  6. 



VIII.  And  as  for  Crispinus,1  he  met  with  Severus' 
advance-guard  and  was  put  to  death  by  Severus  on 
the  advice  of  Julius  Laetus.  The  decrees  of  the 
senate,  moreover,  were  torn  down,  and  when  Julianus 
called  a  meeting  of  the  senate  and  asked  their 
opinions  as  to  what  should  be  done,  he  could  get 
nothing  definite  out  of  them.  Presently,  however, 
on  his  own  responsibility  he  ordered  Lollianus 
Titianus  to  arm  the  gladiators  at  Capua,  and  called 
Claudius  Pompeianus  from  his  estate  at  Tarracina2 
to  share  the  empire  with  him,  because  he  had  been 
an  emperor's  son-in-law  and  had  long  been  in  com- 
mand of  troops.  Claudius,  however,  refused  on  the 
ground  that  he  was  now  old  and  his  eye-sight  was 
weak.  The  soldiers  in  Umbria  had  meanwhile 
deserted  to  Severus,3  and  Severus  had  sent  on  letters 
in  advance  in  which  he  ordered  the  murderers  of 
Pertinax  to  be  kept  under  guard.4 

In  a  short  time  Julianus  was  deserted  by  all  and 
left  alone  in  the  Palace  with  one  of  his  prefects, 
Genialis,  and  with  Repentinus,  his  son-in-law.5 
Finally,  it  was  propose'd  that  the  imperial  power  be 
taken  away  from  Julianus  by  order  of  the  senate.6 
This  was  done,  and  Severus  was  forthwith  acclaimed 
emperor,  while  it  was  given  out  that  Julianus  had 
taken  poison.  Nevertheless,  the  senate  despatched 
a  delegation  and  through  their  efforts  Julianus  was 
slain  in  the  Palace  by  a  common  soldier,  while  be- 
seeching the  protection  of  Caesar,  that  is  to  say, 
Severus.  He  had  emancipated  7  his  daughter  when  he 
got  control  of  the  empire  and  had  presented  her  with 
her  patrimony,  but  this,  together  with  the  name 

6  A  description  of  this  meeting  is  given  in  Dio,  Ixxiii.  17,  4. 
See  note  to  Pert.,  xi.  12. 



quod  ei  cum  Augustae  nomine  statim  sublatum  est. 
10  corpus  eius  a  Severo  uxori  Manliae  Scantillae  ac  filiae 
ad  sepulturam  est  redditum  et  in  proavi  monumenta 
translatum  miliario  quinto  Via  Labicana. 

IX.  Obiecta  sane  sunt  luliano  haec  :  quod  gulosus 
fuisset,  quod  aleator,  quod  armis  gladiatoriis  exer- 
citus  esset,  eaque  omnia  senex  fecerit,  cum  antea 
numquam  adulescens  his  esset  vitiis  iiifamatus.  obi- 
ecta  est  etiam  superbia,  cum  ille  etiam  in  imperio 

2  fuisset  humillimus.     fuit  autem  contra  humanissimus 
ad  convivia,  benignissimus  ad  subcriptiones,  modera- 
tissimus  ad  libertatem. 

3  Vixit   annis  quinquaginta    sex  mensibus  quattuor. 
imperavit  mensibus  duobus  diebus  quinque.     repre- 
hensum    in    eo    praecipue,    quod    eos,    quos    regere 
auctoritate  sua  debuerat,  regenclae  rei  publicae  sibi 
praesules  ipse  fecisset. 

1  This  road  ran  S.E.  from  the  city,  joining  the  Via  Latino, 
at  Toleria.     It  took  its  name  from  the  town  of  Labici,  on  the 
northern  slope  of   the  Alban  hills. 

2  See  c.  iii.  9  and  note. 

8  Sixty  years,  according  to  Dio,  Ixxiii.  17,  5  ;  this  figure  is 



Augusta,  was  at  once  taken  away  from  her.  His 
body  was,  by  order  of  Sever  us,  delivered  for  burial 
to  his  wife,  Manlia  Scantilla,  and  to  his  daughter, 
and  it  was  laid  in  the  tomb  of  his  great-grandfather 
by  the  fifth  mile-stone  on  the  Labican  Way.1 

IX.  These  charges  were  brought  against  Julianus  : 
that  he  had  been  a  glutton  and  a  gambler ;  that  he 
had  exercised  with  gladiatorial  arms  ;  and  that  he  had 
done  all  these  things,  moreover,  when  advanced  in 
years,  and  after  escaping  the  stain  of  these  vices  in 
his  youth.  The  charge  of  pride  was  also  brought 
against  him,  although  he  had  really  been  very  unassum- 
ing as  emperor.2  He  was,  moreover,  very  affable  at 
banquets,  very  courteous  in  the  matter  of  petitions, 
and  very  reasonable  in  the  matter  of  granting  liberty. 

He  lived  fifty-six  years3  and  four  months.  He 
ruled  two  months  and  five  d^iys.4  This  particularly 
was  held  to  his  discredit :  that  men  whom  he  ought 
to  have  kept  under  his  own  governance  he  appointed 
as  his  officials  for  governing  the  state. 

usually  regarded  as  more  correct  than  that  given  in  the  bio- 
graphy; accordingly,  he- was  born  in  133. 

4  Sixty-six  days,  according  to  Dio,  I.e.  Accordingly,  he 
was  killed  on  1st  June,  193. 




I.  Interfecto  Didio  luliano  Severus  Africa  oriundus 

2  imperium    obtinuit.      cui  civitas    Lepti,  pater   Geta, 
maiores    equites     Roman!    ante    civitatem    omnibus 
datam ;    mater  Fulvia  Pia,  patrui   magni  l    Aper    et 
Severus  consulares,  avus  paternus  Macer,  maternus2 

3  Fulvius  Pius  fuere.     ipse  natus  est  Erucio  Claro  bis  et 

4  Severo  consul ibus,  VI  idus  Apriles.     in  prima  pueritia, 
priusquam    Latinis     Graecisque    litteris    imbueretur, 
quibus  eruditissimus  fuit,  nullum  alium  inter  pueros 
ludum  nisi  ad  iudices  exercuit,   cum3  ipse  praelatis 
fascibus  ac  securibus  ordine  puerorum  circumstante  4 

5  sederet   ac  iudicaret.     octavo    decimo  anno  publice 
declamavit.5     postea  studiorum  causa   Romam  venit, 

J  magni  Aper  Madvig,  Peter"3 ;  magnaper  P ;  Marcus  Aper 
Peter1.  2  So  Casaubon  ;  maternus  Macer  patemus  P,  Peter. 
3eumPl.  4  circumstantes  P1.  ^adclamauit  P. 

1His  full  name  was  P.  Septimius  Geta,  according  to  an 
inscription  found  at  Cirta  in  Africa;  see  C.I.L.,  viii.  19493. 

2  Citizenship  was  granted  to  all  the  free  inhabitants  of  the 
Empire,  except  the  Dediticii  and  the  Latini  Tuniani,  by  an 
edict  of  Caracalla,  Severus'  son,  in  212. 

3 Aper  was  consul  in  some  year  under  Pius;  Severus  ia 
perhaps  to  be  identified  with  the  Severus  who  was  consul  in 



.  BY 


I.  ON  the  murder  of  Didius  Juliaiius,  Severus,  a  native 
of  Africa,  took  possession  of  the  empire.  His  native 
city  was  Leptis,  his  father  was  Geta  ;  l  his  ancestors 
were  Roman  knights  before  citizenship  was  made 
universal.2  Fulvia  Pia  was  his  mother,  Aper  and 
Severus,  both  of  consular  rank,3  his  great-uncles. 
His  father's  father  was  Macer,  his  mother's  father 
Fulvius  Pius.  He  himself  was  born  six  days  be  fore  8  Apr., 
the  Ides  of  April,4  in  the  first  consulship  of  Severus  146 
and  the  second  of  Erucius  Clarus.  While  still  a  child, 
even  before  he  had  been  drilled  in  the  Latin  and 
Greek  literatures  (with  which  he  was  very  well 
acquainted),  he  would  engage  in  no  game  with  the 
other  children  except  playing  judge,  and  on  such 
occasions  he  would  have  the  rods  and  axes  borne 
before  him,  and,  surrounded  by  the  throng  of  children, 
he  would  take  his  seat  and  thus  give  judgments. 
In  his  eighteenth  year  he  delivered  an  oration  in 
public.  Soon  after,  in  order  to  continue  his  studies, 
he  came  to  Rome  ;  and  with  the  support  of  his  kins- 

4  His  birthday  was  the  llth  April,  according  to  Dio,  Ixxvi. 
17,4,  and  this  date  is  confirmed  by  the  Calendar  of  Philocalus 
(see  C.I.L.,  i2,  p.  262)  and  by  inscriptions  set  up  on  this  day ; 
see  C.I.L.,  xi.  1322 ;  adv.  168  and  169. 



latum  clavum  a  divo  Marco  petiit  et  accepit,  favente 
sibi  Septimio  Severe  adfini  suo,  bis  iam  consular!. 

6  Cum     Romam    venisset,     hospitera    nanctus    qui 
Hadriani    vitam   imperatoriam  eadera   hora  legeret, 

7  quod  sibi  omen   futurae  felicitatis  arripuit.     habuit 
et  aliud  omen  imperii :  cum  rogatus  ad  cenam  im- 
peratoriam   palliatus    venisset,    qui    togatus    venire 
debuerat,  togam  praesidiariam  ipsius  imperatoris  ac- 

8  cepit.     eadem  nocte  somniavit  lupae  se  uberibus  ut 

9  Remum  inhaerere  vel  Romulum.     sedit  et  in  sella 
imperatoria  temere  a  ministro  posita,  ignarus  quod 

10  non  liceret.  dormienti  etiam  in  stabulo  serpens 
caput  cinxit  et  sine  noxa  expergefactis  et  adclamanti- 
bus  familiaribus,  abiit.1 

II.  luventam  plenam  furorum,  nonnumquam  et  cri- 

2  minum  habuit.  adulterii  causam  dixit  absolutusque 
est  a  luliano  proconsule,  cui  et  in  proconsulatu  suc- 
cessit  et  in  consulatu  collega  fuit  et  in  imperio  item 

3successit.  quaesturam  diligenter  egit  omisso  tribu- 
natu  2  militari.  post  quaesturam  sorte  Baeticam  ac- 
cepit  ftque  inde  Africam  petiit,  ut  mortuo  patre  rem 

4  domesticam   componeret.     sed   dum  in    Africa    est, 

1  habuit  P.  2  omisso  tribunatu  Hirschfeld,   Golisch, 

Peter2;  omnis  sortibus  natu  P. 

1  See  note  to  Cow.,  iv.  7.  2  See  Hadr.,  xxii.  2. 

8  It  ia  impossible  to  know  who  is  meant  here.  The  bio- 
grapher is  certainly  wrong  in  identifying  him  with  Didius 
Julianus,  who  was  proconsul  of  Africa  after  Pertinax  and 
shortly  before  his  own  elevation  to  the  throne;  see  Did.  Jul., 
ii.  3. 


SEVERUS  I.  6— II.  4 

man  Septimius  Severus,  who  had  already  been  con- 
sul twice,  he  sought  and  secured  from  the  Deified 
Marcus  the  broad  stripe.1 

Soon  after  he  had  come  to  Rome  he  fell  in  with 
a  stranger  who  at  that  very  moment  was  reading  the 
life  of  the  Emperor  Hadrian,  and  he  snatched  at  this 
incident  as  an  omen  of  future  prosperity.  He  had 
still  another  omen  of  empire  :  for  once,  when  he 
was  invited  to  an  imperial  banquet  and  came  wearing 
a  cloak,  when  he  should  have  worn  his  toga,^  he  was 
lent  an  official  toga  of  the  emperor's  own.  And  that 
same  night  he  dreamed  that  he  tugged  at  the  udders 
of  a  wolf,  like  Remus  and  Romulus.  He  sat  down, 
furthermore,  in  the  emperor  s  chair,  which  a  servant 
had  carelessly  left  accessible,  being  quite  unaware 
that  this  was  not  allowed.  And  once,  while  he  was 
sleeping  in  a  tavern,  a  snake  coiled  about  his  head, 
and  when  his  friends  awoke  from  their  sleep  and 
shouted  at  it,  it  departed  without  doing  him  any  harm. 

II.  His  early  manhood  was  filled  with  follies  and 
not  free  from  crime.  He  was  charged  with  adultery, 
but  pleaded  his  own  case  and  was  acquitted  by  the 
proconsul  Julian  us,3  the  man  who  was  his  immediate 
predecessor  in  the  proconsulship,  his  colleague  in  the 
consulship,  and  likewise  his  predecessor  on  the 
throne.  Omitting  the  office  of  tribune  of  the  soldiers, 
he  became  quaestor  and  performed  his  duties  with 
diligence.  At  the  expiration  of  his  quaestorship  he 
was  allotted  the  province  of  Baetica,4  and  from  here 
he  crossed  over  to  Africa  in  order  to  settle  his 

4  He  was  quaestor  in  Rome  and  was  then  allotted  to  serve  as 
quaestor  (properly  proquaestor)  of  the  senatorial  province  of 
Hispania  Baetica.  Such  double  quaestorships  appear  fre- 
quently in  inscriptions. 



pro  Baetica  Sardinia  ei  attributa  est,  quod  Baeticara 

5  Mauri  populabantur.     acta  igitur  quaestura  Sardini- 

6  ensi  legationem  proconsulis  Africae  accepit.      in  qua 
legatione  cum  eum  quidam  municipum  suorum  Lepti- 
tanus  l   praecedentibus  fascibus  ut  antiquum  contu- 
bernalem  ipse  plebeius  amplexus  esset,  fustibus  eum 
sub   eiusmodi  elogio 2  praeconis  cecidit :   "  Legatum 
populi  Romani  homo  plebeius  temere  amplecti  noli  ". 

Tex  quo  factum  ut  in  vehiculo  etiam  legati  sederent, 

8qui  ante  pedibus  ambulabant.  tune  in  quadam 
civitate  Africana,  cum  sollicitus  mathematicum  con- 
suluisset,  positaque  hora  ingentia  vidisset  astrologus, 
dixit  ei :  "  Tuam  non  alienam  pone  genituram ". 

9  cumque  Severus  iurasset  suam  esse,  omnia  ei  dixit 
quae  postea  facta  sunt. 

III.  Tribunatum  plebis  Marco  imperatore  decern- 
ente  promeruit  eumque    severissime  exsertissimeque 

Segit.  uxorem  tune  Marciam  duxit,  de  qua  tacuit  in 
historia  vitae  privatae.  cui  postea  in  imperio  statuas 

Sconlocavit.     praetor  designatus  a  Marco  est  non  in 

J  bracketed  by  Peter3.  2  eiusmodi  elogi)  Hirschfeld; 

elogio  eiusdem  P,  Peter. 

1  See  Marc.,  xxi.  1.     The  year  was  about  172,  since  Severus 
was  quaestor  probably  about  the  normal  age  of  twenty-five; 
see  note  to  Pius.,  vi.  10.     The  invasion  of  the  Moors  seems  to 
have  made  it  necessary  to  administer  Baetica  as  an  imperial 
province,  and  Sardinia  was  accordingly  temporarily  assigned 
to  the  senate  as  a  substitute. 

2  Her  name  was  Paccia  Marciana,  according  to  an  inscrip- 
tion from  Africa ;  see  C.I.L.,  viii.  19494  =  Dessau,  Ins.  SeL, 

*i.e.  his  autobiography,  written  after  the  death  of  Albinus, 


SEVERUS  II.  5— III.  3 

domestic  affairs,  for  his  father  had  meanwhile  died. 
But  while  he  was  in  Africa,  Sardinia  was  assigned  him 
in  place  of  Baetica,  because  the  latter  was  being 
ravaged  by  the  Moors.1  He  therefore  served  his 
quaestorship  in  Sardinia,  and  afterwards  was  appointed 
aide  to  the  proconsul  of  Africa.  While  he  was  in  this 
office,  a  certain  fellow-townsman  of  his,  a  plebeian, 
embraced  him  as  an  old  comrade,  though  the  fasces 
were  being  carried  before  him  ;  whereupon  he  had 
the  fellow  beaten  with  clubs  and  then  ordered  a  pro- 
clamation to  be  made  by  the  herald  to  this  effect  : 
"Let  no  plebeian  embrace  without  due  cause  a  legate 
of  the  Roman  people  ".  On  account  of  this  incident, 
legates,  who  had  previously  gone  on  foot,  thereafter 
rode  in  carriages.  About  this  time,  also,  being 
worried  about  the  future,  he  had  recourse  to  an 
astrologer  in  a  certain  city  of  Africa.  The  astrologer, 
when  he  had  cast  the  horoscope,  saw  high  destinies  in 
store  for  him,  but  added  :  "  Tell  me  your  own 
nativity  and  not  that  of  another  man".  And  when 
Severus  swore  an  oath  that  it  was  really  his,  the 
astrologer  revealed '  to  him  all  the  things  that  did 
later  come  to  pass. 

III.  He  was  promoted  to  be  tribune  of  the  plebs  by 
order  of  the  Emperor  Marcus,  and  he  performed  his 
duties  with  austerity  and  vigour.  It  was  then  that 
he  married  Marcia,2  but  of  her  he  made  no  mention 
in  the  history  of  his  life  as  a  private  man.3  After- 
wards, however,  while  emperor,  he  erected  statues  in 
her  honour.  In  the  thirty-second  year  of  his  life  178 
Marcus  appointed  him  praetor,  although  he  was  not 

apparently  with  the  purpose  of  accusing  his  rivals  and  clear- 
ing himself  of  charges  of  cruelty;  see  c.  xviii.  6;  Cl.  Alb., 
vii.  1 ;  Dio,  Ixxv.  7,  3. 



Candida    sed   in    oompetitorum    grege    anno    aetatis 

4  xxxii.    tune    ad    Hispaniam   missus   somniavit   primo 
sibi    dici,    ut  teraplum  Tarraconense   Augusti,  quod 

5  iam  labebatur,1  restitueret.     dein  ex  altissimi  montis 
vertice   orbem    terrarum   Romamque    despexit,  con- 
cinentibusprovinciis  lyra  voce  vel  tibia,     ludosabsens 

Sedidit.     legioni  mi   Scythicae    dein   praepositus    est 

7  circa  Massiliam.     post  hoc  Athenas  petiit  studiorum 
sacrorumque    causa  et  operum  ac  vetustatum.      ubi 
cum  iniurias  quasdam  ab  Atheniensibus  pertulisset, 
inimicus  his  factus  minuendo  eorum  privilegia  iam 

8  imperator  se  ultus  est.     dein  Lugdunensem  provin- 

9  ciam  legatus  accepit.     cum  amissa  uxore  aliam  vellet 
ducere,  genituras  sponsarum  requirebat,  ipse  quoque 
matheseos  peritissimus,  et  cum  audisset  esse  in  Syria 
quandam  quae  id  geniturae  haberet  ut  regi  iungere- 
tur,  eandem  uxorem  petiit,  luliam  scilicet,  et  accepit 
interventu    amicorum.     ex   qua   statim   pater  factus 

IV.  est.     a  Gallis  ob  severitatem  et  hoiiorificentiam  et 
abstinentiam  tantum  quantum  nemo  dilectus  est. 

1  leuabatur  P. 

1 A  certain  number  of  each  board  of  magistrates  were  not 
chosen  by  the  senate  but  nominated  directly  by  the  emperor. 
These  appointees  were  calkd  technically  candidati  Caesar  is, 
and  the  phrase  in  Candida  (toga)  seems  to  be  only  a  variation 
of  this  expression. 

2  See  Hadr.,  xii.  3  and  note. 

3  In  the  time  of  the  empire  the  conduct  of  the  public  games 
was  one  of  the  most  important  functions  of  the  praetor. 

4  There   is   some   error  here,   for    this   legion   was   never 
quartered  at   Marseilles,  and  from  the  middle  of  the  first 
century  on  it  was  stationed  in  Syria. 



one  of  the  Emperor's  candidates  but  only  one  of  the 
ordinary  crowd  of  competitors.1  He  was  thereupon 
sent  to  Spain,  and  here  he  had  a  dream,  first  that  he 
was  told  to  repair  the  temple  of  Augustus  at  Tarraco,2 
which  at  that  time  was  falling  into  ruin,  and  then 
that  from  the  top  of  a  very  high  mountain  he  beheld 
Rome  and  all  the  world,  while  the  provinces  sang 
together  to  the  accompaniment  of  the  lyre  and 
flute.  Though  absent  from  the  city,  he  gave  games.3 
Presently  he  was  put  in  command  of  the  Fourth 
Legion,  the  Scythica,  stationed  near  Massilia,4  and 
after  that  he  proceeded  to  Athens — partly  in  order 
to  continue  his  studies  and  perform  certain  sacred 
rites,  and  partly  on  account  of  the  public  buildings 
and  ancient  monuments  there.  Here  he  suffered 
certain  wrongs  at  the  hands  of  the  Athenians  ;  and 
on  that  account  he  became  their  foe,  and  afterwards, 
as  emperor,  took  vengeance  on  them  by  curtailing 
their  rights.  After  this  he  was  appointed  to  the 
province  of  Lugdunensis  as  legate.  He  had  mean- 
while lost  his  wife,  and  now,  wishing  to  take  another, 
he  made  inquiries  about  the  horoscopes  of  marriage- 
able women,  being  himself  no  mean  astrologer  ;  and 
when  he  learned  that  there  was  a  woman  in  Syria 
whose  horoscope  predicted  that  she  would  wed  a  king 
(I  mean  Julia,5  of  course),  he  sought  her  for  his  wife, 
and  through  the  mediation  of  his  friends  secured  her. 
By  her,  presently,  he  became  a  father.6  IV.  And 
because  he  was  strict,  honourable  and  self-restrained, 
he  was  beloved  by  the  Gauls  as  was  no  one  else. 

5  Julia  Domna,    the  elder  daughter  of  Julius  Bassianus, 
high-priest  of  the  god  Elagabalus  at  Emesa  in  Syria. 

6  His  elder  son  Bassianus  (Caracalla)  was  born  at  Lyons  on 
the  4th  April,  186. 



Dein  Pannonias  proconsular!  imperio  rexit.  post 
hoc  Siciliam  proconsularem  sorte  meruit.  suscepitque 

3  Romae  alterum  filium.  in  Sicilia,  quasi  de  imperio 
vel  vates  vel  Chaldaeos  consul  uisset,  reus  factus,  sed  l 
a  praefectis  praetorii,  quibus  audiendus  datus  fuerat, 
iam  Commodo  in  odio  veniente,  absolutus  est  calum- 

4niatore  in  crucera  acto.  consulatum  cum  Apuleio 
Rufino  primum  egit,  Commodo  se  inter  plurimos 
designante.  post  consulatum  anno  ferme  fuit  otio- 
sus  ;  dein  Laeto  suffragante  exercitui  Germanico 2 

5  praeponitur.     proficiscens    ad  Germanicos   exercitus 
hortos  spatiosos  comparavit,  cum  antea  aedes  brevis- 
simas  Romae  habuisset  et  unum  fundum  in  Venetia. 

6  et  ium  c  in    his  hortis  cum  humi  iacens    epularetur 
cum   filiis  parca  cena,  pomaque  adposita  maior  filius, 
qui  tune  quinquennis  erat,  conlusoribus  puerulis  manu 
largiore  divideret,  paterque  ilium  reprehendens  dixis- 
set,  "  Parcius  divide,  non  enim  regias  opes  possides/' 
quinquennis  puer  respondit,  "Sed  possidebo  "  inquit. 

7  in  Germaniam  profectus  ita  se  in  ea  legatione  egit, 
ut  famam  nobilitatam  4  iam  ante  cumularet. 

1  sed  Peter ;  et  P.  2  Germanico  Baehrens,  Peter2 ;  G&r- 

mano  P,  Peter1.  sin  Venetia  Salmasius;  et  iam  Editor; 

inuenit  etiam  P;  in  uicinia  Peter.  *nobilitatem  P. 

1  This  item    is    out    of    its    proper    order.     He   was  not 
appointed  to  Pannonia  until  after  his  consulship  ;  see  §  4. 

2  Geta,  born  in  189,   the  year,   as   it  seems,  of  Severus' 
consulship  ;  see  Get.,  iii.  1. 

3  Under  the  regime  of  Oleander ;  see  Com.,  vi.  7  f. ;  vii.  1. 


SEVERUS  IV.  2-7 

Next  he  ruled  the  Paniionias l  with  proconsular 
powers,  and  after  this  he  drew  in  the  allotment  the 
proconsular  province  of  Sicily.  At  Rome,  mean- 
while, he  was  presented  with  a  second  son.-  While 
he  was  in  Sicily  he  was  indicted  for  consulting 
about  the  imperial  dignity  with  seers  and  astrologers, 
but,  because  Commodus  was  now  beginning  to  be 
detested,3  he  was  acquitted  by  the  prefects  of  the 
guard  to  whom  he  had  been  handed  over  for  trial, 
while  his  accuser  was  crucified.  He  now  served  his 
first  consulship,  having  Apuleius  Rufinus4  for  his  ?  189 
colleague — an  office  to  which  Commodus  appointed 
him  from  among  a  large  number  of  aspirants.  After 
the  consulship  he  spent  about  a  year  free  from  public 
duties ;  then,  on  the  recommendation  of  Laetus,  he 
was  put  in  charge  of  the  army  in  Germany.5  Just  as 
he  was  setting  out  for  Germany,  he  acquired  elabo- 
rate gardens,  although  he  had  previously  kept  only 
an  unpretentious  dwelling  in  the  city  and  a  single 
farm  in  Venetia.  And  now,  when  he  was  reclining 
on  the  ground  in  these  gardens,  partaking  of  a  frugal 
supper  with  his  children,  his  elder  son,  who  was  then 
five  years  old,  divided  the  fruit,  when  it  was  served, 
with  rather  a  bounteous  hand  among  his  young  play- 
mates. And  when  his  father  reproved  him,  saying : 
"  Be  more  sparing ;  for  you  have  not  the  riches  of 
a  king,"  the  five-year-old  child  replied  :  "  No,  but  I 
shall  have  ".  On  coming  to  Germany,  Severus  con- 
ducted himself  in  this  office  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
increase  a  reputation  which  was  already  illustrious. 

4  His  name  is  given  as  Vitellius  in  Get.,  iii.  1. 

5  An  error  for  Pannonia   (cf.  §  2),  for  he  was  acclaimed 
emperor  at  Carnuntum  (see  c.  v.  1);  see  al^o  Dio,   Ixiii.  14,  8 
and  Herodian,  ii.  9,  2. 



V.  Et  hactenus  rem  militarem  privatus  egit.  dehinc 
a  Germanicis  legionibus,  ubi  auditum  est  Commodum 
occisum,  lulianum  autem  cum  odio  cunctorum  im- 
perare,  multis  hortantibus  repugnans  imperator  est 

2appellatus  apud  Carnuntum  idibus  Augustis.  qui 
etiam  sestertia,  quot l  nemo  umquam  principum, 

3militibus  dedit.  dein  firmatis  quas  post  tergum 
relinquebat  provinciis  Romam  iter  2  contendit,  ceden- 
tibus  sibi  cunctis,  quacumque  iter  fecit,  cum  iam 
Illyriciani  exercitus  et  Gallicani  3  cogentibus  ducibus 

4  in  eius  verba  iurassent.      excipiebatur  enim  ab  omni- 

5  bus  quasi  ultor  Pertinacis.     per  idem  tempus  auctore 
luliano  Septimius  Severus  a  senatu  hostis  est  appel- 
latus,  legatis  ad  exercitum  senatus  verbis  missis,  qui 
iuberent  ut  ab  eo  milites    senatu  praecipiente  dis- 

6  cederent.     et  Severus  quidem  cum  audisset  senatus 
consentientis  auctoritate  missos  legatos,  primo  per- 
timuit,    postea    id    egit    corruptis    legatis,    ut    apud 
exercitum   pro  se   loquerentur  transirentque  in  eius 

7partes.      his    compertis  lulianus  senatus  consultum4 

8  fieri  fecit  de  participando  imperio  cum  Severe,     in- 

certum  vere  id  an  dolo  fecerit,  cum  iam  ante  misis- 

set 5  notos  ducum  interfectores  quosdam,  qui  Severum 

lquot  Riihl;  quod  P,  Peter.  ziter  Peter;   item  P. 

3  gallicanis  P.  4  consulatum  P1.  6  misisscnt  P. 

1  Cf.  Did.  Jul.t  iv.  2  f. 

2  An  error,  for  Didius  Julianus  was  killed  on  the  1st  June  (see 
note  to  Did.  Jul.,  ix.  3),  and  Severus  was  then  not  far  from 
Rome.     The  date  was  probably  the  Ides  of  April. 

3 i.e.  each  legionary. 

4  Used  inexactly  to  denote  the  armies  of  the  Danube  and 
the  Rhine.  His  coins  of  193  show  the  names  of  fifteen 
different  legions  belonging  to  these  armies  (see  Cohen  iv2, 
p.  31  f.,  nos.  255-278).  To  these  is  to  be  added  the  Tenth 


SEVERUS  V.  1-8 

V.  So  far  did  he  pursue  his  military  career  as  a 
subject.  Now,  when  it  was  learned  that  Commodus 
had  been  slain  and  that  Julianus  was  holding  the 
throne  amid  general  hatred,1  at  the  behest  of  many, 
but  against  his  own  will,  he  was  hailed  emperor  by 
the  German  legions ;  this  took  place  at  Carnuntum 
on  the  Ides  of  August.2  A  thousand  sesterces — a  13  Aug., 
sum  which  no  prince  had  ever  given  before — were  193 
presented  to  each  soldier.3  And  then,  after  garrison- 
ing the  provinces  which  he  was  leaving  in  his  rear, 
he  hastened  his  march  on  Rome.  Wherever  his  path 
lay,  all  yielded  to  him,  and  the  legions  in  Illyricum 
and  Gaul  4  had  already,  under  compulsion  from  their 
generals,  espoused  his  cause,  for  he  was  universally 
regarded  as  the  avenger  of  Pertinax.  Meanwhile,  at 
Julianus'  instigation,  the  senate  declared  him  a  public 
enemy,5  and  legates  were  sent  to  his  army  with  a 
message  from  the  senate  ordering  his  soldiers  in  the 
name  of  the  senate  to  desert  him.6  And  in  truth, 
when  Severus  heard  that  legates  had  been  sent 
by  unanimous  order  of  the  senate,  he  was  at  first 
terrified  ;  afterwards,  however,  he  managed  to  bribe 
the  legates  to  address  the  army  in  his  favour  and  then 
to  desert  to  his  side  themselves.7  When  Julianus 
learned  of  this,  he  caused  the  senate  to  pass  a  decree 
that  Severus  and  he  should  share  the  throne.8 
Whether  this  was  done  in  good  faith  or  treacherously 
is  not  clear ;  for  already,  ere  this,  Julianus  had  sent 
certain  fellows,  notorious  assassins  of  generals,  to 
murder  Severus,0  and  indeed  he  had  sent  men 

Legion,  the   Gemina,   stationed  in   Pannonia   Superior,   of 
which,  as  it  happens,  no  coin  has  been  preserved. 

5  Of.  Did.  Jul.,  v.  3.  6Cf.  Did.  JuL,  v.  5. 

7  Of.  Did.  Jul,  vi.  3.  8  Of.  Did.  Jul.,  vi.  9. 

9  Of.  Did.  Jul,  v.  8  ;  Pesc.  Nig.,  ii.  6. 



occiderent,  ita  ut  ad  Pescennium  Nigrum  intern"  cien- 
dum  miserat,  qui  et  ipse  imperium  contra  eum 
9  susceperat  auctoribus  Syriacis  exercitibus.  verum 
Severus  evitatis  eorum  manibus  quos  ad  se  interficien- 
dum  lulianus  miserat,  missis  ad  praetorianos  litteris 
signum  vel  deserendi  vel  occidendi  luliani  dedit 

10  statimque  auditus  est.     nam  et  lulianus  occisus  est 

11  in   Palatio,   et  Severus   Romam  invitatus.     ita,  quod 
nulli  umquam  contigit,  nutu  tantum  Severus  victor 
est  factus  armatusque  Romam  contendit. 

VI.  Occiso  luliano  cum  Severus  in  castris  et  tentoriis 

quasi  per  hosticum  veniens  adhuc  maneret,  centum 

senatores  legates  ad  eum  senatus  misit  ad  gratulan- 

2dum  rogandumque.     qui  ei  occurrerunt  Interamnae 

armatumque  circumstantibus  armatis  salutarunt,  ex- 

3  cussi  ne  quid  ferri  haberent.     et  postera  die  occur- 

4  rente    omni    famulicio    aulico,  septingenos l   vicenos 
aureos    legatis    dedit     eosdemque    praemisit,    facta 
potestate  si  qui  vellent  remanere  ac  secum  Romam 

5  redire.       fecit    etiam    statim    praefectum    praetorii 
Flavium   luvenalem,    quern   etiam    lulianus    tertium 
praefectum  sibi  adsumpserat. 

1  septingenos  Hirschfeld ;   septuagenos  P,  Peter. 

1CL  Did.  Jul,  v.  1 ;  Peso.  Nig.,  ii.  4. 

2  Cf.  Pesc.  Nig.  ii.  1.  y  Cf.  Did.  Jul.,  viii.  5  f. 

4 Hirschfeld  points  out  that  through  the  use  of  base  metal 
the  denarius  had  so  depreciated  that  25,000  den.  (100,000 
sesterces)  was  now  equal  to  only  720  aurei  instead  of  luOO. 
Accordingly,  the  sum  that  was  presented  to  each  of  the 


SEVERUS  V.  9— VI.  5 

to  murder  Pescennius  Niger  as  well,1  who,  at  the 
instigation  of  the  armies  in  Syria,2  had  also  declared 
himself  emperor  in  opposition  to  Julianus.  How- 
ever, Severus  escaped  the  clutches  of  the  men  whom 
Julianus  had  sent  to  kill  him  and  despatched  a  letter 
to  the  guard  instructing  them  either  to  desert 
Julianus  or  to  kill  him ;  and  his  order  was  im- 
mediately obeyed.3  For  not  only  was  Julianus  slain 
in  the  Palace,  but  Severus  was  invited  to  Rome. 
And  so,  by  the  mere  nod  of  his  head,  Severus  became 
the  victor — a  thing  that  had  befallen  no  man  ever 
before — and  still  under  arms  hastened  towards  Rome. 
VI.  After  the  murder  of  Julianus  Severus  still  re- 
mained encamped  and  in  his  tents  as  though  he  were 
advancing  through  a  hostile  territory ;  the  senate, 
therefore,  sent  a  delegation  of  a  hundred  senators  to 
bear  him  congratulations  and  sue  for  pardon.  'And 
when  these  met  him  at  Interamna,  they  were  searched 
for  concealed  weapons  and  only  then  suffered  to  greet 
him  as  he  stood  armed  and  in  the  midst  of  armed 
men.  But  on  the  following  day,  after  all  the  palace 
attendants  had  arrived,  he  presented  each  member  of 
the  delegation  with  seven  hundred  and  twenty  pieces 
of  gold,4  and  sent  them  on  ahead,  granting  to  such  as 
desired,  however,  the  privilege  of  remaining  and  re- 
turning to  Rome  with  himself.  Without  further  de- 
lay, he  appointed  as  prefect  of  the  guard  that  Flavius 
Juvenalis  whom  Julianus  had  chosen  for  his  third 

legates  was  the  equivalent  of  100,000  sesterces  reckoned  ac- 
cording to  the  later  standard.  See  von  Domaszewski  in  Rhein. 
Mus.,  liv.  (1899),  p.  312. 

6  Probably  on  the  death  of  Tullius  Crispinus  ;  see  Did.  Jul., 
viii.  1. 



6  Interim  Romae  ingens  trepidatio  militum  civium- 
que,    quod  armatus   contra  eos  Severus  veniret,  qui 

7  se   hostem  iudicassent.      his  accessit  quod  comperit 
PescenniumNigrum  a  Syriacis  legionibus  imperatorem 

8  appellatum.     cuius  edicta  et  litteras  ad  populum  vel 
senatum  intercepit  per  eos  qui  missi  fuerant,  ne  vel 

9  propone rentur  populo  vel  legerentur  in  curia,     eodera 
tempore  etiam  de    Clodio  Albino    sibi    substituendo 
cogitavit,  cui  Caesareanum  decretum  auctore  Com- 

10  modo  iam 1  videbatur  imperium.     sed  eos  ipsos  per- 
timescens  de  2  quibus  recte  iudicabat,3  Heraclitum  ad 
obtinendas    Britannias,    Plautianum    ad    occupandos 

11  Nigri  liberos  misit.     cum   Romam  Severus  venisset, 
praetorianos    cum    subarmalibus    inermes    sibi  iussit 
occurrere.     eosdem    sic  ad  tribunal  vocavit  armatis 
undique  circumdatis. 

VII.  Ingressus  deinde  Romam  armatus  cum  armatis 

militibus    Capitolium   ascendit.     inde    in 4    Palatium 

eodem  habitu  perrexit,  praelatis  signis  quae  praeto- 

2rianis  ademerat  supinis  non  erectis.     tota  deinde  urbe 

1  auctore  Commodo  iam  nomen  Oberdick ;  nomen  om.  by 

Editor ;  aut  Commodianum  P.  3  so  Peter1  ;  pertimescende 

P  ;  pertimescendo  P  corr.,  Peter2.  *iudicabat  P,  Peter1; 
inuidebat  Peter2.            4  om.  in  P. 

JCf.  Cl.  Alb.,  ii.  1;  vi.  4-5;  xiii.  4.     This  is  doubtless  a 

2  Or  Bithynia,  according  to  Peso.  Nig.,  v.  2,  but  the  reading 
Britannias  is  probably  the  correct   one.     About  this   time 
Severus,  in  order  to  attach  Albinus  to  his  cause,  offered  him 
the  name  Caesar  (see  note  to  Cl.  Alb.,  i.  2),  and  Heraclitus 
may  have  been  sent  for  this  purpose. 

3  Of.  Pesc.  Nig.,  v.  2.     On  C.  Fulvius  Plautianus  see  c.  liv. 

4  He  then  reproached  them  for  their  treachery  to  Pertinax, 


SEVERUS  VI.  6— VII.  2 

Meanwhile  at  Rome  a  mighty  panic  seized  both 
soldiers  and  civilians,  for  they  realized  that  Severus 
was  advancing  under  arms  and  against  those  who  had 
declared  him  a  public  enemy.  The  excitement  was 
further  increased  when  Severus  learned  that  Pescen- 
nius  Niger  had  been  hailed  emperor  by  the  legions 
in  Syria.  However,  the  proclamations  and  letters 
that  Pescennius  sent  to  the  people  and  senate  were, 
with  the  connivance  of  the  messengers  who  had  been 
sent  with  them,  intercepted  by  Severus,  for  he  wished 
to  prevent  their  being  published  among  the  people  or 
read  in  the  senate-house.  At  the  same  time,  too,  he 
considered  abdicating  in  favour  of  Clodius  Albinus, 
to  whom,  it  appeared,  the  power  of  a  Caesar l  had 
already  been  decreed  at  the  instance  of  Commodus. 
But  instead,  he  sent  Heraclitus  to  secure  Britain 2 
and  Plautianus  to  seize  Niger's  children,3  in  fear  of 
these  men  and  having  formed  a  correct  opinion  about 
them.  And  when  he  arrived  at  Rome,  he  ordered  the 
guard  to  meet  him  clad  only  in  their  undergarments 
and  without  arms  ;  then,  with  armed  men  posted  all 
about  him,  he  summoned  them,  thus  apparelled,  to  the 

VI  I.  Severus,  armed  himself  and  attended  by  armed 
men,  entered  the  city  and  went  up  to  the  Capitol ; 5 
thence  he  proceeded,  still  fully  armed,  to  the  Palace, 
having  the  standards,  which  he  had  taken  from  the 
praetorians,  borne  before  him  not  raised  erect  but  trail- 
ing on  the  ground.  And  then  throughout  the  whole 

disarmed  and  disbanded  them,  and  banished  them  from  the 
city  ;  see  -Die,  Ixxiv.  1,  1  and  Herodian,  ii.  13,  4  f.  This  took 
place  just  outside  the  walls. 

5  A  vivid  description  of  his  triumphal  entry  is  given  in  Dio, 
Ixxiv.  1,  3-5. 



milites  in  templis,  in  porticibus,  in  aedibus  Palatinis, 

3 quasi  in  stabulis  manserunt,  fuitque  ingressus  Severi 
odiosus  atque  terribilis,  cum  milites  inempta  diripe- 

4  rent,  vastationem  urbi  minantes.  alia  die  arrnatis 
stipatus  non  solum  militibus  sed  etiam  amicis  in 
senatum  venit.  in  curia  reddidit  rationem  suscepti 
imperil  causatusque  est,  quod  ad  se  occidendum 

Slulianus  notos  ducum  caedibus  misisset.  fieri  etiam 
senatus  consultum  coegit,  ne  liceret  imperatori  in- 

Sconsulto  senatu  occidere  senatorem.  sed  cum  in 
senatu  esset,  milites  per  seditionem  dena  milia 
poposcerunt  a  senatu,  exemplo  eorum  qui  Augustum 
Octavianum  Romam  deduxerant  tantumque  accepe- 

7  rant,      et  cum  eos  voluisset  comprimere  Severus  nee 
potuisset,  tamen  mitigates  addita  liberalitate  dimisit. 

8  funus    deinde    censorium    Pertinacis    imagini    duxit 
eumque  inter  divos  sacravit,  addito  flamine  et  soda- 

9  libus   Helvianis,    qui    Marciani   fuerant.     se    quoque 

1  Of.  c.  v.  8 ;  Did.  Jul.,  v.  8 ;  Peso.  Nig.,  ii.  5. 

2  So  also  Dio,  Ixxiv.  2, 1  and  Herodian,  ii.  14,  3-4.     Dio  ob- 
serves that  Severus  violated  this  decree  almost  at  once. 

3  See  Dio,  xlvi.  46. 

4  He  gave  to  each  one  thousand  sesterces  ;  see  Dio,  ibid. 

5  This  funeral  is  described  in  detail  in  Dio,  Ixxiv.  4-5. 

6  A  survival  of  the  republican  period,  when  the  senate  fre- 
quently honoured  a  dead  ex-magistrate  by  decreeing  that  he 
might   be  buried  in  his  robe  of  office.     Of  these  robes  the 
purple  toga  of  the  censor  was  considered  the  highest,  and  a 
funus  censorium  was,  accordingly,  the  most  honourable  type 
of  public  funeral.     It  was  later  accorded  by  vote  of  the  senate 
to  emperors,  e.g.  to  Augustus  (Tacitus,  Annals. ,  xii.  69)  and  to 
Claudius  (id.,  xiii.  2). 

7  See  note  to  Marc.,  xv.  4  ;  see  also  Pert.,  xv.  3-4. 



city,  in  temples,  in  porticoes,  and  in  the  dwellings  on 
the  Palatine,  the  soldiers  took  up  their  quarters  as 
though  in  barracks  ;  and  Severus'  entry  inspired  both 
hate  and  fear,  for  the  soldiers  seized  goods  they  did 
not  pay  for  and  threatened  to  lay  the  city  waste.  On 
the  next  day,  accompanied  not  only  by  armed  soldiers 
but  also  by  a  body  of  armed  friends,  Severus  appeared 
before  the  senate,  and  there,  in  the  senate-house, 
gave  his  reasons  for  assuming  the  imperial  power, 
alleging  in  defence  thereof  that  men  notorious  for 
assassinating  generals  had  been  sent  by  Julianus  to 
murder  him.1  He  secured  also  the  passage  of  a 
senatorial  decree  to  the  effect  that  the  emperor  should 
not  be  permitted  to  put  any  senator  to  death  without 
first  consulting  the  senate.2  But  while  he  was  still 
in  the  senate-house,  his  soldiers,  with  threats  of 
mutiny,  demanded  of  the  senate  ten  thousand  ses- 
terces each,  citing  the  precedent  of  those  who  had 
conducted  Augustus  Octavian  to  Rome  and  received  a 
similar  sum.3  And  although  Severus  himself  desired 
to  repress  them,  he  found  himself  unable  ;  eventually, 
however,  by  giving  them  a  bounty  he  managed  to  ap- 
pease them  and  then  sent  them  away.4  Thereupon 
he  held  for  an  effigy  of  Pertinax  5  a  funeral  such  as  is 
given  a  censor,6  elevated  him  to  a  place  among  the 
deified  emperors  and  gave  him,  besides,  a  flamen 
and  a  Helvian  Brotherhood,  composed  of  the  priests 
who  had  previously  constituted  the  Marciaii  Brother- 
hood.7 Moreover,  he  himself  was,  at  his  own  com- 
mand, given  the  name  Pertinax ; 8  although  later  he 

8  According  to  Herodian,  ii.  10, 1,  he  assumed  this  name  be- 
fore he  left  Pannonia.  It  appears  in  his  inscriptions  and  on 
his  coins,  especially  those  issued  during  the  first  part  of  his 



Pertinacem   vocari  iussit,  quamvis   postea   id  nomen 
aboleri  voluerit  quasi l  omen. 

VIII.  Amicorum  dehinc  aes  alienum2  dissolvit. 
filias  suas  dotatas  maritis  Probo  et  Aetio  dedit.  et 
cum  Probo  genero  suo  praefecturam  urbi  obtulisset, 
ille  recusavit  dixitque  minus  sibi  videri  praefectum 

2  esse  quam  principis  generum.     utrumque  autem  gen- 

3  erum  statim  consulem  fecit,  utrumque  ditavit.     alia 
die  ad  senatum  venit  et  amicos  luliani  incusatos  pro- 

4scriptioni  ac  neci  dedit.  causas  plurimas  audivit. 
accusatos  a  provincialibus  iudices  probatis  rebus 

Sgraviter  punivit.  rei  frumentariae,  quam  minimam 
reppererat,  ita  consul  uit,  ut  excedens  vita  septem 
annorum  canonem  populo  Romano  relinqueret. 

6      Ad   orientis   statum    confirmandum   profectus   est, 

7nihil  adhuc  de  Nigro  palam  dicens.  ad  Africam 
tamen  legiones  misit,  ne  per  Libyam  atque  Aegyptum 
Niger  Africam  occuparet  ac  populo  Romano  penuria 

8  rei   frumentariae  perurgueret.      Domitium   Dextrum 
in  locum  Bassi  praefectum  3  urbi  reliquit  atque  intra 
triginta    dies   quam  Romam    venerat    est   profectus. 

9  egress  us  ab  urbe  ad  Saxa  Rubra  seditionem  ingentem 
ob  locum  castrorum  metandorum  ab  exercitu  passus 

10  est.     occurrit   ei  et  statim    Geta  frater  suus,  quern 

1  quae  P.  2  alienos  P.  3 praefectum  Mommsen ; 

praefecti  P. 

JCf.  Pesc.  Nig.,  v.  4  f. 

2 Before  setting  out  he  gave  largess;  see  the  coins  of  193 
with  the  legend  Liberalitas  Aug(usti) ;  Cohen,  iv2,  p.  32  f., 
nos.  279-287. 

3  On  the  Via  Flaminia,  about  ten  miles  north  of  Rome. 

4  P.  Septimius  Geta.     His  province  was  probably  Dacia,  of 
which  he  was  governor  in  195;  see  C.I.L.,  iii.  905. 



wished  it  withdrawn,  for  fear  that  it  would  prove  an 

VIII.  Next  he  freed  his  friends  from  debt.     He 


then  settled  dowries  on  his  daughters  and  gave  them 
in  marriage  to  Probus  and  Aetius.  As  for  his  son- 
in-law  Probus,  when  he  offered  to  make  him  prefect 
of  the  city,  Probus  declined,  averring  that  it  meant 
less  to  him  to  be  prefect  of  the  city  than  son-in-law 
to  the  emperor.  However,  he  immediately  appointed 
each  of  them  consul  and  made  each  rich.  Soon  there-?  193 
after  he  appeared  before  the  senate,  and  bringing  in 
accusations  against  the  friends  of  Julianus,  caused 
them  to  be  outlawed  and  put  to  death.  He  heard  a 
vast  number  of  lawsuits,  and  magistrates  who  had  been 
accused  by  the  provincials  he  punished  severely 
whenever  the  accusations  against  them  were  proved  ; 
and  finding  the  grain-supply  at  a  very  low  ebb,  he 
managed  it  so  well  that  on  departing  this  life  he  left 
the  Roman  people  a  surplus  to  the  amount  of  seven 
years'  tribute. 

And  now  he  set  out  to  remedy  the  situation  in  the  July,  193 
East,  still  making  no  public  mention  of  Niger.  None 
the  less,  however,  he  sent  troops  to  Africa,  for  fear 
that  Niger  might  advance  through  Libya  and  Egypt 
and  seize  this  province,  and  thereby  distress  the 
Roman  people  with  a  scarcity  of  grain.1  Then, 
leaving  Domitius  Dexter  as  prefect  of  the  city  in 
place  of  Bassus,  within  thirty  days  of  his  coming  to 
Rome  he  set  out  again  ; 2  and  he  had  proceeded  from 
the  city  no  farther  than  Saxa  Rubra  3  when  he  had  to 
face  a  great  mutiny  in  his  army,  which  arose  on  ac- 
count of  the  place  selected  for  pitching  camp.  Then 
his  brother  Geta4  came  at  once  to  meet  him,  but 
merely  received  orders  to  rule  the  province  already 



provinciam    sibi    creditam    regere    praecepit1    aliud 

11  sperantem.     Nigri  liberos  ad  se  adductos  in  eo  habuit 

12  honore    quo    suos.       miserat    sane    legionem,    quae 
Graeciam  Thraciamque  praeciperet,  ne  eas  Pescennius 

13  occuparet.  sed  iam  Byzantium  Niger  tenebat.      Per- 
inthum    etiam    Niger    volens    occupare  plurimos    de 
exercitu  interfecit  atque  ideo  hostis  cum  Aemiliaiio 

14  est  appellatus.      cumque    Severum    ad    participatum 

15  vocaret,  contemptus  est.     promisit  sane  Nigro  tutum 
exsilium,    si    vellet,   Aemiliano    autem    non    ignovit. 

16  Aemilianus    dehinc    victus    in  Hellesponto  a  Severi 
ducibus   Cyzicum    primum    confugit    atque    inde    in 
aliam    civitatem,    in    qua    eorum    iussu    occisus    est. 

17  fusae  sunt  item  copiae  ab  iisdem  ducibus  etiam  Nigri. 
IX.  his  auditis  ad  senatum  Severus  quasi  confectis  rebus 

litteras  misit.  dein  conflixit  cum  Nigro  eumque  apud 
Cyzicum  interemit  caputque  eius  pilo  circumtulit. 

2filios  Nigri  post  hoc,  quos  suorum  liberorum  cultu 
habuerat,  in  exsilium  cum  matre  misit. 

3      Litteras    ad    senatum    de    victoria    dedit.      neque 

1  accepit  P. 

1  See  c.  vi.  10  and  ix.  2. 

2  Asellius  Aemilianus,  the  proconsul  of  Asia  and  commander 
of  Niger's  army. 

3  See  Peso.  Nig.,  v.  6-7. 

4  This  was  after  the  defeat  at  Perinthus  (§  16)  ;  see  Pesc. 
Nig.,  v.  8. 

5  Probably  at  Perinthus  on  the  Propontis. 
"Near  Nicaea  in  Bithynia  ;  see  Dio,  Ixxiv.  6,  5  f. 

7  This  is  an  error,  repeated  in  Pesc.  Nig.,  v.  8.  Niger  was 
finally  defeated  near  Issus  in  Cilicia ;  see  Dio,  Ixxiv.  7  and 
Herodian,  iii.  4,  2  f.  The  date  has  recently  been  determined 


SEVERUS  VIII.  11— IX.  3 

in  his  charge,  though  Geta  had  other  hopes.  Niger's 
children,  who  were  brought  to  him,  he  treated  with 
the  same  care  that  he  showed  his  own.1  Previous  to 
this,  he  had  sent  a  legion  to  occupy  Greece  and 
Thrace,  and  thereby  prevent  Niger  from  seizing 
them.  But  Niger  already  held  Byzantium,  and  now 
wishing  to  seize  Perinthus  too,  he  slew  a  great  number 
of  this  force  and  accordingly,  together  with  Aemili- 
anus,2  was  declared  an  enemy  to  the  state.3  He 
next  proposed  joint  rule  with  Severus ;  this  was  re- 
jected with  scorn.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Severus  did 
promise  him  an  unmolested  exile  if  he  wished  it,4 
but  refused  to  pardon  Aemilianus.  Soon  there- 
after Aemilianus  was  defeated  by  Severus'  generals 
at  the  Hellespont 5  and  fled  first  to  Cyzicus  and 
from  there  to  another  city,  and  here  he  was  put 
to  death  by  order  of  Severus'  generals.  Niger's  own 
forces,  moreover,  were  routed  by  the  same  generals.6 
IX.  On  receipt  of  this  news  Severus  despatched 
letters  to  the  senate  as  if  the  whole  affair  were 
finished.  And  not  long  afterwards  he  met  with 
Niger  near  Cyzicus,7  slew  him,  and  paraded  his  head 
on  a  pike.  Niger's  children,  whom  he  had  main- 
tained in  the  same  state  as  his  own,8  he  sent  into 
exile  after  this  event,  together  with  their  mother. 

He  sent  a  letter  to  the   senate  announcing   the 
victory,9  but  he  inflicted  no  punishment  upon  any  of 

as  the  close  of  193.  Niger  fled  but  was  overtaken  by  some  of 
Severus'  soldiers  between  Antioch  and  the  Euphrates  and  be- 
headed ;  see  Dio,  Ixxiv.  8,  3. 

8  See  c.  viii.  11.     They  were  afterwards  put  to  death  ;  see 
c.  x.  1  and  Peso.  Nig.,  vi.  1-2. 

9  He  was  acclaimed  Imperator  for  the  third  time ;  see  the 
coins  of  194  with  the  legends  Mars  Pacator  and  Paci  Augusti, 
Cohen,  iv2,  p.  35,  no.  308,  and  p.  40,  no.  359. 



quemquam    senatorum    qui    Nigri    partium   fuerant 

4praeter  unum  supplicio  adfecit.     Antiochensibus  ira- 

tior   fuit,    quod    et   administrantem    se    in    oriente l 

5  riserant  et  Nigrum  etiam  victu  2  iuverant.     denique 
multa  his  ademit.      Neapolitanis  etiam  Palaestinensi- 
bus  ius  civitatis  tulit,  quod  pro  Nigro  diu  in  armis 

6  fuerunt.     in  multos  saeve  3  animadvertit,  praeter  or- 
7dinem  senatorium,  qui  Nigrum  fuerant  secuti.     mul- 

tas  etiam  civitates  eiusdem  partis  iniuriis  adfecit  et 
Sdamnis.     eos  senatores  occidit  qui  cum  Nigro  mili- 

taverant  ducum  vel  tribunorum  nomine. 
9      Delude  circa  Arabiam  plura  gessit,   Parthis  etiam 
in   dicionem  redactis  nee  non  etiam  Adiabenis,  qui 
lOquidem  omnes  cum  Pescennio  senserant.     atque  ob 
hoc  reversus  triumpho  delato  appellatus  est  Arabicus 
11  Adiabenicus  Parthicus.     sed  triumphum  respuit,  ne 
videretur  de  civili  triumphare  victoria,      excusavit  et 
Parthicum  nomen,  ne  Parthos  lacesseret. 

X.   Redeunti  sane  Romam  post  bellum  civile  Nigri 

lorientem  P,  Peter.          *uicturn  Peter2  with  P.  *saetie 

Peter;  se  P. 

1  See  c.  vii.  5.     This  statement  is  confirmed  by  Dio ;  see 
Ixxiv.  8,  4. 

2  Niger's  head  appears  on  a  coin  of  Colonia  Aelia  Capitolina 
(Jerusalem) ;  see  Cohen,  in',  p.  413,  no.  82. 

3  Notably  Byzantium,  which  his  army  captured  after  a  long 
siege ;  see  Dio,  Ixxiv.  14,  3. 

4  The  campaign  actually  took  place  in  northern  Meso- 
potamia, in  the  neighbourhood  of  Nisibis,  which  had  been 
invaded  by  the  surrounding   tribes.     Most  of  the  fighting 
seems  to  have  been  done  under  the  command  of  the  legates, 
Laetus,  Anulinus,  and  Probus,  who  crossed  the  Tigris  and  in- 
vaded Adiabene  ;  see  Dio,  Ixxv.  1-3. 

5  In  the  inscriptions  and  on  the  coins  of  this  period  he  is 


SEVERUS  IX.  4— X. 

the  senators  who  had  sided  with  Niger,1  with  the 
exception  of  one  man.  Towards  the  citizens  of 
Antioch  he  was  more  resentful,  because  they  had 
laughed  at  him  in  his  administration  of  the  East  and 
also  had  aided  Niger  with  supplies.  Eventually  he 
deprived  them  of  many  privileges.  The  citizens  of 
Neapolis  in  Palestine,  because  they  had  long  been 
in  arms  on  Niger's  side,2  he  deprived  of  all  their 
civic  rights,  and  to  many  individuals,  other  than 
members  of  the  senatorial  order,  who  had  followed 
Niger  he  meted  out  cruel  punishments.  Many  com- 
munities,3 too,  which  had  been  on  Niger's  side,  were 
punished  with  fines  and  degradation ;  and  such 
senators  as  had  seen  active  service  on  Niger's  side 
with  the  title  of  general  or  tribune  were  put  to  death. 

Next,  he  engaged  in  further  operations  in  the 
region  about  Arabia  4  and  brought  the  Parthians  back 
to  allegiance  and  also  the  Adiabeni — all  of  whom 
had  sided  with  Pescennius.  For  this  exploit,  after 
he  returned  home,  he  was  given  a  triumph  and  the 
names  Arabicus,  Adiabenicus,  and  Parthicus.5  He 
refused  the  triumph,  however,  lest  he  seem  to 
triumph  for  a  victory  over  Romans  ;  and  he  declined 
the  name  Earthicus  lest  he  hurt  the  Parthians'  feel- 

X.  And  then,  just  as  he  was  returning  to  Rome 
after  the  civil  war  caused  by  Niger,  he  received  news  196 

called  A  rabicus  Adiabenicus,  or  Parthicus  Arabicus  Parthicus 
Adiabenicus;  see  Dessau,  Ins.  SeZ.,417  f.,  and  Cohen,  iv2,  p.  8, 
nos.  48-52,  and  p.  40  f.,  nos.  363-368.  The  statement  in  §  11, 
accordingly,  is  not  accurate.  However,  the  cognomen 
Parthicus  is  not  used  without  these  qualifying  words  until 
after  his  campaign  of  198  (see  c.  xvi.  2).  These  names  were 
taken  in  194,  when  he  was  acclaimed  Imperatot  for  the  fourth 



aliud  bellum  civile  Clodii  Albini  nuntiatura  est,  qui 
rebellavit  in  Gallia.  quare  postea  occisi  sunt  filii 

2Nigri1  cum  matre.  Albinum  igitur  statim  hostem 
iudicavit  et  eos  qui  ad  ilium  mollius  vel  scripserunt 

3vel  rescripserunt.  et  cum  iret  contra  Albinum,  in 
itinere  apud  Viminacium  filium  suum  maiorem  Bas- 
sianum  adposito  Aurelii  Antonini  nomine  Caesarem 
appellavit,  ut  fratrem  suum  Getam  ab  spe  imperil, 

4quam  ille  conceperat,  summoveret.  et  nomen  qui- 
dem  Antonini  idcirco  filio  adposuit,  quod  somniaverat 

5  Antoiiinum    sibi    successurum.      unde   Getam  etiam 
quidam   Antoninum  putant   dictum,   ut  et   ipse  suc- 

6  cederet  in  imperio.     aliqui  putant  idcirco  ilium  An- 
toninum   appellatum,    quod    Severus    ipse    in    Marci 
familiam  transire  voluerit. 

7  Et  primo  quidem  ab  Albinianis  Severi  duces  victi 
sunt.     tune  sollicitus  cum  consuleret,  a  Pannoniacis 
auguribus  comperit  se  victorem  futurum,  adversarium 

1  filii  Nigri  om.  in  P. 

1  See  c.  vi.  9  ;  CL  Alb.,  viii.  4  f. 

3  More  correctly,  Britain,  of  which  he  was  governor.  He 
had  previously  received  from  Severus  the  title  of  Caesar  (see 
note  to  CL  Alb.,  i.  2),  and  he  now  assumed  that  of  Augustus. 

3  See  c.  ix.  2  and  note. 

4  On  his  march  from  Byzantium  through  Moesia  to  Gaul. 
As  Hirschfeld  has  pointed  out,  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  Severus  went  to  Rome  at  this  time ;  see   Kl.  Schriften 
(Berlin,  1913),  p.  432. 

5  From  this  time  on,  in  inscriptions  and  on  coins  he  always 
bears  the  name  M.  Aurelius  Antoninus. 

6  See  note  to  Ael.,  i.  2.     In  this  instance,  the  purpose  of 
the  step  was  to  nullify  Albinus'  claim  to  the  name  and  to  the 
succession  (see  note  to  §  1). 

7 i.e.  Severus'  younger  son. 


SEVERUS  X.  2-7 

of  another  civil  war,  caused  by  Clodius  Albinus,1  who 
had  revolted  in  Gaul.2  It  was  because  of  this  revolt 
that  Niger's  children  and  their  mother  were  later  put 
to  death.3  As  for  Albinus,  Severus  at  once  declared 
him  a  public  foe,  and  likewise  those  who,  in  their 
letters  to  him  or  replies  to  his  letters,  had  expressed 
themselves  as  favourably  inclined  to  him.  As  he 
was  advancing  against  Albinus,  moreover,  and  had 
reached  Viminacium  4  on  his  march,  he  gave  his  elder 
son  Bassianus  the  name  Aurelius  Antoninus  5  and  the 
title  of  Caesar,6  in  order  to  destroy  whatever  hopes  of 
succeeding  to  the  throne  his  brother  Geta  had  con- 
ceived. His  reason  for  giving  his  son  the  name  An- 
toninus was  that  he  had  dreamed  that  an  Antoninus 
would  succeed  him.  It  was  because  of  this  dream, 
some  believe,  that  Geta7  also  was  called  Antoninus,8 
in  order  that  he  too  might  succeed  to  the  throne. 
Others,  however,  think  that  Bassianus  was  given  the 
name  Antoninus  because  Severus  himself  wished  to 
pass  over  into  the  family  of  Marcus.9 

At  first,  Severus'  generals 10  were  worsted  by  those 
of  Albinus  ; n  but  when,  in  his  anxiety,  he  consulted 
augurs  in  Paiinonia,  he  learned  that  he  would  be 

8  The  statement  that  Geta  was  given  the  name  Antoninus 
is  frequently  made  in  these  biographies  ;  see  c.  xvi.  4  ;  xix.  2  ; 
Get.,  i.  If.;  v.  3.     It  is  questioned,  on  the  other  hand,  in 
Diad.,  vi.  9,  and  as  this  name  does  not  appear  in  the  inscrip- 
tions or  on  the  coins  of  Geta,  the  statement  is  probably  in- 

9  So  also  Dio,  Ixxv.  7,  4,  and  Ixxvi.  9.  4.     In  his  inscrip- 
tions from  this  time  on  he  appears  as  Divi  Marci  Antonini 
Pii  Germ.  Sarm.  filius,  etc.      He  also 'assumed  the  name 
Pius  about  this  time. 

10  See  also  Cl.  Alb.,  ix.  1-4. 

11  In  particular.  Lupus,  who  was  badly  defeated  by  Albinus 
about  this  time  ;  see  Dio,  Ixxv.  6,  2. 



vero  nee  in  potestatem  venturum  neque  evasurum  sed 

8  iuxta   aquam    esse    periturum.1     multi   statim   amici 

Albini  deserentes  venere,  multi  duces  capti  sunt,  in 

XI.  quos    Severus    animadvertit.      multis    interim    varie 

gestis  in  Gallia  primo  apud  Tinurtium  contra  Albinum 

2  felicissime  pugnavit    Severus.      cum  quidem  ingens 
periculum  equi  casu  adiit,2ita  ut  mortuus  ictuplumbeae 
crederetur,  ita  ut  alius  iam  paene  imperator  ab  exer- 

3  citu   deligeretur.      eo  tempore   lectis  actis   quae   de 
Clodio  Celsiiio  laudando,  qui  Hadrumetinus  et  adfinis 
Albini  erat,  facta  sunt,  iratus  senatui  Severus,  quasi 
hoc  Albino  senatus    praestitisset,    Commodum  inter 
divos  referendum  esse  censuit,  quasi  hoc  genere  se  de 

4  senatu  posset  ulcisci.     primusque  inter  milites  divum 
Commodum  pronuntiavit  idque  ad  senatum  scripsit 

5  add  ita  oratione  victoriae.     senatorum  deinde  qui  in 
bello    erant    interempti    cadavera    dissipari     iussit. 

6  deinde  Albini  corpore  adlato  paene  seminecis  caput 
abscidi  iussit    Romamque  deferri   idque  litteris  pro- 

7  secutus  est.     victus  est  Albinus  die  XI  kal.  Martias. 

1  sed  ....  periturum  rejected  by  Peter2  as  repetition  from 
Pesc.  Nig.,  ix.  5.  2cadit  P. 

1  Probably  the  modern  Tournus  on  the  Saone  about  twenty 
miles  north  of  Macon.     A  description  of  the  engagement  is 
given  in  Dio,  Ixxv.  6-7.     According  to  his  version,  Albinus 
killed  himself  after  the  defeat;  but  see  §§  6-9  and  Cl.  Alb., 
ix.  3. 

2  i.e.  Julius  Laetus  ;  see  Herodian,  iii.  7,  4;  cf.  c.  xv.  6. 

3  His  brother,  according  to  Cl.  Alb.,  ix.  6;  xii.  9,  but  this 
is  probably  an  error. 

4  See  Com.,  xvii.  11. 

6  According  to  Dio,  Ixxv.  7,  the  announcement  of  Corn- 
modus'  deification  did  cause  the  senate  great  consternation. 
Severus'  real  purpose,  however,  was  probably  to  carry  out 


SEVERUS  X.  8— XI.  7 

the  victor,  and  that  his  opponent  would  neither  fall 
into  his  hands  nor  yet  escape,  but  would  die  close  by 
the  water.  Many  of  Albinus'  friends  soon  deserted 
and  came  over  to  Severus ;  and  many  of  his  generals 
were  captured,  all  of  whom  Severus  punished.  XI. 
Meanwhile,  after  many  operations  had  been  carried 
on  in  Gaul  with  varying  success,  Severus  had  his 
first  successful  encounter  with  Albinus  at  Tinurtium.1 
Through  the  fall  of  his  horse,  however,  he  was  at  one 
time  in  the  utmost  peril  ;  and  it  was  even  believed 
that  he  had  been  slain  by  a  blow  with  a  ball  of  lead, 
and  the  army  almost  elected  another  emperor.2  It 
was  at  this  time  that  Severus,  on  reading  the  resolu- 
tions passed  by  the  senate  in  praise  of  Clodius 
Celsinus,  who  was  a  native  of  Hadrumetum  and 
Albinus'  kinsman,3  became  highly  incensed  at  the 
senate,  as  though  it  had  recognized  Albinus  by  this 
act,  and  issued  a  decree  that  Commodus  should  be 
placed  among  the  deified,4  as  though  he  could  take 
vengeance  on  the  senate  by  this  sort  of  thing.5  He 
proclaimed  the  deification  of  Commodus  to  the 
soldiers  first,  and  then  announced  it  to  the  senate  in 
a  letter,  to  which  he  added  a  discourse  on  his  own 
victory.  Next,  he  gave  orders  that  the  bodies  of  the 
senators  who  had  been  slain  in  the  battle  should  be 
mutilated.  And  then,  when  Albinus'  body  was 
brought  before  him,  he  had  him  beheaded  while  still 
half  alive,6  gave  orders  that  his  head  should  be  taken 
to  Rome,  and  followed  up  the  order  with  a  letter. 
Albinus  was  defeated  on  the  eleventh  day  before  the  19  Feb., 
Kalends  of  March.  197 

further  his  policy  of  attaching  himself  to  the  house  of  the 
Antonines  ;  see  c.  x.  6. 
6  See  note  to  §  1. 



Reliquum    autem  cadaver  eius    ante  domum    pro- 

8  priam  exponi  ac  diu  videri  l  iussit.     equum  praeterea 

ipse  residens  supra  cadaver  Albini  egit  expavescen- 

temque  admonuit  et  efFrenatum  ut  audacter  protereret. 

9addunt  alii  quod  idem  cadaver   in    Rhodanum   abici 

praecepit,  simul  etiam  uxoris  liberorumque  eius. 

XII.  Interfectis  innumeris  Albini  partium  viris,  inter 
quos  multi  principes  civitatis,  multae  feminae  inlustres 
fuerunt,  omnium  bona  publicata  sunt  aerariumque 
auxerunt ;  turn  et  Hispanorum  et  Gallorum  proceres 

2  multi  occisi  sunt.     denique  militibus  tantuni  stipen- 

3  diorum  quantum  nemo  principum  dedit.     filiis  etiam 
suis  ex    hac  proscriptione  tantum    reliquit    quantum 
nullus    imperatorum,   cum  magnam  partem  auri  per 
Gallias,    per  Hispanias,  per    Italiam,    imperatoriam 2 

4fecisset.  tuncque  primum  privatarum  rerum  pro- 
5  curatio  constituta  est.  multi  sane  post  Albinum  fidem 
6ei  servantes  bello  a  Severo  superati  sunt.  eodem 

tempore  etiam  legio  Arabica  defecisse  ad  Albinum 

nuntiata  est. 

7  Ultus  igitur  graviter  Albinianam  defectionem  inter- 
fectis  plurimis,  genere  quoque  eius  exs-tincto,  iratus 

8  Romam  et  populo  et  senatoribus  venit.     Commodum 
in    senatu    et    contione    laudavit,    deum    appellavit, 
infamibus  displicuisse  dixit,  ut  appareret  eum  aper- 

1  diu  uideri  Salmasius  ;  diuidere  P.  2  imperatoriam  von 
Domaszewski ;  imperatcr  iam  P,  Peter. 

1  These  executions  took  place  in  Gaul  (Herodian,  iii.  8,  2) ; 
they  are  to  be  distinguished  from  the  later  executions  at 
Rome  ;  see  c.  xiii. 


SEVERUS  XI.  8— XII.  8 

The  rest  of  Albiims'  body  was,  by  Severus'  order, 
laid  out  in  front  of  his  own  home,  and  kept  there  for 
a  long  time  exposed  to  view.  Furthermore,  Severus 
himself  rode  on  horseback  over  the  body,  and  when 
the  horse  shied,  he  spoke  to  it  and  loosed  the  reins, 
that  it  might  trample  boldly.  Some  add  that  he 
ordered  Albinus'  body  to  be  cast  into  the  Rhone,  and 
also  the  bodies  of  his  wife  and  children. 

XII.  Countless  persons  who  had  sided  with  Albinus 
were  put  to  death,1  among  them  numerous  leading 
men  and  many  distinguished  women,  and  all  their 
goods  were  confiscated  and  went  to  swell  the  public 
treasury.  Many  nobles  of  the  Gauls  and  Spains  were 
also  put  to  death  at  this  time.  Finally,  he  gave  his 
soldiers  sums  of  money  such  as  110  emperor  had  ever 
given  before.  Yet  as  a  result  of  these  confiscations, 
he  left  his  sons  a  fortune  greater  than  any  other 
emperor  had  left  to  his  heirs,  for  he  had  made  a 
large  part  of  the  gold  in  the  Gauls,  Spains,  and 
Italy  imperial  property.  At  this  time  the  office  of 
steward  for  private  affairs 2  was  first  established. 
After  Albinus'  death  many  who  remained  loyal  to 
him  were  defeated  by  Severus  in  battle.  At  this 
same  time,  moreover,  he  received  word  that  the 
legion  in  Arabia  had  gone  over  to  Albinus.3 

And  so,  after  having  taken  harsh  vengeance  for 
Albinus'  revolt  by  putting  many  men  to  death  and 
exterminating  Albinus'  family,  he  came  to  Rome  filled 
with  wrath  at  the  people  and  senate.  He  delivered 
a  eulogy  of  Commodus  before  the  senate  and  before 
an  assembly  of  the  people  and  declared  him  a  god ; 
he  averred,  moreover,  that  Commodus  had  been  un- 

2 See  note  to  Com.,  xx.  1. 

3 The  Third  Legion,  the  Cyrenaica. 



gtissime  furere.  post  hoc  de  sua  dementia  disseruit, 
cum  crudel issimus  fuerit  et  senatores  infra  scriptos 

XIII.  occiderit.     occidit   autem    sine    causae    dictione  hos 
nobiles :   Mummium  Secundinum,    Asellium    Claudi- 

2anum,  Claudium  Rufum,  Vitalium  Victorem,  Papium 
Faustum,  Aelium  Celsum,  lulium  Rufum,  Lollium 
Professum,  Aurunculeium  Cornelianum,  Antonium 1 
Balbum,  Postumium  Severum,  Sergium  Lustralem, 

3  Fabium    Paulinum,    Nonium    Gracchum,    Masticium 
Fabianum,  Casperium  Agrippinum,  Ceionium  Albinum, 

4  Claudium    Sulpicianum,     Memmium    Rufinum,    Cas- 
perium Aemilianum,  Cocceium  Verum,  Erucium  Cla- 

5 rum,  Aelium2  Stilonem,  Clodium   Rufinum,  Egnatu- 

6  leium  Honoratum,  Petronium    luniorem,  Pescennios 
Festum  et  Veratianum  et  Aurelianum  et  Materianum 
et  lulianum  et  Albinum,  Cerellios  Macrinum  et  Faust- 

7  inianum  et  lulianum,  Herennium  Nepotem,  Sulpicium 
Canum,  Valerium  C'atullinum,  Novium  Rufum,  Claudi- 

8  um  Arabianum,  Marcium  a  Aselhonem.      horum  igitur 
tantorum  ac  tarn  inlustrium  virorum,  nam  multi  in  his 
consulares,  multi  praetorii,  omnes  certe  summi   viri 

9  fuere,  interfector  ab  Afris  ut  deus  habetur.     Cincium 
Severum  calumniatus  est  quod  se  veneno  adpetisset, 

XIV.  atque     ita    interfecit.     Narcissum     dein,     Commodi 
strangulatorern,  leonibus    obiecit.     multos    praeterea 

1  Antonium  Hirschfeld,  ace.  by  Peter,2  Praef.,  p.  xlii.  ; 
Antoninum  P,  Peter.  2  Aelium  Hirschfeld,  ace.  by  Peter,2 
Praef.,  p.  xiii. ;  L.  P,  Peter.  *  Marc  mm  Hirschleld,  ace. 

by  Peter^,  Praef.,  p.  xlii. ;  Marcum  P, -Peter. 

1  A  few  telling  sentences  from  the  speech  are  recorded  in 
Dio,  Ixxv.  8.  Dio  also  relates  that  he  praised  the  severity 
and  cruelty  of  Marius  and  Sulla  ;  these  names  were  aiterwarda 
applied  to  him ;  see  Pesc.  Nig.,  vi.  4. 



popular  only  among  the  degraded.1  Indeed,  it  was 
evident  that  Severus  was  openly  furious.  After  this 
he  spoke  about  the  mercy  he  had  shown,  whereas 
he  was  really  exceedingly  blood-thirsty  and  executed 
the  senators  enumerated  below.2  XIII.  He  put  to 
death  without  even  a  trial  the  following  noblemen  : 
Mummius  Secundinus,  Asellius  Claudianus,  Claudius 
Rufus,  Vitalius  Victor,  Papius  Faustus,  Aelius  Celsus, 
Julius  Rufus,  Lollius  Professus,  Aurunculeius  Cor- 
nelianus,  Antonius  Balbus,  Postumius  Severus,  Sergius 
Lustralis,  Fabius  Paulinus,  Nonius  Gracchus,  Masticius 
Fabianus,  Casperius  Agrippinus,  Ceionius  Albinus, 
Claudius  Sulpicianus,  Memmius  Rufinus,  Casperius 
Aemilianus,  Cocceius  Verus,  Erucius  Clarus,  Aelius 
Stilo,  Clodius  Rufinus,  Egnatuleius  Honoratus,  Petro- 
nius  Junior,  the  six  Pescennii,  Festus,  Veratianus, 
Aurelianus,  Materianus,  Julianus,  and  Albinus  ;  the 
three  Cerellii,  Macrinus,  Faustinianus,  and  Julianus  ; 
Herennius  Nepos,  Sulpicius  Can  us,  Valerius  Catullinus, 
Novius  Rufus,  Claudius  Arabianus,  and  Marcius  Asel- 
lio.  And  yet  he  who  murdered  all  these  distinguished 
men,  many  of  whom  had  been  consuls  and  many 
praetors,  while  all  were  of  high  estate,  is  regarded 
by  the  Africans  as  a  god.  He  falsely  accused  Cincius 
Severus  of  attempting  his  life  by  poison,  and  there- 
upon put  him  to  death  ;  next,  he  cast  to  the  lions 
Narcissus,  the  man  who  had  strangled  Commodus.3 
XIV.  And  besides,  he  put  to  death  many  men  from 

a  According  to  Dio,  ibid.,  he  executed  twenty-nine  and  par- 
doned thirty  five.  The  following  list  of  forty-one  probably 
includes  some  of  the  partisans  of  Niger,  whom  Severus  had 
previously  refrained  from  putting  to  death  ;  see  c.  ix.  3. 

3 Of.  Com.,  xvii.  2.  But  according  to  Dio,  Narcissus  was 
put  to  death  by  Didius  Julianus ;  see  note  to  Did.  Jul.,  vi.  2. 



obscuri  loci  homines  interemit  praeter  eos  quos  vis 

proelii  absumpsit. 
2      Post  haec,  cum  se  vellet  commendare  hominibus, 

vehicularium  mimus  a  privatis  ad  fiscum  traduxit. 
SCaesarem  dein  Bassianum  Antoninum  a  senatu  ap- 
4pellari  fecit,  decretis  imperatoriis  insignlbus.  ru- 

more  deinde  belli  Parthici  excitus  l  patri  matri  avo  et 

5  uxori    priori  per  se  statuas  conlocavit.      Plautianum 
ex  amicissimo  cognita  eius  vita  ita  odio  habuit,  ut  et 
hostem  publicum  appellaret  et  depositis  statuis  eius 
per  orbem  terrae  gravi  eum  insigniret  iniuria,  iratus 
praecipue,    quod     inter    propinqu'orum    et    adfinium 
Severi     simulacra     suam     statuam      ille     posuisset. 

6  Palaestinis    poenam    remisit    quam  ob  causam  Nigri 

7  meruerant.      postea  iterum  cum  Plautiano  in  gratiam 
rediit  et  veluti  ovans   urbem    ingressus  Capitolium2 
petiit,  quam  vis  et  ipsum  procedenti  tempore  occiderit. 

1  excitus    Editor;    exciti    Petschenig ;    extiti  P ;    extincti 
Peter * ;  rumor  .  .  .  extitit  Peter.2  2  cum  eo  Capitolium 

Peter ;  cum  eo  om.  in  P. 

1  See  note  to  Hadr.,  vii.  5. 

2Bassianus  had  already  received  the  name  Caesar  (see  c. 
x.  3)  ;  it  was  now  confirmed  by  the  senate.  He  was  also  at 
this  time  made  a  member  of  some  of  the  priestly  colleges  to 
which  the  emperor  belonged  (see  note  to  Marc.,  vi.  3),  and  he 
was  apparently  recognized  officially  as  his  father's  successor, 
for  from  now  on  he  bore  the  title  of  Imperator  Destinatus ; 
see  Dessau,  Ins.  Sel.,  442,  446,  447. 

3  See  c.  xv.  f.  4  See  c.  iii.  2  and  note. 

5  C.  Fulvius  Plautianus,  prefect  of  the  guard.  For  an  ac- 
count of  his  great  power  and  his  influence  over  Severus  see 
Dio,  Ixxv.  14-15.  He  received  the  ornamenta  consuiaria 
(see  note  to  Hadr.,  viii.  7),  and  was  consul  in  203. 



the  more  humble  walks  of  life,  not  to  speak  of  those 
whom  the  fury  of  battle  had  consumed. 

After  this,  wishing  to  ingratiate  himself  with  the 
people,  he  took  the  postal  service 1  out  of  private 
hands  and  transferred  its  cost  to  the  privy-purse. 
Then  he  caused  the  senate  to  give  Bassianus  An- 
toninus the  title  of  Caesar  and  grant  him  the  imperial 
insignia.2  Next,  when  called  away  by  the  rumour  of  201 
a  Parthian  war,3  he  set  up  at  his  own  expense  statues 
in  honour  of  his  father,  mother,  grandfather  and  first 
wife.4  He  had  been  very  friendly  with  Plautianus  ; 5 
but,  on  learning  his  true  character,  he  conceived  such 
an  aversion  to  him  as  even  to  declare  him  a  public  ca.  203-4 
enemy,  overthrow  his  statues,6  and  make  him  famous 
throughout  the  entire  world  for  the  severity  of  his 
punishment,  the  chief  reason  for  his  anger  being  that 
Plautianus  had  set  up  his  own  statue  among  the 
statues  of  Severus'  kinsmen  and  connections.  He  re- 
voked the  punishment  which  had  been  imposed  upon 
the  people  of  Palestine  7  on  Niger's  account.  Later, 
he  again  entered  into  friendly  relations  with  Plauti- 
anus, and  after  entering  the  city  in  his  company  like 
one  who  celebrates  an  ovation,8  he  went  up  to  the 
Capitol,  although  in  the  course  of  time  he  killed  him. 
He  bestowed  the.  toga  virilis  on  his  younger  son, 

6  This  incident  is  described  quite  differently  in  Dio,  Ixxv. 
'16,  2 ;    apparently,   an  order  to  melt  some   of   the   bronze 

statues  of  Plautianus  gave  rise  to  the  belief  that  he  had  been 

7  See  c.  ix.  5. 

8  A  minor  triumph,  in  which  the  general  rode  through  the 
city  instead  of  driving  a  chariot.     It  was  celebrated  in  case 
the  war  had  not  been  formally  declared,  or  the  vanquished 
was  not  a  recognized  hostis,  or  the  victory  had  been  bloodless  ; 
see  Gellius,  v.  6,  21. 



SGetae  minor!  filio  togam  virilem  dedit,  maiori  Plau- 
9tiani  filiam  uxorem  iunxit.  ii  qui  hostem  publicum 

Plautianum  dixerant  deportati  sunt.  ita  omnium 
lOrerum  semper  quasi  naturali  lege  mutatio  est.  filios 

dein    consules   designavit.     Getam    fratrem    extulit. 

11  profectus    dehinc    ad    bellum    Parthicum    est,    edito 

12  gladiatorio  munere  et  congiario  populo  dato.     multos 
inter    haec    causis    vel    veris    vel    simulatis    occidit, 

13  damnabantur  autem  plerique,  cur  iocati   essent,  alii, 
cur  tacuissent,  alii,  cur  pleraque  figurata l  dixissent. 
ut  "ecce  imperator  vere  nominis  sui,  vere  Pertinax, 
vere  Severus  ". 

XV.  Erat  sane  in  sermone  vulgari  Parthicum  bel- 
lum adfectare  Septimium  Severum,  gloriae  cupiditate 
2non  aliqua  necessitate  deductum.     traiecto  denique 
exercitu    a    Brundisio    continuato    itinere    venit    in 

3  Syriam  Parthosque  summovit.     sed  postea  in  Syriam 
rediit,  ita  ut  se  pararet  ac  bellum  Parthis  inferret. 

4  inter  haec  Pescennianas  reliquias  Plautiano  auctore 
persequebatur,  ita  ut  nonnullos  etiam  ex  amicis  suis 

5  quasi  vitae  suae  insidiatores  appeteret.    multos  etiam, 
quasi  Chaldaeos  aut  vates  de  sua  salute  consuluissent, 

1  figurata  P  ;  figurate  Peter. 

1  Fulvia  Plautilla.     The  marriage  took  place  in  202 ;  she 
received  the  title  of  Augusta,  which  appears  in  inscriptions  and 
on   her  coins  (Cohen,  iv2,  pp.    243  and  247  f.).     When  her 
father  was  assassinated  in  the  Palace  (see  Dio,  Ixxvi.  4)  in 
205,  she  was  banished ;  later  on  she  was  put  to  death. 

2  Apparently  after  Geta's  death — by  a  public  funeral  and 
a  statue  in  the  Forum ;  see  Dio,  Ixxvi.  2,  4. 

3  The  Parthians  had  entered  Mesopotamia  and  were  at- 


SEVERUS  XIV.  8— XV.  5 

Geta,  and  he  united  his  elder  son  in  marriage  with 
Plautianus'  daughter.1  Those  who  had  declared 
Plautianus  a  public  enemy  were  now  driven  into 
exile.  Thus,  as  if  by  a  law  of  nature,  do  all  things 
ever  shift  and  change.  Soon  thereafter  he  appointed 
his  sons  to  the  consulship  ;  also  he  greatly  honoured  205 
his  brother  Geta.2  Then,  after  giving  a  gladiatorial 
show  and  bestowing  largess  upon  the  people,  he  set 
out  for  the  Parthian  war.  Many  men  meanwhile 
were  put  to  death,  some  on  true  and  some  on  trumped- 
up  charges.  Several  were  condemned  because  they 
had  spoken  in  jest,  others  because  they  had  not 
spoken  at  all,  others  again  because  they  had  cried 
out  many  things  with  double  meaning,  such  as 
"  Behold  an  emperor  worthy  of  his  name — Perti- 
nacious in  very  truth,  in  very  truth  Severe  ". 

XV.  It  was  commonly  rumoured,  to  be  sure,  that  in 
planning  a  war  on  the  Parthians,  Septimius  Severus 
was  influenced  rather  by  a  desire  for  glory  than  by 
any  real  necessity.3  Finally,  he  transported  his  army 
from  Brundisium,  reached  Syria  without  breaking 
his  voyage,  and  forced  the  Parthians  to  retreat.4 
After  that,  however,  he  returned  to  Syria  in  order  to 
make  preparations  to  carry  on  an  offensive  war  against 
the  Parthians.  In  the  meantime,  on  the  advice  of 
Plautianus.  he  hunted  down  the  last  survivors  of 
Pescennius'  revolt,  and  he  even  went  so  far  as  to 
bring  charges  against  several  of  his  own  friends  on 
the  ground  that  they  were  plotting  to  kilt  him.  He 
put  numerous  others  to  death  on  the  charge  of  having 
asked  Chaldeans  or  soothsayers  how  long  he  was 

tacking  Nisibis,  the  seat  of  Severus'  operations  in  his  former 
campaign  ;  see  note  to  c.  ix.  9. 
4  i.e.  from  Nisibis. 



interemit,  praecipue  suspectans l  unumquemque 
idoneum  imperio,  cum  ipse  parvulos  adhuc  filios 
haberet  idque  dici  ab  his  vel  crederet  vel  audiret, 

6  qui  sibi  augurabantur  imperium.     denique  cum  occisi 
essent  nonnulli,   Severus  se  excusabat  et  post  eorum 
mortem  negabat  fieri  iussisse  quod  factum  est.     quod 

7  de  Laeto  praecipue  Marius  Maximus  dicit.    cum  soror 
sua  Leptitana  ad  eum  venisset  vix  Latine  loquens,  ac 
de  ilia  multum  imperator  erubesceret,  dato  filio  eius 
lato  clavo  atque  ipsi  multis  muneribus  redire  mulier- 
em  in  patriam   praecepit,  et  quidem  cum    filio,    qui 
brevi  2  vita  defunctus  est. 

XVI.  Aestate  igitur  iam  exeunte  Parthiam  ingres- 
sus  Ctesiphontem  pulso  rege  pervenit  et  cepit  hiemali 
prope  tempore,  quod  in  illis  regionibus  melius  per 
hiemem  bella  tractantur,  cum  herbarum  3  radicibus 
milites  viverent  atque  inde  morbos  aegritudinesque 

2  contraherent.      quare     cum     obsistentibus     Parthis, 
fluente  quoque  per  insuetudinem  cibi  alvo  militum, 
longius  ire  non  posset,  tamen  perstitit  et  oppidum 
cepit    et    regem     fugavit    et    plurimos    interemit    et 

3  Parthicum  nomen  meruit.     ob  hoc  4  etiam  filium  eius 

1  suspectans  Casaubon,  Peter  2 ;  suspectos  P  ;  suspectus 
Salmasius,  Peter1.  2quibus  seui  P.  3  herbarum  Eg- 

natius,  Peter1;  culparumP',  f  culparum  Peter2 ;  caeparum 
Kellerbauer.  *ob  hoc  Ed.  priuceps,  Peter1;  ob  P;  ideo 


1  His  legate  in  his  former  campaign  and  the  defender  of 
Nisibis  against  the  Parthians ;  see  notes  to  c.  xv.  1-2.     He 
was  put  to  death  during  the  siege  of  Hatra,  which  followed 
the  capture  of  Ctesiphon  ;  see  Dio,  Ixxv.  10,  3. 

2  See  note  to  Com.,  iv.  7. 


SEVERUS  XV.  6— XVI.  3 

destined  to  live ;  and  he  was  especially  suspicious  of 
anyone  who  seemed  qualified  for  the  imperial  power, 
for  his  sons  were  still  very  young,  and  he  believed 
or  had  heard  that  this  fact  was  being  observed  by 
those  who  were  seeking  omens  regarding  their  own 
prospects  of  the  throne.  Eventually,  however,  when 
several  had  been  put  to  death,  Severus  disclaimed 
all  responsibility,  and  after  their  death  denied  that 
he  had  given  orders  to  do  what  had  been  done. 
Marius  Maximus  says  that  this  was  particularly  true 
in  the  case  of  Laetus.1  His  sister  from  Leptis  once 
came  to  see  him,  and,  since  she  could  scarcely  speak 
Latin,  made  the  emperor  blush  for  her  hotly.  And 
so,  after  giving  the  broad  stripe  2  to  her  son  and  many 
presents  to  the  woman  herself,  he  sent  her  home 
again,  and  also  her  son,  who  died  a  short  time  after- 

XVI.  When  the  summer  was  well-nigh  over, 
Severus  invaded  Parfhia,  defeated  the  king,  and  came  198 
to  Ctesiphon  ;  and  about  the  beginning  of  the  winter 
season  he  took  the  city.  For  indeed  in  those  regions 
it  is  better  to  wage  war  during  the  winter,  although 
the  soldiers  live  on  the  roots  of  the  plants  and  so 
contract  various  ills  and  diseases.  For  this  reason 
then,  although  he  could  make  no  further  progress, 
since  the  Parthian  army  was  blocking  the  way  and 
his  men  were  suffering  from  diarrhoea  because  of  the 
unfamiliar  food,  he  nevertheless  held  his  ground, 
took  the  city,  put  the  king  to  flight,  slew  a  great 
multitude,  and  gained  the  name  Parthicus.3  For 
this  feat,  likewise,  the  soldiers  declared  his  son, 

3  Parthicus  Maximus  ;  this  cognomen  appears  in  his  in- 
scriptions and  on  his  coins  from  198  onward.  On  his  pre- 
vious cognomina  see  note  to  c.  ix.  10. 



Bassianum    Antoninum,    qui    Caesar   appellatus    iam 
fuerat,    annum    xin     agentem     participem     imperil 

4  dixerunt  milites.      Getam    quoque,   minorem   filium, 
Caesarem   dixerunt,  eundem   Antoninum,  ut  plerique 

5  in  litteras  tradunt,  appellantes.    harum  appellationum 
causa    donativum  militibus  largissimum    dedit,    con- 
cessa    omni    praeda    oppidi    Parthici,    quod    milites 

6  quaerebant.  inde  in  Syriam  rediit  victor,  et  Parthicum1 
deferentibus  sibi  patribus  triumphum  idcirco  recusavit, 
quod    consistere  in  curru  adfectus  articulari    morbo 

7  non  posset,     filio  sane  concessit,  ut  triumpharet  ;  cui 
senatus  Judaicum  triumphum  decreverat,  idciro  quod 
et  in  Syria  res  bene  gestae  fuerant  a  Severo. 

Dein  cum  Antiochiam  transisset,  data  vir.ili    toga 

filio  maiori  secum  eum  consulem  designavit,  et  statim 

9  in  Syria  consulatum  inierunt.     post  hoc  dato  stipendio 

X.VII.  cumulatiore  militibus  Alexandriam  petiit.     in  itinere 

Palaestinis  plurima  iura  fundavit.     ludaeos  fieri  sub 

gravi  poena  vetuit.     idem  etiam  de  Christianis  sanxit. 

2deinde  Alexandrinis  ius  buleutarum  dedit,  qui  sine 

publico  consilio  ita  ut  sub  regibus  ante  vivebant,  uno 

lparthicus  P. 

1  He  was  acclaimed  Augustus  by  the  soldiers  and  received 
the  tribunician  power  from  Severus.  The  date  was  prior  to 
the  3rd  May,  198,  since  he  is  called  Augustus  in  an  African 
inscription  of  that  date  ;  see  C.I.L.,  viii.  2465  =  Dessau,  Ins. 
Sel.  2485. 

2Cf.  c.  x.  3  andxiv.  3. 

3  He  is  called  Nobilissimus  Caesar  in  inscriptions  from  198 

4  See  note  to  c.  x.  5. 

6Ctesiphon.  The  sack  of  the  city  is  also  mentioned  in 
Dio,  Ixxv.  9,  4. 

6  But  not  until  after  two  unsuccessful  sieges  of  Hatra  in 
Mesopotamia ;  see  Dio,  Ixxv.  10-12. 



Bassianus  Antoninus,  co-emperor ; l  he  had  already 
been  named  Caesar  2  and  was  now  in  his  thirteenth 
year.  And  to  Geta,  his  younger  son,  they  gave  the 
name  Caesar,3  and  called  him  in  addition  Antoninus,4 
as  several  men  relate  in  their  writings.  To  celebrate 
the  bestowal  of  these  names  Severus  gave  the  soldiers 
an  enormous  donative,  none  other,  in  truth,  than 
liberty  to  plunder  the  Parthian  capital,5  a  privilege 
for  which  they  had  been  clamouring.  He  then 
returned  victorious  to  Syria.6  But  when  the  senators 
offered  him  a  triumph  for  the  Parthian  campaign, 
he  declined  it  because  he  was  so  afflicted  with  gout 
that  he  was  unable  to  stand  upright  in  his  chariot. 
Notwithstanding  this,  he  gave  permission  that  his 
son  should  celebrate  a  triumph ;  for  the  senate  had 
decreed  to  him  a  triumph  over  Judaea  because  of 
the  successes  achieved  by  Severus  in  Syria.7 

Next,  when  he  had  reached  Antioch,  he  bestowed 
the  toga  virilis  upon  his  elder  son  and  appointed 
him  consul  as  colleague  to  himself;  and  without 
further  delay,  while  still  in  Syria,  the  two  entered 
upon  their  consulship".  XVII.  After  this,  having  202. 
first  raised  his  soldiers'  pay,  he  turned  his  steps 
toward  Alexandria,  and  while  on  his  way  thither  ,he 
conferred  numerous  rights  upon  the  communities  of 
Palestine.8  He  forbade  conversion  to  Judaism  under 
heavy  penalties  and  enacted  a  similar  law  in  regard  to 
the  Christians.  He  then  gave  the  Alexandrians  the 
privilege  of  a  local  senate,  for  they  were  still  with- 
out any  public  council,  just  as  they  had  been  under 
their  own  kings,y  and  were  obliged  to  be  content  with 

7  As  Caracalla  was  only  twelve  years  old  it  is  hardly  likely 
that  he  won  a  victory  in  person. 

8  Cf .  c.  xiv.  6,  9  The  Ptolemaic  dynasty. 



3  iudice  content!,  quern  l  Caesar  dedisset.     raulta  prae- 

4  terea  his  iura  mutavit.    iucundam  sibi  peregriiiatioiiem 
hanc    propter  religionem    dei    Serapidis    et    propter 
rerum  antiquarnm  cognitionem  et  propter  novitatem 
animalium  vel  locorum 2  fuisse  Severus   ipse    postea 
semper  ostendit.     nam  et  Memphim  et  Memnonen 
et  pyramides  et  labyrinthum  diligenter  inspexit. 

5  Et    quoniam    longum    est  minora    persequi,    huius 
magnifica  ilia :  quod  victo    et    occiso    luliano    prae- 
torianas    cohortes    exauctoravit,    Pertinacem    contra 
voluntatem  militum  in  deos  rettulit,  Salvii 3  luliani 

6  decreta  iussit  aboleri  ;  quod  non  obtinuit.     denique 
cognomentum  Pertinacis  non  tarn  ex  sua  voluntate 

7  quam  ex  4  morum  parsimonia  videtur  habuisse.     nam 
et  infinita  multorum  caede  crudelior  habitus  et,  cum 
quidam  ex  hostibus    eidem  se  suppliciter    obtulisset 
atque    dixisset 5  illi    "  quid  facturus  esses  ?  "  6,      non 

1om.  in  P1,  added  in  P  corr.  2  bello  eorum  P.  ssaluti 
P.  4  quam  ex  P ;  atque  Peter.  5  obtulisset  atque  dixisset 
Peter  2 ;  obtulissetque  dixis*<  t  P ;  obtulisset  dixissetque  Peter.1 
6  illi  quid  facturus  esses  Mommsen ;  ille  quod  facturus  esset 
P;  ille  .  .  .  quod  facturus  esset  Peter. 

irThe  turidicus  Alezandriae.     Augustus  had  refused  to 
allow  Alexandria  to  have  a  local  senate;  see  Dio,  li.  17,  2. 

2  The  famous  "singing   Meranon  "  at  Thebes,  a  colossal 
statute  of  Amenophis  III. 

3  In  the  Fayum  in  Middle  Egypt.     A  description  of  it  ig 
given  by  Herodotus,  iii.  118, 

4  This  section  of  the  biography  (xvii.  5 — xix.  4)  bears  a  close 
resemblance,   often   in    the   actual   wording,    to   Victor,    de 
Caesaribus,  xx.,  and  in  some  passages  it  seems  to  be  a  mere 
abbreviation  of  Victor's  narrative;  see  Intro.,  p.  xxii. 

5 See  note  to  c.  vi.  11.  GCf.  c.  vii.  8;  Pert.,  xiv.  10. 

7  In  both  this  passage  and  the  corresponding  sentence  in 

Victor  (Caes.,  xx.  1)  there  seems  to  be  a  confusion  between 



the  single  governor  appointed  by  Caesar.1  Besides 
this,  he  changed  many  of  their  laws.  In  after  years 
Severus  himself  continually  avowed  that  he  had 
found  this  journey  very  enjoyable,  because  he  had 
taken  part  in  the  worship  of  the  god  Serapis,  had 
learned  something  of  antiquity,  and  had  seen  un- 
familiar animals  and  strange  places.  For  he  visited 
Memphis,  Memnon,2  the  Pyramids,  and  the  Laby- 
rinth,3 and  examined  them  all  with  great  care. 

But  since  it  is  tedious  to  mention  in  detail  the 
less  important  matters,  only  the  most  noteworthy  of 
his  deeds  are  here  related.4  He  discharged  the 
cohorts  of  the  guard 5  after  Julianus  was  defeated 
and  slain ;  he  deified  Pertinax  against  the  wishes  of 
the  army  ;  6  and  he  gave  orders  that  the  decisions  of 
Salvius  Julianus  should  be  annulled,7  though  this  he 
did  not  succeed  in  accomplishing.  Lastly,  he  was 
given  the  surname  Pertinax,  not  so  much  by  his 
own  wish,8  it  seems,  as  because  of  his  frugal  ways.9 
In  fact,  he  was  considered  somewhat  cruel,  both  on 
account  of  his  innumerable  executions10  and  because, 
when  one  of  his  enemies  came  before  him  on  a  certain 
occasion  to  crave  forgiveness  and  said  "  What  would 
you  have  done?",11  Severus  was  not  softened  by  so 

Salvius  Julianus  and  his  Edictum  Perpetuum  (see  note  to 
Hadr.,  xviii.  1),  on  the  one  hand,  and  Didius  Julianus  and  his 
Ada,  on  the  other.  The  Acta  were  doubtless  rescinded,  but 
the  Edictum  remained  in  force. 

8  But  see  c.  vii.  9  and  note.      He  assumed  the  name  in 
order  to  strengthen  his  own  position. 

9  Of.  c.  xix.  7-8.     Pertinax  was  famous  for  his  frugality ; 
see  Pert.,  viii.  9-11;  xii.  2-6. 

10  See  c.  xii-xiii. 

J1  The  story  is  preserved  in  complete  form  in  Victor,  Caes., 
xx.  11. 



emollitus L  tarn  prudente    dicto  interfici  eum    iussit. 

8  fuit  praeterea  delendarum  cupidus  factionum.     prope 

XVIII.  a  nullo  congressu  digressus  2  nisi  victor.     Persarum 

regem  Abgarum  subegit.  Arabas  in  dicionem  accepit. 
2Adiabenos  in  tributaries  coegit.  Britanniam,  quod 

maximum    eius  imperil    decus    est,    muro  per  trans- 

versam    insulam    ducto  utrimque 3  ad  finem    Oceani 

munivit.  unde  etiam  Britannici  nomen  accepit. 
STripolim,  unde  oriundus  erat,  contusis  bellicosissimis 

gentibus  securissimam    reddidit,  ac   populo   Romano 

diurnum4    oleum    gratuitum    et    fecimdissimum    in 

aeternum  donavit. 
4      Idem    cum     implacabilis    delictis    fuit,     turn    ad 

erigendos  industries  quosque  iudicii  singularis. 
Sphilosophiae  ac  dicendi  studiis  satis  deditus,  doctrinae 
Gquoque  nimis  cupidus.  latronum  ubique  hostis. 

vitam  suam  privatam  publicamque  ipse  composuit  ad 
7  fidem,  solum  tamen  vitium  crudelitatis  excusans.  de 

hoc  senatus  ita  iudicavit,  ilium  aut  nasci  non  debuisse 

1  so  Peter2  ;  est  emollitus  P,  Peter.1  2 inserted  by  Casau- 
bon.  3  utrumque  P.  4  diurnum  Casaubon ;  diuturnam  P. 

1  The  ambiguity  of  this  sentence  is  due  to  excessive  com- 
pression of  the  original  as  preserved  in  Victor,  Caes.,  xx.  13- 
14.     The  transition  from  the  suppression  ot  conspiracies  to 
success  in  foreign  wars  is  entirely  omitted. 

2  Abgar  IX.,  King  of  Osroene,  who  joined  Severus  on  his 
Parthian  campaign,  gave  his  sons  as  hostages  and  assumed 
the  name  Septimius;  see  Herodian,  iii.  9,  2.     According  to 
Herodian,  this  happened  in  connection  with  Severus'  second 
campaign,  in  198,  but  it  has  been  maintained  that  the  in- 
cident should  be  connected  with  the  first  campaign,  in  195. 

8  Cf .  c.  ix.  9  and  note. 

4  This  does  not  refer  to  the  construction  of  a  new  wall,  but 
to  the  restoration  probably  of  the  wall  of  Hadrian  (see  Hadr.. 
xi.  2 ;  Pius,  v.  4). 



sensible  a  speech,  but  ordered  him  to  be  put  to 
death.  He  was  determined  to  crush  out  conspira- 
cies. He  seldom  departed  from  a  battle  except  as 
victor.1  XVIII.  He  defeated  Abgarus,  the  king  of 
the  Persians.2  He  extended  his  sway  over  the  Arabs. 
He  forced  the  Adiabeni  to  give  tribute.3  He  built 
a  wall4  across  the  island  of  Britain  from  sea  to  sea, 
and  thus  made  the  province  secure — the  crowning 
glory  of  his  reign ;  in  recognition  thereof  he  was 
given  the  name  Britannicus.5  He  freed  Tripolis,  210 
the  region  of  his  birth,  from  fear  of  attack  by  crushing 
sundry  warlike  tribes.  And  he  bestowed  upon  the 
Roman  people,  without  cost,  a  most  generous  daily 
allowance  of  oil  in  perpetuity.6 

He  was  implacable  toward  the  guilty ;  at  the  same 
time  he  showed  singular  judgment  in  advancing  the 
efficient.  He  took  a  fair  interest  in  philosophy  and 
oratory,  and  showed  a  great  eagerness  for  learning 
in  general.  He  was  relentless  everywhere  toward 
brigands.7  He  wrote  a  trustworthy  account  of  his 
own  life,  both  before  and  after  he  became  emperor,8 
in  which  the  only  charge  that  he  tried  to  explain  away 
was  that  of  cruelty.  In  regard  to  this  charge,  the 
senate  declared  that  Severus  either  should  never  have 

5  Britannicus  Maximus;  it  appears  in  his  inscriptions  of 
210.  The  cognomen  Britannicus  is  found  on  his  coins  of  211, 
bearing  the  legend  Victoriae  Britannicae ;  see  Cohen,  iv2,  p. 
75  f.,  no.  722  f. 

6Cf.  c.  xxiii.  2;  Alex.,  xxii.  2.  Previous  to  this  time  oil, 
like  grain,  had  been  sold  by  the  government  at  low  prices, 
but  from  now  on  until  after  the  time  of  Constantino  it  was 
given  to  the  populace. 

7  Especially  one  famous  brigand  named  Bulla  Felix,  who 
with  a  band  of  six  hundred  men  terrorized  Italy  for  two  years ; 
see  Dio,  Ixxvi.  10. 

8  See  note  to  c.  iii.  2. 



aut  mori,  quod  et  nimis  crudelis  et  nimis  utilis  rei 

8  publicae  videretur.      domi  tamen  minus  cautus,  qui 
uxorem  luliam  famosam  adulteriis  tenuit,  ream  l  etiam 

9  coniurationis.       idem,     cum    pedibus    aeger    bellum 
moraretur,  idque  milites  anxie  ferrent  eiusque  filium 
Bassianum,  qui  una  erat,   Augustum  fecissent,  tolli  se 
atque  in  tribunal  ferri  iussit,  adesse  deinde    omnes 

10  tribunes  centuriones  duces    et  cohortes  quibus  auc- 
toribus  id  acciderat,  sisti  deinde  filium,  qui  Augusti 
nomen  acceperat.    cumque  animadverti  in  omnes  auc- 
tores  facti  praeter  filium  iuberet  rogareturque  2  omni- 
bus ante  tribunal  prostratis,  caputmanu  contingens  ait : 

11  "Tandem  sentitis  caput  imperare,  non  pedes  ".    huius 
dictum  est,  cum  eum  ex  humili    per    litterarum   et 
militiae  officia  ad  imperium  plurimis  gradibus  fortuna 
duxisset :    "  Omnia,"   inquit,   <ffui  et  nihil  expedit." 

XIX.   Periit  Eboraci  in  Britannia,  subactis  gentibus 

quae    Britanniae    videbantur    infestae,   anno    imperil 

2  xvin,    morbo    gravissimo   exstinctus   iam    senex.     re- 

1  ream    Salmasius ;   earn  P.  2  rogareturque    Peter  l ; 

rogareiur  quern  P ;    rogareturque  <wenio>w  Klein,   Petera, 
but  see  use  of  rogatus  in  Pesc.  Nig.,  x.  5. 

1  There  is  no  suggestion  in  Dio  that  she  was  guilty  of  either 
adultery  or  conspiracy.  Both  charges  are  probably  due  to  the 
machinations  of  Plautianus,  who  tried  to  poison  Severus' 
mind  against  her  ;  see  Dio,  Ixxv.  15,  6  ;  Ixxviii.  24,  1.  The 
statement  of  an  incestuous  relationship  between  her  and 
Caracalla  found  in  the  Historia  Augusta  (c.  xxi.  7  and  Carac., 
x.  1-4)  and  in  other  writings  of  a  late  date  (e.g.  Victor,  Caes., 
xxi.)  represents  a  definite  historical  tradition  composed  by  a 
traducer  of  Julia. 



been  born  at  all  or  never  should  have  died,  because 
on  the  one  hand,  he  had  proved  too  cruel,  and  on  the 
other,  too  useful  to  the  state.  For  all  that,  he  was 
less  careful  in  his  home-life,  for  he  retained  his  wife 
Julia  even  though  she  was  notorious  for  her  adulteries 
and  also  guilty  of  plotting  against  him.1  On  one 
occasion,2  when  he  so  suffered  from  gout  as  to  delay 
a  campaign,  his  soldiers  in  their  dismay  conferred  on 
his  son  Bassianus,  who  was  with  him  at  the  time, 
the  title  of  Augustus.  Severus,  however,  had  him- 
self lifted  up  and  carried  to  the  tribunal,  summoned 
all  the  tribunes,  centurions,  generals,  and  cohorts 
responsible  for  this  occurrence,  and  after  commanding 
his  son,  who  had  received  the  name  Augustus,  to 
stand  up,  gave  orders  that  all  the  authors  of  this  deed, 
save  only  his  son,  should  be  punished.  When  they 
threw  themselves  before  the  tribunal  and  begged  for 
pardon,  Severus  touched  his  head  with  his  hand  and 
said,  "  Now  at  last  you  know  that  the  head  does  the 
ruling,  and  not  the  feet".  And  even  after  fortune 
had  led  him  step  by  step  through  the  pursuits  of 
study  and  of  warfare  even  to  the  throne,  he  used  to 
say :  "  Everything  have  I  been,  and  nothing  have  I 

XIX.   In  the  eighteenth  year  of  his  reign,  now  an 
old  man  and  overcome  by  a  most  grievous  disease, 
he    died    at    Eboracum    in    Britain,    after    subduing  4  Feb., 
various  tribes  that  seemed  a  possible  menace  to  the     211 

2 The  following  incident  is  related  in  almost  exactly  the 
same  words  in  Victor,  Caes.,  xx.  25-26.  It  probably  occurred 
during  the  war  in  Britain,  where,  according  to  Dio,  Ixxvi.  14, 
Caracalla  made  various  plots  against  his  father.  The  title  of 
Augustus  had  been  conferred  on  Caracalla  some  years  pre- 
viously in  Mesopotamia ;  see  note  to  c.  xvi.  3. 



liquit  filios  duos,  Antoninum  Bassianum  et  Getam,  cui 
et  ipsi  in  honorem  Marci  Antonini  nomen  imposuit. 
Sinlatus1  sepulchre  Marci  Antonini,  quern  ex  omnibus 
imperatoribus  tantum  coluit,  ut  et  Commodum  in 
divos  referret  et  Antonini  nomen  omnibus  deinceps 

4  quasi  Augusti  adscribendum  putaret.     ipse  a  senatu 
agentibus  liberis,  qui  2  ei  funus  amplissimum  exhib- 
uerant,  inter  divos  est  relatus. 

5  Opera  publica  praecipua  eius  exstant  Septizonium 
et    Thermae    Severianae.       eiusdemque    etiam    Sep- 
timianae  3  in  Transtiberina  regione  ad  portam  nominis 
sui,  quarum  forma  intercidens  statim  usum  publicum 

6  Indicium    de  eo  post    mortem    magnum    omnium 
fuit,  maxime  quod  diu  nee  a  filiis  eius  boni  aliquid  rei 
publicae  venit,  et  postea    invadentibus    multis    rem 
publicam  res  Romana  praedonibus  direptui  fuit. 

1  inlcgatus  P.  2  liberisque  P.  3  Septimianae  Zange- 
meister ;  eius  denique  etiam  ianae  P ;  eiusdemque  etiam  ianuae 
Peter;  aliae  Hirschfeld,  ace.  by  Peter2,  Praef.,  p.  xlii. 

1  Especially  the  Caledonii  and  the  Maeatae,  the  former  of 
whom  lived  north  of  the  "  wall  which  divides  the  island  into 
two  parts,"  the  latter  south  of  it ;  see  Dio,  Ixxvi.  12,  1. 

2  See  note  to  c.  x.  5. 

3  i.e.  the  Tomb  of  Hadrian  (see  note  to  Hadr.,  xix.  11),  in 
which  Marcus  and  the  other  members  of  the  house  of  the 
Antonines  were  buried. 

4  See  c.  xi.  3. 

5  Commemorated  on  coins  with  the  legends  Divo  Severo 
Pio  and  Consecratio;  see  Cohen,  iv2,  p.  12  f.,  nos.  80-91. 

6  This  was  a  three-storied  portico  at  the   south-eastern 
corner  of  the  Palatine  Hill.     Its  purpose  was  to  give  an  orna- 



province.1  He  left  two  sons,  Antoninus  Bassianus 
and  Geta,  also  named  by  him  Antoninus  2  in  honour 
of  Marcus.  Severus  was  laid  in  the  tomb  of  Marcus 
Antoninus,3  whom  of  all  the  emperors  he  revered  so 
greatly  that  he  even  deified  Commodus  4  and  held 
that  all  emperors  should  thenceforth  assume  the 
name  Antoninus  as  they  did  that  of  Augustus.  At 
the  demand  of  his  sons,  who  gave  him  a  most  splendid 
funeral,  he  was  added  to  the  deified.5 

The  principal  public  works  of  his  now  in  existence 
are  the  Septizonium  6  and  the  Baths  of  Severus.7  He 
also  built  the  Septimian  Baths  in  the  district  across 
the  Tiber  near  the  gate  named  after  him,8  but  the 
aqueduct  fell  down  immediately  after  its  completion 
and  the  people  were  unable  to  make  any  use  of  them. 

After  his  death  the  opinion  that  all  men  held  of 
him  was  high  indeed  ;  for,  in  the  long  period  that 
followed,  no  good  came  to  the  state  from  his  sons, 
and  after  them,  when  many  invaders  came  pouring 
in  upon  the  state,  the  Roman  Empire  became  a  thing 
for  free-booters  to  plunder. 

mental  front  to  the  Palace  at  the  place  where  it  faced  the 
Appian  Way ;  see  c.  xxiv.  3. 

7  According  to  an  ancient  description  of  Rome  dating  from 
the  time  of  Constantine  (the  Notitia  Regionum),  these  baths 
were  in  the  First  Region,  the  southernmost  part  of  the  city. 
All  trace  of  them,  however,  has  disappeared,  and  they  may 
have  been  absorbed  in  the  Thermae  Antoninianae,  i.e.,  Baths 
of  Caracalla  ;  see  Carac.,  ix.  4  f. 

8  The   Porta   Septimiana,   where    the  modern   Via   della 
Lungara  passes  through  the  Wall  of  Aurelian,  probably  cor- 
responds with  the  site  of  this  gate.    The  Thermae  Septimianae 
(if  Zangemeister's  reading  be  correct)  must  have  been  in  this 
neighbourhood.     The  name  seems  to  be  preserved  in  the  ex- 
pression il  Settignano,  which  was  formerly  applied  to  the 
southern  end  of  the  Via  della  Lungara. 



7  Hie  tarn  exiguis  vestibus  usus  est  ut  vix  et 1  tunica 
eius  aliquid  purpurae  haberet,  cum  hirta  chlamyde 

Sumeros  velaret.2  cibi  parcissimus,  leguminis  patrii 
avid  us,  vini  aliquando  cupidus,  carnis  frequenter 

9  ignarus.     ipse  decorus,  ingens,  promissa  barba,  cano 

capite  et  crispo,  vultu  reverendus,  canorus  voce,  sed 

10  Afrum    quiddam    usque    ad  senectutem    sonans.     ac 

multum  post  mortem  amatus  vel  invidia  deposita  vel 

crudelitatis  metu. 

XX.  Legisse  me  apud  Aelium  3  Maurum  Phlegontis 
Hadriani  libertum  memini  Septimium  Severum  in- 
moderatissime,  cum  moreretur,  laetatum,  quod  duos 
Antoninos  pari  imperio  rei  publicae  relinqueret, 
exemplo  Pii,  qui  Verum  et  Marcum  Antoninos  per 

2  adoptionem  filios  rei  publicae  reliquit,  hoc  melius 
quod  ille  filios  per  adoptionem,  hie  per  se  genitos 
rectores  Romanae  rei  publicae  daret ;  Antoninum 
scilicet  Bassiamim  quidem  ex  priore  matrimonio 

Ssusceperat  et  Getam  de  lulia  genuerat.  sed  ilium 
multum  spes  fefellit ;  nam  unum  parricidium,  al- 
terum  sui  mores  rei  publicae  inviderunt.  sanctumque 

4illud  nomen  in  nullo  fere  diu  bene  mansit.  et  re- 
putanti  mihi,  Diocletiane  Auguste,  neminem  prope4 

1  uix  et  Salmasius  ;  uixit  P.  2  ualeret  P.  3  Helius 

P,  Peter.         4  neminem  prepe  Edit,  princeps,  Peter1 ;  nemi- 
facere prope  P,  Peter2 ;  neminem  fere  [prope]  Salmasius. 

1  Cf.  c.  xvii.  6.     Dio  also  comments  on  the  simplicity  of 
Severus'  mode  of  life  ;  see  Ixxvi.  17. 

2  See  Hadr.,  xvi.i. 

3  Geta  received  the  title  of  Augustus  in  209 ;  see  his  coins 
of  209,  Cohen,  iv2,  p.  266  f.,  nos.  129-131. 

*  This  statement  is  made  in  other  rhetorical  portions  of 
the   Historia  Augusta   (Carac.,  x.  1  ;   Geta,  vii.  3)   and  in 


SEVERUS  XIX.  7— XX.  4 


His  clothing  was  of  the  plainest;  indeed,  even  his 
tunic  had  scarcely  any  purple  on  it,  while  he  covered 
his  shoulders  with  a  shaggy  cloak.  He  was  very 
sparing  in  his  diet,1  was  fond  of  his  native  beans, 
liked  wine  at  times,  and  often  went  without  meat. 
In  person  he  was  large  and  handsome.  His  beard 
was  long ;  his  hair  was  gray  and  curly,  his  face  was 
such  as  to  inspire  respect.  His  voice  was  clear,  but 
retained  an  African  accent  even  to  his  old  age.  After 
his  death  he  was  much  beloved,  for  then  all  envy  of 
his  power  or  fear  of  his  cruelty  had  vanished. 

XX.  I  can  remember  reading  in  Aelius  Maurus, 
the  freedman  of  that  Phlegon  2  who  was  Hadrian's 
freedman,  that  Septimius  Severus  rejoiced  exceedingly 
at  the  time  of  his  death,  because  he  was  leaving  two 
Antonini  to  rule  the  state  with  equal  powers,3  herein 
following  the  example  of  Pius,  who  left  to  the  state 
Verus  and  Marcus  Antoninus,  his  two  sons  by  adop- 
tion; and  that  he  rejoiced  all  the  more,  because, 
while  Pius  had  left  only  adopted  sons,  he  was  leaving 
sons  of  his  own  blood  to  rule  the  Roman  state, 
namely  Antoninus  Bassianus,  whom  he  had  begotten 
from  his  first  marriage,4  and  Geta,  whom  Julia  had 
borne  him.  In  these  high  hopes,  however,  he  was 
grievously  deceived ;  for  the  state  was  denied  the 
one  by  murder,5  the  other6  by  his  own  character. 
And  in  scarcely  any  case  did  that  revered  name  7  long 
or  creditably  survive.  Indeed,  when  I  reflect  on  the 
matter,  Diocletian  Augustus,  it  is  quite  clear  to  me 

historians  of  the  later  period  (e.g.,  Victor,  Caes.,  xxi.,  3).  It 
is  not  only  untrue,  but  it  contradicts  the  statement  of  Sev., 
iii.  9  and  iv.  2. 

5  Geta,  murdered  in  212  ;  see  note  to  c.  xxi.  7. 

6  Bassianus.  7  i.e.,  Antoninus. 



magnorum  virorum  optimum  et  utilem  filium  reliquisse 

5  satis  claret,     denique  aut  sine  liberis  veris  1  interieruut 

aut  tales  habuerunt    plerique,    ut   melius    fuerit    de 

XXI.  rebus    humanis    sine    posteritate    discedere.       et    ut 

ordiamur  a  Romulo,  hie  nihil  liberorum  reliquit,  ni- 

hil    Numa    Pompilius,     quod     utile    posset    esse    rei 

publicae.     quid    Camillus  ?    num  sui    similes    liberos 

habuit  ?     quid     Scipio  ?    quid     Catones    qui     magni 

2  fuerunt  ?   iam  vero  quid  de    Homero,    Demosthene, 
Vergilio,  Crispo,    Terentio,2    Plauto    ceterisque   aliis 
loquar  ?  quid  de  Caesare  ?  quid    de    Tullio,   cui    soli 

3  melius  fuerat  liberos  non  habere  ?  quid  de  Augusto, 
qui   nee  adoptivum    bonum    filium    habuit,    cum   illi 
eligendi  potestas  fuisset  ex  omnibus  ?  falsus  est  etiam 
ipse  Traianus  in  suo  municipe  ac  nepote  deligendo. 

4sed  ut  omittamus  adoptivos,  ne  nobis  Antonini  Pius 
et  Marcus,  numina  rei  publicae,  occurrant,  veniamus 

5  ad  genitos.     quid  Marco  felicius  fuisset,  si  Commodum 

6  non    reliquisset    heredem  ?    quid    Severo    Septimio, 
si  Bassianum  nee  genuisset  ?  qui  statim  insimulatum 
fratrem  insidiarum  contra  se  cogitatarum  parricidali 

7  etiam  figmento  interemit ;  qui    novercam    suam — et 
quid  novercam  ?  matrem  quin  immo,    in    cuius    sinu 

sGetam    filium    eius    occiderat,    uxorem    duxit ;    qui 

1  ueris  Salmasius ;  uiri  P.  3  So  Peter ;  et  Terentio  P. 

1  Scipio  Africanus,  the  younger,  who  seems  to  have  left 
no  children. 

2  C.  Sallustius  Crispus,  the  historian. 

3  Cicero's  sou  had  none  of  his   father's  ability ;  he  had, 
moreover,  a  bad  reputation  for  drunkenness. 

4  Hadrian.    This  sentiment  represents  the  tradition  hostile 
to  Hadrian  which  grew  up  after  his  death  as  a  result  of  the 
enmity  felt  for  him  by  some  of  the  senators. 


SEVERUS  XX.  5— XXI.  8 

that  practically  no  great  man  has  left  the  world  a  son 
of  real  excellence  or  value.  In  short,  most  of  them 
either  died  without  issue  of  their  own,  or  had  such 
children  that  it  would  have  been  better  for  humanity 
had  they  departed  without  offspring.  XXI.  As  for 
Romulus,  to  begin  with  him,  he  left  no  children  who 
might  have  proved  useful  to  the  state,  nor  did  Numa 
Pompilius.  What  of  Camillus?  Did  he  have  chil- 
dren like  himself?  What  of  Scipio?  l  What  of  the 
Catos,  who  were  so  distinguished  ?  Indeed,  for  that 
matter,  what  shall  I  say  of  Homer,  Demosthenes, 
Vergil,  Crispus,2  Terence,  Plautus,  and  such  as  they  ? 
What  of  Caesar  ?  What  of  Tully  ? — for  whom,  par- 
ticularly, it  had  been  better  had  he  had  no  son.3 
What  of  Augustus,  who  could  not  get  a  worthy  son 
even  by  adoption,  though  he  had  the  whole  world  to 
choose  from  ?  Even  Trajan  was  deceived  when  he 
chose  for  his  heir  his  fellow-townsman  and  nephew.4 
But  let  us  except  sons  by  adoption,  lest  our  thoughts 
turn  to  those  two  guardian  spirits  of  the  state,  Pius 
and  Marcus  Antoninus,  and  let  us  proceed  to  sons  by 
birth.  What  could  have  been  more  fortunate  for 
Marcus  than  not  to  have  left  Commodus  as  his  heir? 
What  more  fortunate  for  Septimius  Severus  than 
not  to  have  even  begotten  Bassianus  ? — a  man  who 
speedily  charged  his  brother  with  contriving  plots 
against  him — a  murderous  falsehood — and  put  him  to 
death  ;  who  took  his  own  stepmother  to  wife  5 — step- 
mother did  I  say  ? — nay  rather  the  mother  on  whose 
bosom  he  had  slain  Geta,  her  son  ;  6  who  slew,  because 

5  See  note  to  c.  xviii.  8. 

6  See  Carac.,  ii.  4,  and,  for  a  detailed  description  of  the 
murder,  Dio,  Ixxvii.  2. 



Papinianum,  iuris  asylum  et  doctrinae  legalis l 
thesaurum,  quod  parricidium  excusare  noluisset,  oc- 
cidit,  et  praefectum  quidem,  ne  homini  per  se  et  per 
9scientiam  suam  magno  deesset  et  dignitas.  denique, 
ut  alia  omittam,  ex  huius  moribus  factum  puto,  ut2 
Severus  tristior  vir  ad  omnia,  immo  etiam  crudelior 

10 plus  et  dignus  deorum  altaribus  duceretur.  qui 
quidem  divinam 3  Sallustii  orationem,  qua  Micipsa 
filios  ad  pacem  hortatur,  ingravatus  morbo  misisse 
filio  dicitur  maiori.  idque  frustra 4  .  .  .  et  hominem 

lltantum  valitudine.  vixit  denique  in  odio  populi  diu 
Antoninus,  nomenque  illud  sanctum  diu  minus 
amatum  est,  quamvis  et  vestimenta  populo  dederit, 
unde  Caracallus  est  dictus,  et  thermas  magnificentis- 

12simas  fecerit.  exstat  sane  Romae  Severi  porticus 
gesta  eius  exprimens  a  filio,  quantum  plurimi  decent, 

XXII.  Signa  mortis  eius  haec  fuerunt  :  ipse  som- 
niavit  quattuor  aquilis  et  gemmato  curru  praevolante 
nescio  qua  ingenti  humana  specie  ad  caelum  esse  rap- 
turn  ;  cumque  raperetur,  octoginta  et  novem  numeros 
explicuisse,  ultra  quot  annos  ne  urium  quidem  annum 

2  vixit,  nam  ad  imperium  senex  venit.     cumque  positus 

1  regalis  P.  2  om.  in  P.  3  diu  immo  P.  4 frusta 
P  ;  lacuna  est.  by  Casaubon. 

1  See  Carac.,  iv.  1  and  viii.  3Sallust,  Jugurtha,  x. 

3  See  Carac..  ix.  7.  4  See  Carac.,  ix.  4  £. 




he  refused  to  absolve  him  of  his  brother's  murder,1 
Papinian,  a  sanctuary  of  law  and  treasure-house  of 
jurisprudence,  who  had  been  raised  to  the  office  of 
prefect  that  a  man  who  had  become  illustrious  through 
his  own  efforts  and  his  learning  might  not  lack 
official  rank.  In  short,  not  to  mention  other  things, 
I  believe  that  it  was  because  of  this  man's  character 
that  Severus,  a  gloomier  man  in  every  way,  nay  even 
a  crueller  one,  was  considered  righteous  and  worthy 
of  the  worship  of  a  god.  Once  indeed,  it  is  said, 
Severus,  when  laid  low  by  sickness,  sent  to  his  elder 
son  that  divine  speech  in  Sallust  in  which  Micipsa 
urges  his  sons  to  the  ways  of  peace.2  In  vain,  how- 
ever. .  .  .  For  a  long  time,  finally,  the  people  hated 
Antoninus,  and  that  venerable  name  was  long  less 
beloved,  even  though  he  gave  the  people  clothing 
(whence  he  got  his  name  Caracallus  3)  and  built  the 
most  splendid  baths.4  There  is  a  colonnade  of  Severus 
at  Rome,5  I  might  mention,  depicting  his  exploits, 
which  was  built  by  his  son,  or  so  most  men  say. 

XXII.  The  death  o,f  Severus  was  foreshadowed  by 
the  following  events :  he  himself  dreamed  that  he  was 
snatched  up  to  the  heavens  in  a  jewelled  car  drawn  by 
four  eagles,  whilst  some  vast  shape,  I  know  not  what, 
but  resembling  a  man,  flew  on  before.  And  while  he 
was  being  snatched  up,  he  counted  out  the  numbers 
eighty  and  nine,6  and  beyond  this  number  of  years 
he  did  not  live  so  much  as  one,  for  he  was  an  old  man 
when  he  came  to  the  throne.  And  then,  after  he 

"Also  mentioned  in  Carac.,  ix.  6.     Its  site  is  unknown. 

6  This  same  number  of  the  years  of  his  life  is  given  in  Pesc. 
Nig.,  v.  1,  but  it  is  in  direct  contradiction  with  the  positive 
statement  in  c.  i.  3  that  he  was  born  in  146.  According  to 
Dio's  computation,  he  was  born  in  145 ;  see  Ixxvi.  17,  4. 



esset  in  circulo  ingenti  aereo,  diu  solus  et  destitutus 
stetit,  cum  vereretur  autem,  ne  praeceps  rueret,  a 
love  se  vocatum  vidit  atque  inter  Antoninos  locatum. 

3  die  circensium  cum  tres  Victoriolae  more  solito  essent 
locatae    gypseae    cum    palmis,    media,    quae    ipsius 
nomine    adscriptum    orbem    tenebat,    vento    icta   de 
podio  stans  decidit  et  humi  constitit ;  at  quae  Getae 
nomine    inscripta  erat,  corruit    et    omnis  conminuta 
est ;    ilia    vero   quae    Bassiani    titulum    praeferebat, 

4  amissa  palma  venti  turbine  vix  constitit.     post  murum 
apud  Luguvallum  visum  l  in  Britannia  cum  ad  proxi- 
mam  mansionem  rediret  non  solum  victor  sed  etiam 
in    aeternum    pace    fundata,    volvens 2    animo    quid 
ominis    sibi  occurreret,   Aethiops  quidam    e  numero 
militari,  clarae  inter  scurras   famae  et  celebratorum 
semper  iocorum,  cum  corona  e  cupressu  facta  eidem 

5  occurrit.     quern  cum  ille  iratus    removeri  ab    oculis 
praecepisset,  et  coloris  eius  tactus  omine  3  et  coronae, 
dixisse  ille  dicitur  ioci  causa  :   "  Totum  fuisti,4  totum 

6  vicisti,  iam  deus  esto  victor  ".     et  in  civitatem  veniens 
cum  rem  divinam  vellet  facere,  primum  ad  Bellonae 
templum  ductus  est  errore  haruspicis  rustici,  deinde 

JSo   Peter2;   maurum   apud  uallum    missum  P,   Peter1. 
*  nolens  P1.  3  hominis  P1.  4fuisti  P,  Peter1 ;  fudisti 

Hirschfeld,  Peter2. 

1  The  podium  was  a  platform  close  to  the  arena,  occupied 
by  members  of  the  imperial  family. 

2  Now  Carlisle.  :<Cf.  c.  xviii.  11. 



had  been  placed  in  a  huge  circle  in  the  air,  for  a  long 
time  he  stood  alone  and  desolate,  until  finally,  when 
he  began  to  fear  that  he  might  fall  headlong,  he  saw 
himself  summoned  by  Jupiter  and  placed  among  the 
Antonines.  Again,  on  the  day  of  the  circus-games, 
when  three  plaster  figures  of  Victory  were  set  up  in 
the  customary  way,  with  palms  in  their  hands,  the 
one  in  the  middle,  which  held  a  sphere  inscribed 
with  his  name,  struck  by  a  gust  of  wind,  fell  down 
from  the  balcony l  in  an  upright  position  and  re- 
mained on  the  ground  in  this  posture  ;  while  the  one 
on  which  Geta's  name  was  inscribed  was  dashed  down 
and  completely  shattered,  and  the  one  which  bore 
Bassianus'  name  lost  its  palm  and  barely  managed 
to  keep  its  place,  such  was  the  whirling  of  the 
wind.  On  another  occasion,  when  he  was  return- 
ing to  his  nearest  quarters  from  an  inspection  of  the 
wall  at  Luguvallum  2  in  Britain,  at  a  time  when  he  had 
not  only  proved  victorious  but  had  concluded  a  per- 
petual peace,  just  as  he  was  wondering  what  omen 
would  present  itself,  an  Ethiopian  soldier,  who  was 
famous  among  buffoons  and  always  a  notable  jester, 
met  him  with  a  garland  of  cypress-boughs.  And  when 
Severus  in  a  rage  ordered  that  the  man  be  removed 
from  his  sight,  troubled  as  he  was  by  the  man's 
ominous  colour  and  the  ominous  nature  of  the  gar- 
land, the  Ethiopian  by  way  of  jest  cried,  it  is  said, 
"  You  have  been  all  things,3  you  have  conquered  all 
things,  now,  O  conqueror,  be  a  god".  And  when  on 
reaching  the  town  he  wished  to  perform  a  sacrifice, 
in  the  first  place,  through  a  misunderstanding  on  the 
part  of  the  rustic  soothsayer,  he  was  taken  to  the 
Temple  of  Bellona,  and,  in  the  second  place,  the 
victims  provided  him  were  black.  And  then,  when 



jhostiae  furvae  sunt  adplicitae.  quod  cum  esset  as- 
pernatus  atque  ad  Palatium  se  reciperet,  neglegeutia 
ministrorum  nigrae  hostiae  et  usque  ad  limen  domus 
Palatinae  imperatorem  secutae  sunt. 

XXIII.  Sunt  per  plurimas  civitates  opera  eius  in- 
signia, magnum  vero  illud  in  vita  l  eius,  quod  Romae 
omnes  aedes  publicas,  quae  vitio  temporum  labeban- 
tur,  instauravit  nusquam  prope  suo  nomine  adscripto, 

2  servatis  tamen  ubique  titulis   conditorum.     moriens 
septem  annorum  canonem,  ita  ut  cotidiana  septuaginta 
quinque  milia  modium  expendi  possent,  reliquit  ;  olei 
vero  tantum,  ut  per  quinquennium  non  solum  urbis  2 
usibus,  sed  et  totius  Italiae,  quae  oleo  eget,  sufficeret. 

3  Ultima  verba  eius  dicuntur  haec  fuisse  :  "  Turbatam 
rem    publicam    ubique    accepi,    pacatam    etiam  Bri- 
tannis  relinquo,  senex  et  pedibus  aeger  firmum  im- 
perium    Antoninis    meis  relinquens,    si    boni    erunt, 

4  imbecillum,  si  mali  ".     iussit  deinde  signum  tribuno 
dari  "laboremus,"  quia  Pertinax,  quando  in  imperium 

5  adscitus  est,  signum  dederat  "  militemus  ".    Fortunam 
deinde  regiam,  quae  comitari  principes    et  in  cubi- 
culis  poni  solebat,  geminare  statuerat,ut  sacratissimum 

6  simulacrum  utrique    relinqueret    filiorum ;    sed    cum 
videret  se  perurgueri  sub  hora  mortis,  iussisse  fertur 

1  uita  Salmasius;  ciuitate  P.          2  urbis  add.  by  Egnatius, 
om.  in  P. 

1t.e.,  the  imperial  residence  in  the  provincial  town. 

2  Cf .  c.  viii.  5.  3  See  c.  xviii.  3. 

4  See  Pert.,  v.  7.  5See  Pius,  xii.  5. 



he  abandoned  the  sacrifice  in  disgust  and  betook 
himself  to  the  Palace,1  through  some  carelessness  oil 
the  part  of  the  attendants  the  black  victims  followed 
him  up  to  its  very  doors. 

XXIII.  In  many  communities  there  are  public 
buildings  erected  by  him  which  are  famous,  but  par- 
ticularly noteworthy  among  the  achievements  of  his 
life  was  the  restoration  of  all  the  public  sanctuaries 
in  Rome,  which  were  then  falling  to  ruin  through 
the  passage  of  time.  And  seldom  did  he  inscribe 
his  own  name  on  these  restorations  or  fail  to  preserve 
the  names  of  those  who  built  them.  At  his  death  he 
left  a  surplus  of  grain  to  the  amount  of  seven  years' 
tribute,2  or  enough  to  distribute  seventy-five  thousand 
pecks  a  day,  and  so  much  oil,3  indeed,  that  for  five 
years  there  was  plenty  for  the  uses,  not  only  of  the 
city,  but  also  for  as  much  of  Italy  as  was  in  need 
of  it. 

His  last  words,  it  is  said,  were  these :  "  The  state, 
when  I  received  it,  was  harassed  on  every  side  ;  I 
leave  it  at  peace,  even  in  Britain ;  old  now  and 
with  crippled  feet,  I  bequeath  to  my  two  Antonini 
an  empire  which  is  strong,  if  they  prove  good,  feeble, 
if  they  prove  bad".  After  this,  he  issued  orders  to 
give  the  tribune  the  watchword  "Let  us  toil,"  be- 
cause Pertinax,  when  he  assumed  the  imperial  power, 
had  given  the  word  "  Let  us  be  soldiers".4  He  then 
ordered  a  duplicate  made  of  the  royal  statue  of  For- 
tune which  was  customarily  carried  about  with  the 
emperors  and  placed  in  their  bedrooms,5  in  order  that 
he  might  leave  this  most  holy  statue  to  each  of  his 
sons  ;  but  later,  when  he  realized  that  the  hour  of 
death  was  upon  him,  he  gave  instructions,  they  say, 
that  the  original  should  be  placed  in  the  bed-chambers 



ut  alternis  diebus  apud  filios  imperatores  in  cubiculis 
7  Fortuna  poneretur.     quod  Bassianus  prius  contempsit 
quam  faceret  parricidium. 

XXIV.  Corpus  eius  a  Britannia  Romam  usque  cum 

2  magna  provincialium  reverentia  susceptum  est ;  quam- 
vis  aliqui  urnulam  auream  tantum  fuisse  dicant  Severi 
reliquias  continentem  eandemque  Antoninorum  sepul- 
chro  inlatam,  cum  Septimius  illic  ubi  vita  functus  est 
esset  incensus. 

3  Cum  Septizonium  l   faceret,  nihil   aliud  cogitavit, 
quam  ut  ex  Africa  venientibus  suum  opus  occurreret. 

4  nisi  absente  eo  per  2  praefectum  urbis  medium  simu- 
lacrum eius  esset  locatum,  aditum   Palatinis  aedibus, 
id  est  regium  atrium,  ab  ea  parte  facere  voluisse  per- 

Shibetur.  quod  etiam  post  Alexander  cum  vellet 
facere,  ab  haruspicibus  dicitur  esse  prohibitus,  cum 
hoc  sciscitans  non  litasset. 

1  septisodium  P,  Peter2.  2  absente  opcre  P. 

JIt  was  made  of  porphyry  according  to  Dio,  Ixxvi.  15,  4,  of 
alabaster,  according  to  Herodian,  iii.  15,  7. 




of  each  of  his  sons,  the  co-emperors,  on  alternate 
days.  As  for  this  direction,  Bassianus  ignored  it  and 
then  murdered  his  brother. 

XXIV.  His  body  was  borne  from  Britain  to  Rome, 
and  was  everywhere  received  by  the  provincials  with 
profound  reverence.  Some  men  say,  however,  that 
only  a  golden  urn  l  containing  Severus'  ashes  was  so 
conveyed,  and  that  this  was  laid  in  the  tomb  of  the 
Antonines,2  while  Septimius  himself  was  cremated 
where  he  died. 

When  he  built  the  Septizonium  3  he  had  no  other 
thought  than  that  his  building  should  strike  the  eyes 
of  those  who  came  to  Rome  from  Africa.  It  is  said 
that  he  wished  to  make  an  entrance  on  this  side 
of  the  Palatine  mansion — the  royal  dwelling,  that  is 
— and  he  would  have  done  so  had  not  the  prefect  of 
the  city  planted  his  statue  in  the  centre  of  it  while 
he  was  away.  Afterwards  Alexander4  wished  to 
carry  out  this  plan,  but  he,  it  is  said,  was  prevented 
by  the  soothsayers,  for  on  making  inquiry  he  ob- 
tained unfavourable  omens. 

2  See  c.  xix.  3  and  note.  3  See  c.  xix.  5  and  note. 

4  i.e.,  Severus  Alexander,  the  emperor. 




I.  Rarum  atque  difficile  est  ut,  quos  l  tyrannos  ali- 
orum  victoria  fecerit,  bene  mittantur  in  litteras,  atque 
ideo  vix  omnia  de  his  plene  in  monumentis  atque  an- 

2  nalibus  habentur.     primum  enim,  quae  magna  sunt  in 
eorum  honorem  ab  scriptoribus  depravantur,  deinde 
alia  supprimuntur,  postremo  non  magna  diligentia  in 
eorum  genere  ac  vita  requiritur,  cum  satis  sit  auda- 
ciam  eorum  et  bellum,  in  quj  victi  fuerint,  ac  poenam 

3  Pescennius  ergo  Niger,  ut  alii  tradunt,  modicis  pa- 
rentibus,  ut  alii,  nobilibus  fuisse  dicitur,  patre  Annio 
Fusco,  matre  Lampridia,  avo  curatore  Aquini,  ex  quo  2 
familia    originem    ducebat ;    quod    quidem    dubium 

4etiam    nunc     habetur.       hie     eruditus     mediocriter 

litteris,3  moribus  ferox,  divitiis  inmodicus,  vita  parcus, 

slibidinis  effrenatae  ad  omne  genus  cupiditatum.      or- 

1  quod  P.  2  quo  Gloss ;  qua  P,  Peter. 

3  Litteris  Peter  from  2 ;  om.  in  P. 

1  See  note  to  Marc.,  xi.  2. 




I.  It  is  an  unusual  task  and  a  difficult  one  to  set 
down  fairly  in  writing  the  lives  of  men  who,  through 
other  men's  victories,  remained  mere  pretenders, 
and  for  this  reason  not  all  the  facts  concerning  such 
men  are  preserved  in  our  records  and  histories  in  full. 
For,  in  the  first  place,  notable  events  that  redound 
to  their  honour  are  distorted  by  historians  ;  other 
events,  in  the  second  place,  are  suppressed  ;  and,  in 
the  third  place,  no  great  care  is  bestowed  upon  in- 
quiries into  their  ancestry  and  life,  since  it  seems 
sufficient  to  recount  their  presumption,  the  battle  in 
which  they  were  overcome,  and  the  punishment  they 

Pescennius  Niger,  then,  was  born  of  humble 
parentage,  according  to  some,  of  noble,  according 
to  others.  His  father  was  Annius  Fuscus,  his  mother 
Lampridia.  His  grandfather  was  the  supervisor  of 
Aquinum,1  the  town  to  which  the  family  sought  to 
trace  its  origin,  though  the  fact  is  even  now  con- 
sidered doubtful.  As  for  Pescennius  himself,  he  was 
passably  well  versed  in  literature,  savage  in  disposi- 
tion, immoderately  wealthy,  thrifty  in  his  habits, 
and  unbridled  in  indulgence  in  every  manner  of 



dines  diu  duxit  multisque  ducatibus  pervenit,  ut 
exercitus  Syriacos  iussu  Commodi  regeret,  suffragio 
maxime  athletae  qui  Commodum  strangulavit,  ut 
omnia  tune  fiebant. 

II.  Is  postquam  comperit  occisum  Commodum, 
lulianum  imperatorem  appellatum  eundemque  iussu 
Severi  et  senatus  occisum,  Albinum  etiam  in  Gallia 
sumpsisse  nomen  et  ius  l  imperatoris,  ab  exercitibus 
Syriacis,  quos  regebat,  appellatus  est  imperator,  ut 
quidam  dicunt,  magis  in  luliani  odium  quam  in  aemula- 
2tionem  Severi.  huic  ob  detestationem  luliani  primis 
imperii  diebus  ita  Romae  fautum  est,  a  senatoribus 
dumtaxat,  qui  et  Severum  oderant,  ut  inter  lapida- 
tiones  exsecrationesque  omnium  illi  feliciter  optaretur, 
"ilium  principem  superi  et  ilium  Augustum  "  popu-^ 

3  Ius  adclamaret.      lulianum  autem  oderant  populares, 
quod   Pertinacem  milites  occidissent  et  ilium  impera- 
torem adversa  populi  voluntate  appellassent.     denique 

4  ingentes  ob  hoc  seditiones  fuerunt.     ad  occidendum 
autem  Nigrum  primipilarem  lulianus  miserat,  stulte 
ad  eum  qui  haberet  exercitus  et  2  se  tueri  3  posset ; 
proinde   quasi  qualis  libet    imperator  a    primipilario 

let  ius  Salmasius,  Lenze  ;   eius  P;    eius   del.   by  Peter. 
2  om.  in  P.  3  seueri  P. 

1  But  see  c.  vi.  6,  where  the  contrary  is  stated  emphatically. 

2  As  chief  centurion  ;  see  note  to  Avid.  Cass.,  i.  1. 

3  The  posts  are  referred  to  in  the  letter  in  c.  iv.  4,  as  mili- 
tary tribuneships,  and  although  this  letter,  like  the  others  in 
the  Historia  Augusta,  is  fictitious,  its  statement  in  this  in- 
stance is  nearer  the  truth  than  that  of  the  present  sentence. 

4 See  Com.,  xvii.  2. 

8  As  a  matter  of  fact,  this  happened  after  Niger's  revolt; 
see  Sev.,  x.  1  and  notes. 



passion.1  For  a  long  time  he  commanded  in  the 
ranks,2  and  finally,  after  holding  many  generalships,3 
he  reached  the  point  where  Commodus  named  him 
to  command  the  armies  in  Syria,  chiefly  on  the 
recommendation  of  the  athlete  who  afterward 
strangled  Commodus  ;  4  for  so,  at  that  time,  were  all 
appointments  made. 

II.  And  now,  after  he  learned  that  Commodus  had 
been  murdered,  that  Julianus  had  been  declared 
emperor,  and  then,  by  order  of  Severus  and  the  senate, 
put  to  death,  and  that  Albinus,  furthermore,  had  as- 
sumed in  Gaul  -the  name  and  power  of  emperor,5 
Pescennius  was  hailed  imperator  by  the  armies  he 
commanded  in  Syria  ; — though  more  out  of  aversion 
to  Julianus,  some  say,  than  in  rivalry  of  Severus. 
Even  before  this,  during  the  first  days  of  Julianus' 
reign,  because  of  the  dislike  felt  for  the  Emperor, 
Pescennius  was  so  favoured  at  Rome,  that  even  the 
senators,  who  hated  Severus  also,  prayed  for  his  suc- 
cess, while  with  showers  of  stones  and  general 
execrations  6  the  commons  shouted  "  May  the  gods 
preserve  him  as  Emperor,  and  him  as  Augustus". 
For  the  mob  hated  Julianus  because  the  soldiers  had 
slain  Pertinax  and  declared  Julianus  emperor  con- 
trary to  their  wishes  ;  and  there  was  violent  rioting 
on  this  account.  Julianus,  for  his  part,  had  sent  a 
senior  centurion  to  assassinate  Niger'7 — a  piece  of 
folly,  since  the  attempt  was  made  against  one  who 
led  an  army  and  could  protect  himself,  and  as  though, 
forsooth,  any  sort  of  emperor  could  be  slain  by  a  re- 
tired centurion  !  With  equal  madness  he  sent  out  a 

6  See  Did.  JuL,  iv.  3  f. 

7  Of.  Did.  Jul.,  v.  1 ;  Sev.,  v.  8. 



5  posset  occidi.     eadem  autem  dementia  etiam  Severn 

6  iara  principi  lulianus  successorem  miserat.     denique 
etiam  Aquilium  centurionem  noturn  caedibus  ducum 
miserat,  quasi  iniperator  tantus  a  centurione  posset 

7  occidi.     par  denique  insania    fuit,  quod  cum  Severe 
ex  interdicto  de  imperio  egisse  fertur,  ut  iure  videre- 
tur  principatum  praevenisse. 

III.  Et  de  Pescennio  Nigro  iudicium  populi  ex  eo 
apparuit,  quod,  cum  ludos  circenses  lulianus  Romae 
daret,  et  indiscrete  subsellia  l  Circi  Maximi  repleta 
essent,  ingentique  iniuria  populi  -  adfectus  esset,  per 
onmes  uno  cousensu  Pescennius  Niger  ad  tutelam 
urbis  est  expetitus,  odio,  ut  diximus,  luliari  et  amore 

2  occisi  Pertinacis  ;  cum  quidem  lulianus  dixisse  fertur 
neque  sibi  neque  Pescennio  longum  imperium  deberi, 
sed  Severe,  qui  magis  esset  odio  habendus  a  senatori- 
bus,    militibus,     provincialibus,     popularibus.       quod 
probavit  rei  eveutus. 

3  Et    Pescennius    quidem    Severo    eo    tempore    quo 
Lugdunensem  provinciam  regebat  amicissimus  fuit  ; 

4nam  ipse  missus  erat  ad  comprehendendos  desertores, 

5  qui  innumeri  Gallias  tune  vexabant.     in    quo  officio 
quod  se  honeste  gessit,  iucundissimus  fuit  Severo,  ita 
ut  de  eo  ad  Commodum  Septimius  referret,  adserens 

6  necessarium    rei    publicae    virum.      et    revera    in    re 

1  se  subsellia  P.          2 populi  Kellerbauer  ;  populus  P,  Peter. 

1  Cf.  Did.  Jul.,  v.  7-8  ;  Sev.,  v.  8. 
*CLDid.Jid.,iv.7.  3Cf.  c.  ii.  2. 

4  Cf.  Set.,  iii.  8.  5See  Com.,  xvi.  2  and  note. 


successor  for  Severus  when  Severus  had   already  be- 


come  emperor ;  and  lastly  he  sent  the  centurion 
Aquilius,1  notorious  as  an  assassin  of  generals,  as  if 
such  an  emperor  could  be  slain  by  a  centurion !  It 
was  similarly  an  act  of  insanity  that  he.  according:  to 

»  J 

report,  dealt  -with  Seyerus  by  issuing  a  proclamation 
forbidding  him  to  seize  the  imperial  power,  so  that 
he  might  seem  to  haye  established  a  prior  claim  to 
the  empire  by  process  of  law  ! 

III.  What  the  people  thought  of  Pescennius  Niger 
is  eyident  from  the  following  :  when  Julianus  gaye 
circus-games  at  Rome,  the  people  filled  the  seats  of 
the  Circus  Maximus  without  distinction  of  rank,  as- 
sailed him  with  much  abuse,  and  then  with  one  accord 
called  for  Pescennius  Niger  to  protect  the  city- — 
partly  out  of  hatred  for  Julianus.  as  we  haye  said.3 
and  partly  out  of  love  for  the  slain  Pertinax.  On  this 
occasion  Julianus  is  reported  to  haye  said  that  neither 
he  himself  nor  Pescennius  was  destined  to  rule  for 
long,  but  rather  Seyerus.  though  he  it  was  who  was 
more  worthy  of  hatred  from  the  senator^,  the  soldiers, 
the  provincials  and  the  city-mob.  And  this  proyed 
to  be  the  case. 

Now  Pescennius  was  on  yery  friendly  terms  with 

*  • 

Seyerus  at  the  time  that  the  latter  was  governor  of 
the  province  of  Lugdunensis.4  For  he  was  sent  to 
apprehend  a  body  of  deserters  who  were  then 
ravaging  Gaul  in  great  numbers,5  and  because  he  con- 
ducted himself  in  this  task  with  credit,  he  gained 
the  esteem  of  Severus,  so  much  so,  in  fact,  that  the 
latter  wrote  to  Commodus  about  him,  and  averred 
that  he  was  a  man  indispensable  to  the  state.  And 
he  was,  indeed,  a  strict  man  in  all  things  military. 


No  soldier  under  his  command  ever  forced  a  provincial 


militari  vehemens  fuit.     numquam  sub  eo  miles  pro- 
7  vinciali    lignum,     oleum,     operam    extorsit.     ipse    a 

milite  nihil  accepit.     cum  tribunatus  ageret.  nihil  ac- 
S  cipi    passus    est.     nam    et    imperator    iam l   tribunes 

duos,  quos    constitit   stellaturas    accepisse,   lapidibus 

obrui  ab  auxiliaribus  iussit. 
9      Exstat  epistuia  Severi,  qua  scribit    ad    Ragonium 

Celsum  Gallias  regentem  :   "'  Miserum  est  ut  imitari 

eius  disciplinam  militarem  non  possimus 2  quern  per 

10  bellum  vicimus.      milites  tui  vagantur,  tribuni  medio 
die  lavant,  pro  tricliniis  popinas  habent,  pro  cubiculis 
meritoria  ;  saltant,  bibunt,3  cantant,  et  mensuras  con- 
viviorum  hoc  vocant    cum    sine    mensura    potarunt.4 

11  haec,    si    ulla    vena 5    paternae     disciplinae    viveret, 
fierent  ?      emenda    igitur    primum    tribunes,    delude 
militem.     quern,  quamdiu  timuerit,  tamdiu  tenebis.6 

12  sed  scias  idque  de  Nigro,  militem  timere  non  posse, 
IV.  nisi  integri  fuerint  tribuni  et  duces  militum."     haec 

de  Pescennio  Severus  Augustus. 

De  hoc  "  adhuc  milite  Marcus  Antoninus  ad  Corne- 
lium  Balbum  :  "  Pescennium  mihi  laudas,  agnosco  ; 
nam  et  decessor  tuus  eum  manu  strenuum,  vita 

perator  iam  P  corr.,  Peter  ;  imp-:raiorium  P1.         *pos- 
3uiitent  P.          4hoc  uocant  cum  s.  m.  potarunt 
Editor  ;  uocant  cum  hoc  s.  m.  potare  P  ;  uocant  ilh  hoc  s.  m. 
potare  Peter.  5uanaP.  nuerit  .  .  .  tenebis  Pet- 

schenig.  cf.  Hohl,  Klio,  siii.,  p.  143;  timueris  .  .  .  tinubis 
P ;  <jion^>  timueris  t.  timeberis  Peter.          "  de  hoc  om.  in  P. 

1  These  were  prohibited  at  this  time  (see  also  AUx.,  xv.  5), 


to  give  him  fuel,  oil,  or  service.  He  himself  never 
accepted  any  presents  from  a  soldier,  and  when 
he  served  as  tribune  he  would  not  allow  any  to  be 
accepted.  Even  as  emperor,  when  two  tribunes 
were  proved  to  have  made  deductions  from  the 
soldiers'  rations,1  he  ordered  the  auxiliaries  to  stone 

There  is  extant  a  letter  written  by  Severus  to 
Ragonius  Celsus,  who  was  then  governor  of  Gaul2: 
"  It  is  a  pity  that  we  cannot  imitate  the  military 
discipline  of  this  man  whom  we  have  overcome  in 
war.  For  your  soldiers  go  straggling  on  all  sides  ; 
the  tribunes  bathe  in  the  middle  of  the  day ;  they 
have  cook-shops  for  mess-halls  and,  instead  of  bar- 
racks, brothels  ;  they  dance,  they  drink,  they  sing, 
and  they  regard  as  the  proper  limit  to  a  banquet  un- 
limited drinking.  How,  pray,  if  any  traces  of  our  an- 
cestral discipline  still  remained,  could  these  things 
be  ?  So  then,  first  reform  the  tribunes,  and  then 
the  rank  and  file.  For  as  long  as  these  fear  you,  so 
long  will  you  hold  th